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नेपालका नेताहरु’bout विकीलिक्सको खुलासा यस्तो थियो अक्टोबर 19, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. trackback http://www.mysansar.com/archives/2011/08/id/20930#more-20930 हाम्रा नेताहरुको हैसियत यसरी तौलेछ अमेरिकाले नेपालस्थित अमेरिकी दुतावासले वासिङटन पठाएका केबलहरुमध्ये २ हजार २ सय ७८ वटा हात पारेको विकिलिक्सले हिजो शुक्रबार राति केही केबलहरु एकै पटक सार्वजनिक गरेको थियो। रमाइलो चिज के पाइन्छ भनेर हेर्दाहेर्दै बिहानको चार बज्यो। धेरैजसो द्वन्द्वकालमा माओवादी क्रियाकलापहरुको रुचिविहीन केबलहरु रहेछन्। तर कुनै कुनैमा भने रमाइला कुराहरु पनि भेटिए। भेटिएका रमाइला कुराहरु तपाईँसमक्ष क्रमशः बाँड्दै जानेछु। अहिलेलाई हाम्रा नेताहरुलाई अमेरिकी दूतावासले कसरी हेर्दो रहेछ भन्ने थाहा पाउँ। अमेरिकी दूतावासले माधवकुमार नेपालले मन्त्रिमण्डल पुनर्गठन गर्दा सन् २००९ को जुलाई २८ मा मन्त्रीहरुको पूरै बायोडाटा वासिङ्टन पठाएको थियो। त्यसमा यी मन्त्रीहरु कुन जातका, बाहुन हुन् क्षेत्री हुन् कि जनजाति हुन् कि भन्नेसमेत उल्लेख हुँदो रहेछ। अनि अंग्रेजी कस्तो बोल्छन्, घरमा को-को छन् त्यसको पनि जानकारी हुँदो रहेछ। विजयकुमार गच्छदारलाई दूतावासले भ्रष्टाचारमा संलग्न नेता भनेको छ। उनका एक छोरी र दुई छोरामध्ये एक जना छोरा अमेरिकामा रहेको रिपोर्ट पठाइएको छ। गच्छदारको अंग्रेजी ठीकै रहेको भनिएको छ। विद्या भण्डारीको अंग्रेजी कमजोर रहेको रिपोर्ट गर्ने दूतावासले उमाकान्त चौधरीलाई पनि त्यस्तै भनेको छ। बायोडाटापछि राखिएको दूतावासको टिप्पणी ‘खतरा’को छ बरु। भीम रावललाई आफ्नै ‘भित्रीया’ जस्तो गरी close Embassy contact भन्दै गृहमन्त्री भएकोमा खुसी व्यक्त गरिएको छ। प्रचण्डको सरकारमा रहेका वामदेव गौतमलाई आक्रामक, कोइराला सरकारमा रहेका कृष्ण सिटौलालाई लटरपटरे, बेकामको, बेसुद्धिको भन्दै दुवै गृहमन्त्रीको कार्यकाललाई ‘निराशाजनक’ भनी टिप्पणी गरिएको छ। प्रकाशशरण महत पनि दूतावासको नजिकको सम्पर्कमा रहने व्यक्ति भनिएको टिप्पणीमा सुजाता कोइरालालाई अमेरिकी पक्षको भनिए पनि उनको प्रभावकारितामा शंका छ भनिएको छ। कमल थापाको छोरालाई डीभी दूतावासका केबलहरुमा सामान्य मानिसलाई थाहा नभएका नेताहरुका स-साना कुरा पनि हुने रहेछ। जस्तै राजावादी नेता कमल थापाकै कुरा गरौँ। राजाको शासन कालमा मन्त्री बन्दा उनको बायोडाटा अमेरिकी दूतावासले पठाएको रैछ। त्यसमा कमल थापाको परिवारको ’boutमा यस्तो लेखिएको छ- उनका १ छोरा ३ छोरी छन्। छोरालाई २००४ को मार्चमा डीभी परेको छ। नेपालका कम्युनिस्ट नाममात्रका केबल सार्वजनिक भएपछि सबैभन्दा खुसी एमाले नेताहरुलाई हुनुपर्ने हो। यी तिनै नेताहरु हुन्, जसले एकताका अमेरिकी राजदूत बल्खुस्थित मुख्यालय आउँदा सुटुक्क मार्क्स र लेनिनको फोटो लुकाएका थिए। अब अमेरिका जस्तो देशले नै यिनीहरु त नाममात्रका कम्युनिस्ट हुन् भनेपछि दङ्ग पर्नु परेन त ! नेपालका कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी नाममात्रका कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी भएको रिपोर्ट तत्कालीन अमेरिकी राजदूत मालिनोस्कीले सन् २००२ को फेब्रुअरी २० मा पठाएको केबलमा गरिएको छ। त्यसमा भनिएको छ- ‘नेपालका कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीहरुको नाममा कम्युनिस्ट झुण्डिएको भए पनि उनीहरु युरोपतिरका सोसल डेम्रोक्रेटिक पार्टीहरु जस्तै छन्। एमालेका नेताहरुले त आफूलाई नेपाली कांग्रेसभन्दा बढी लोकतान्त्रिक भएको दावी गर्छन्।‘ हेर्नुस् पूरै केबल SUBJECT: NEPAL’S CABINET MINISTERS – BIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION REF: A. KATHMANDU 590 KATHMANDU 562 KATHMANDU 522 KATHMANDU 437 (SBU) Following is biographic information about key ministers in the current Nepali cabinet. Biographic information about the Prime Minister was reported in Ref D. Bijay Gachhadar, Deputy Prime Minister and Physical Planning and Works ——————————————— ————— (SBU) Bijay Kumar Gachhadar, of the Madhesi People’s Rights Forum (MPRF), was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Physical Planning and Works — the ministry he held in the Maoist-led government — on June 4. Gachhadar’s appointment put him into open conflict with MPRF chairman Upendra Yadav, who declared that Gachhadar and several of his supporters were expelled from the party. Gachhadar applied to register his faction as a separate party at the Election Commission. A decision on his application is pending. After leaving the Nepali Congress (NC) for the MPRF in March 2008, Gachhadar won both of the constituencies he contested (one each in Morang and Sunsari) in the CA election the following month. He was an NC member elected to Parliament in 1991, During that period, he served as Minister for Communications (1991), Public Works and Transport (1995), Tourism and Civil Aviation (1999-2000), and Water Resources (July – October 2002). Gachhadar reportedly was very close to G.P. Koirala until Koirala denied him a ministerial portfolio in the cabinet he formed in December 1998. Gachhadar has militant political roots and reportedly remains involved in corruption. During his early affiliation with the NC, he was involved in a number of armed actions, including the 1972 hijacking of a Royal Nepal Airlines flight to India. He was implicated in a 1975 bomb attack on a police station in the eastern Terai district of Sunsari. Gachhadar was born in 1953 to a Tharu family in Sunsari. He holds a Master’s degree in political science from Kathmandu’s Tribhuvan University. He is married and has a daughter and two sons, one of whom is in the United States. His English is fair. Sujata Koirala, Foreign Affairs ——————————- (SBU) Sujata Koirala, the only child of NC president Girija Prasad Koirala, was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs on June 4. She previously served as a Minister Without Portfolio in the cabinet of her father from January to August 2008. Koirala contested the CA election in April 2008 but lost to the chairman of the MPRF, Upendra Yadav. Koirala has been the head of the foreign relations department of the NC since October 2005. She was elected to the party’s Central Committee in September 2005. She has been active in politics since her father first became prime minister in She also is the founding president of Sushma Koirala Memorial Trust, an NGO established in the name of her late mother. Koirala is a controversial figure both within and outside her party. NC members, frustrated with the stranglehold the Koirala family has over the party, question her political savvy and ability to be effective at the national level. Her name has been connected to a number of corruption scams, including one that involved a Royal Nepal Airlines contract in the early 1990s, but all allegations remain unproven. Koirala’s detractors highlight that she repeatedly argued against uprooting the monarchy. She fled to India following the royal takeover in February 2005 and returned to Kathmandu after former King Gyanendra conceded power in April 2006. Koirala was born on September 25, 1954 in Biratnagar, Morang district in the eastern Terai. She completed a course in textile design in Delhi, India. Koirala is married to a German national and lived in Germany for many years until 1991. She has two adult children: a son, Siddhartha, and a daughter, Melanie. Koirala is a Brahmin. She speaks English fluently. Bhim Rawal, Home Affairs ———————— (SBU) Bhim Bahadur Rawal was appointed Minister of Home Affairs on June 17. The Communist Party of Nepal – United Marxist Leninist (UML) Central Committee member was elected to the CA under the proportional representation system in Rawal served as Minister of Tourism and Civil Aviation and of Science and Technology in 1998-99 and as the State Minister for Commerce, Tourism and Civil Aviation in He was elected to Parliament in 1994. He worked on election issues with the United Nations in Cambodia in Rawal was an adviser to Jhalanath Khanal — now UML General Secretary — while the latter served as a minister in the interim government of 1990-91. Rawal allied himself with ¶M. K. Nepal when Nepal became General Secretary of the UML in Khanal, angered by the switch in allegiance, allegedly attempted to remove Rawal from his position as State Minister in 1994, but M. K. Nepal — then Deputy Prime Minister — reportedly protected Rawal. Rawal currently appears to enjoy good relations with both Khanal and the now Prime Minister. Rawal was born on December 15, 1955 in Achham district in the hills of far western Nepal. He holds an M.A. in political science and a bachelor’s degree in law from Tribhuvan University. He was a practicing lawyer who worked on a number of legal literacy and assistance issues for the Nepal Bar Association in the late 1980s. He is married and has two sons. Rawal is a Chhetri. He speaks English fluently. Bidhya Bhandari, Defense ———————— (SBU) Bidhya Bhandari — the widow of Madan Bhandari, who was UML general secretary from 1990 until his death in a car accident in 1993 — was appointed Minister of Defense on May She previously served as the Minister of Population and Environment from March to October 1997. Bhandari was elected one of three Vice Chairpersons of the UML in February 2009. Aligned with the Prime Minister’s majority faction of the UML, she has been a Central Committee member of the party since February 2003 and was an alternate Central Committee member from 1998 to 2003. She began politics with the Communist Party of Nepal – Marxist Leninist in 1978 and joined the UML after the restoration of multiparty democracy She was elected to the lower house of Parliament from Kathmandu in a by-election in 1994 and was re-elected in the mid-term polls later that year. She was defeated in her contest in 2008 and is not a member of the CA. Bhandari was born on June 19, 1961. She holds a Bachelor’s degree from an affiliate of Kathmandu’s Tribhuvan University. She has two daughters. Bhandari is a Brahmin. Her English is poor. Surendra Pandey, Finance ———————— (SBU) Surendra Prasad Pandey, a close aide of UML chairman Jhalanath Khanal, was appointed Minister of Finance on May 25. Pandey was elected to the CA under the proportional representation system in April 2008 and was the deputy parliamentary party leader of the UML until he became a minister. He was elected to the UML’s politburo in May Pandey previously served as a member of parliament from 1999 to June 2003. He joined politics at the age of 15 and spent 12 years underground during the Panchayat era. Born in 1958 in Dhading, a district adjoining Kathmandu, Pandey has a Master’s degree in sociology and is a teacher by profession. He has authored several sociological books. Pandey is a Brahmin. Umakant Chaudhari, Health and Population —————————————- (SBU) Umakant Chaudhari, a CA member from the central Terai district of Bara, joined the cabinet on June 4 and was appointed Minister of Health and Population on June 17. He served as an Assistant Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives from July 2004 to January 2005. Chaudhari is an NC Central Committee member. He sided with the NC (Democratic) — the faction of Sher Bahadur Deuba — after the NC split in September 2002 (the party reunited in 2007). Chaudhari began his political career with the mainline NC in Prior to that, he served on the Central Committee of the NC-affiliated Nepal Students Union in the 1970s. Chaudhari was born on August 31, 1966 in Bara district. He holds a Master’s degree in botany from Tribhuvan University and is an International Visitors Leadership Program alumnus. He is married and has a son and three daughters. Chaudhari is Tharu. His English is poor. Rakam Chemjong, Peace and Reconstruction —————————————- (SBU) Rakam Chemjong, a UML Central Committee since February 2009, was appointed Minister of Peace and Reconstruction on June 17. Chemjong was first elected to the parliament in 1991 but is not a current CA member. He twice served as president of the Free Students Union, a multi-party student council, and is a founding member of the UML-affiliated All Nepal National Free Students Union. Chemjong was born in 1957 in the eastern Nepal district of Dhankuta and holds a B. Sc. from Tribhuvan University (1985). He is from the Rai community. Prakash Sharan Mahat, Energy —————————- (SBU) Prakash Sharan Mahat, an NC Central Committee member, joined the cabinet on June 4 and was appointed Minister of Energy on June 17. Mahat was nominated to the CA under the proportional representation system in April 2008. He previously served as State Minister of Foreign Affairs from July 2004 to January 2005 and as an advisor for then-Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba from July 2001 to October 2002. A former General Secretary of the NC-affiliated Nepal Students Union (1984-88), Mahat has long been active in the party and was imprisoned several times before 1990 during the struggle for democracy. Mahat was born in November 1959 in Nuwakot, a district to the north of Kathmandu. He was awarded a Fulbright Scholarship in 1990 and holds a Ph.D. in economics from Southern Illinois University (1997). He is married and has two children. His older brother, Ram Sharan Mahat, was the Finance Minister in several NC governments. Prakash Mahat is Chhetri. His English is excellent. Comment (SBU) Home Minister Bhim Rawal is a close Embassy contact and an experienced leader well-placed to oversee the police services. After a series of disappointing Home Ministers, including the combative Bamdev Gautam in Pushpa Dahal’s government and the feckless Krishna Sitaula in G.P. Koirala’s government, we view Rawal as a welcome change. Prakash Mahat is also a close Embassy contact. Post knows pro-American Sujata Koirala well but has doubts about her effectiveness. Despite the mixed bag of ministers, all eight of the above are in their 40s and 50s — quite young by Nepalese political standards. MOON कमल थापा ’boutको केबल —————————————- KAMAL THAPA: MINISTER FOR HOME AFFAIRS, COMMUNICATIONS AND INFORMATION —————————————- (SBU) KAMAL THAPA (B. 4 AUG 1955) IS A CAREER POLITICIAN WHO IS REPORTEDLY CLOSE TO THE PALACE AND HAS BEEN INVOLVED IN MOST OF THE MAJOR POLITICAL INITIATIVES BACKED BY THE PALACE IN RECENT YEARS. HE SERVED AS ONE OF THE GOVERNMENT’S NEGOTIATORS DURING THE LAST ROUND OF PEACE TALKS WITH THE MAOISTS IN 2003. THOUGH ONE OF THE MORE POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY (RPP) AS GENERAL SECRETARY, THAPA EARNED A REPUTATION AS AN OPPORTUNIST IN 1996 WHEN HE REPEATEDLY CHANGED SIDES DURING PARLIAMENTARY MANEUVERING TO BRING DOWN THE SHER BAHADUR DEUBA GOVERNMENT. HIS ELEVATION TO THE RANK OF FOREIGN MINISTER IN JUNE 1997 PROBABLY REFLECTED MORE THEN- PRIME MINISTER CHAND’S INTEREST IN LOCKING THAPA INTO THE GOVERNMENT THAN ANY HIGH ESTEEM FOR HIS ABILITIES. THAPA REMAINED IN THE POST UNTIL APRIL 1998, WHEN THE CHAND GOVERNMENT FELL. THAPA WAS APPOINTED AS THE GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE RPP IN THAPA WAS ALSO ACTIVE DURING THE PANCHAYAT YEARS, RISING TO MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, MINISTER OF LOCAL DEVELOPMENT AND MINISTER OF HOUSING AND PHYSICAL PLANNING. THAPA WAS A MEMBER OF NEPAL’S NATIONAL SOCCER TEAM AND, IN 1984, VISITED THE UNITED STATES TO ATTEND THE LOS ANGELES OLYMPICS. OF THE CHETTRI CASTE, THAPA IS MARRIED WITH ONE SON AND THREE DAUGHTERS. IN MARCH 2004, HIS SON WAS ISSUED A DIVERSITY VISA FOR IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. THAPA RECEIVED A MASTERS DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE FROM NEPAL’S TRIBHUVAN UNIVERSITY IN एमालेको ’boutमा गरिएको टिप्पणी Putting the U Back in UML ————————- (U) Nepal’s main opposition party, the Communist Party of Nepal – United Marxist and Leninist (UML), merged February 15 with a smaller former offshoot, the Communist Party of Nepal – Marxist-Leninist (ML). (Note: The combined parties will continue to use the UML name. Although communist by name, these parties more closely resemble European social-democratic parties. UML leaders claim to be even more democratic that the ruling Nepali Congress, which in the UML view remains feudal, nepotistic MALINOWSKI source: by Ratan bhandari टिप्पणीहरु» No comments yet — be the first.
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छिमेकीको कपट अक्टोबर 23, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment रुपन्देहीको लुम्विनी नजिकै विसनपुरा गाउँ छ । त्यहां एउटा सानो र सुन्दर परिवार थियो । एक छोरा र एक छोरी सहितको परिवारमा चन्दनकी श्रीमती हिसी परेकी राम्री थिई । एक छिमेकीको उ माथी आंखा लाग्यो, उसले मेलापात , रातसांझ पारेर बलजफ्ती गर्ने दुष्प्रयास गरिरहृयो तर चन्दनकी श्रीमतीले उसलाई नजिक पर्न दिइन । छिमेकी कपटी थियो कहिले गोरु फुकाएर सांधको उसको खेतीमा लगाइदिन्थ्यो कहिले सांधको ढिस्को फुट्ने गरी खन्दथ्यो । चन्दन यी सबै नदेखेझैं गर्दथ्यो र कुनै प्रतिक्रीया जनाउंदैनथ्यो कारण उसलाइ वेला वेलामा त्यो वदनियत भएको छिमेकीले टन्न रक्सी मासु खुवाउंदथ्यो । चन्दन काम विशेषले बाहिर गएको एक रात उसले घरभित्रै पसेर चन्दनकी श्रीमतीलाई समात्यो । साना नानीहरु सुतिसकेका थिए, उ चिच्याउन खोजी तर त्यो असत्ती छिमेकीले मुख समातेर आवाज निकाले काटीदिन्छु भन्दै हतियार देखायो । उद्धेश्य सहित पसेको त्यो पापीको खुन खरावी गर्ने मनसाय देखेपछी उसले अंध्यारोमा छोराछोरीको अनुहार छामी र बांच्ने लोभ लाग्यो । चन्दनकी श्रीमतीले चुपचाप आफुलाइ उसका अगाडी समर्पण गरी र बांकी रात रोएर कटाई । बदनाम हुने डर र लोग्नेको थप प्रताडनाको डरले यो अपराध उसले गुपचुपमा राखी । त्यो कपटी छिमेकीको मन त्येतीले मात्र शान्त भएन उसको उद्धेश्य सबै घर जग्गा हडप्ने थियो । गाउंभन्दा पर जांदा रक्सीले मातेर चन्दनको श्रीमतीले अर्कैसंग पिरती लाएकी छ नी भन्दै हल्ला मच्चाउंदै गर्यो । एक कान दुइ कान मैदान हुंदै चन्दनका कानमा पनि त्यो कुरा पर्यो । आफ्नी श्रीमती पहिले भन्दा फरक जे गर्दा पनि झोक्राइरहने गरेको देखेको चन्दनलाई यो कुराले झस्कायो र पत्यायो । लोग्ने स्वास्नीको झगडा जमेर शुरु भयो र क्रमश केही वर्षहरु यसरी वितेर गए । यसैबिच केटाकेटी ठूला भए, घर झगडाको कारण स्कुल पढ्न पनि पाएनन्, फलस्वरुप बालमनस्थितीमा नराम्रो चोट पुग्यो । चौध नलाग्दै उसको छोराले घर छोडेर मुग्लान भासीयो । तैंले गर्दा छोरो मुग्लान पस्यो भनेर लोग्ने स्वास्नी बीच आरोप प्रत्यारोप चल्यो । वेला वेलामा त्यही छिमेकीले चन्दनलाइ गज्जबले स्वागत सत्कार गर्यो र भन्यो तेरी श्रीमती राम्री परीन, तैंले दुख पाइस । उ घरमा आएर श्रीमती कुट्न थाल्यो । झगडा बढ्दै गएपछी पञ्चायत बस्यो र चन्दनकी श्रीमतीलाइ दोषी ठहरायो । उसले लोग्नेले गरेको ज्यादती विरुद्धमा वन घुसरी थानामा निवेदन गरी । थानामा पुलिसले दुवैको कुरा गम्भिरसंग सुन्यो र लोग्नेको गल्ती देखाइ रु ८०००// जरीवाना गरेर मेलमीलाप गराइ अब उप्रान्त गल्ती नदोहोर्याउने कागज गरेर घर पठायो । त्यही छिमेकीलाई जग्गा बेचेर चन्दनले पुलिसको हर्जाना तिर्यो । यता चन्दनको बचेको सानो तरकारी लगाएको जग्गामा त्येही छिमेकीले बाख्रा चराउन किलो गाड्यो । चन्दनकी श्रीमतीलाई माया लाग्यो र हकारी । सांझ चन्दनलाई त्यो छिमेकीले होटलमा टन्न रक्सी खुवायो र भन्यो तेरी श्रीमती त राक्षस निक्ली हेर बिहान एकैछीन मेरो बाख्रा घाम ताप्न तेरो गह्रोमा बांधेको के थिए संसार उचालेर गाली गरी । रक्सीको मातमा चन्दनले घरमा आएर स्वास्नी पिट्यो । श्रीमतीले प्रतिवाद गरी उसले अझै पिट्यो, सहन सकिन बिचरीले र नजीकैको दाउराको चिर्पटले चन्दनलाइ हानी । उ घाइते भयो । त्यो कपटी छिमेकीले भोलीपल्ट बिहान पुलीस बोलायो र श्रीमतीले सोझो लोग्ने मार्ने उद्योग गरेको गम्भिर अभियोग लगाइयो । पुलसिले घरमा पालेको कुखुराको भाले समेत च्याप्यो र दुबै लोग्ने स्वास्नीलाई थाना लगेर गयो । मुद्धा लोग्ने स्वास्नीको फेरी वन घुसरी थानामा पुग्यो । धेरै छलफलपछी त्यही छिमेकीकै रोहवरमा चन्दनकी श्रीमतीले गल्ती गरेको ठहर गर्यो र रु ५०००// जरीवाना थानामा बुुझाउन निर्णय सुनाएर मिलापत्र गराई घर पठायो । अरु टोल छिमेकका हेरेर मज्जाले हांसे र रमाइलो मानेर तमाशा हेरे तर कसैले उनीहरु बिचको समस्या र समाधानका ’bout चासो लिएनन । लोग्ने स्वास्नी बिच पुरिनै नसक्ने खाडल पर्दै गयो । छोराछोरीको भविष्य चकनाचुर भयो, जग्गा जमीन बेचेर सकियो । गल्ती कहांनेर र कसले गर्यो भनेर दुबै जनाले कहिल्यै समीक्षा गरेनन न त पालैपालो घरको सम्पती बाहिरिंदा र नोक्सान भैरहंदा त्यसको समीक्षा गरे बरु एकले अर्कालाई दोषी देखीरहे । यसैको फाइदा लिई छिमेकीले मान, प्रतिष्ठा, जग्गा, जमीन सबै हडप्यो । चन्दनका लोग्ने स्वास्नी आंखै अगाडी यो बर्बादीको तस्विर हेरीरहे र आफ्नो अनी छोराछोरीको भविष्य ध्वस्त बनाइरहे । ।। बालक ।। २०७२ कार्तिक ०६ दोहा, कतार कविताका पक्षमा अक्टोबर 23, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment || सीमा आभास || नेपाली कविता’bout विभिन्न प्रश्नहरू उठ्ने गरेका छन् । कविताको औचित्यमाथि समेत बहस हुने गरेको छ । कविता र कविलाई जोक बनाइन्छ, सुकेको पातझैं उडाउने कोसिस गरिन्छ । कविता नपढिने, नबुझिने विधा हो भनेर गफ गरिन्छ । अबिकाउ विधा भनिन्छ । तथापि, कविता लेखिइरहेका छन् । यसको तीब्र आलोचना भएकै बेलामा कविता गोष्ठी, एकल वाचन, र परिचर्चाहरू बढ्या बढ्यै छन् । कविता लेख्ने र छाप्ने बढिरहेका छन् । निजी प्रकाशन गृहले पनि यसमा हात हालेका छन् । कविताइतर क्षेत्रमा स्थापित व्यक्ति कवि बन्ने रहर गर्या गर्यै छन् । डाका बन्ने रहर अनौठो हो । तर, कवि बन्ने रहर अनौठो होइन । चोक–चोकमा कवि बन्न रहर गर्नेहरू छन् । उनीहरू दुई/चारजना भेट्नेबित्तिकै आफ्नो रहरलाई कविता भनेर सुनाउँछन् । सुनिदिने पनि भेटिन्छन् । ती रहरका अक्षरहरू कति कविता हुन्छन्, कति हुँदैनन् । तर, हामी रहरलाई पनि कविता र कवितालाई पनि कवितै भन्छौं । रहरभन्दामाथि कविता हुन्छ भनेर आँकलन गर्न सकेका छैनौं । कुन रहर हो र कुन कविता ? छुट्याउने कुनै स्केल छैन हामीसित । चिया गफमा बस्दाबस्दै लेखेर दुई/चारजना माझमा भएका बेला सुनाइहाल्ने विधा होइन कविता । त्यसरी सुनाएर दुई/चारजनाले वाह भन्दैमा कवि भइने पनि होइन । कविता राम्रो हुन ऊभित्र कवि नै हुनुपर्छ, रहर भएर पुग्दैन । एउटा राम्रो कवि जसले कविता चिनेको छ, जो कवितालाई सम्मान गर्छ, ऊ जथाभावी चिया पसलमा, गाडीको भीडमा कविता सुनाएर हिँड्दैन । उसलाई थाहा हुन्छ कविता कानले सुनिने कुरा होइन । हृदयले सुनिने विधा हो यो । हृदयलाई स्पर्श गर्यो या हृदयले सुन्यो भने कविता, कविता हुन्छ । कविता लेख्ने रहर गर्नु नराम्रो होइन, यो विधालाई माया गरेको हो । तर, यसरी माया गर्नेहरूले यस विधाको मर्यादालाई सम्मान गर्नसके असल हुन्थ्यो । कवितालाई आलोचना गर्नेहरू हिजो थिए, आज छन् । र, भोलि पनि हुनेछन । तर, जति आलोचना र व्यंग्य भए पनि एक असल कविले कवितै लेख्नेछ । एक असल पाठकले कवितालाई सम्मान गर्नेछ । भनिन्छ, जीवनमा हरेक मान्छे एकपल्ट कवि बन्छ । यसलाई सकारात्मक रूपमा व्याख्या गरिनुपर्छ । हरेक मान्छेभित्र सुन्दर हृदय छ । ढुकढुकीको संगीत छ । ऊ आफ्नो सुन्दर हृदयको झंकार आफैं सुन्न चाहन्छ । आफ्नो हृदयको प्रतिविम्ब आफैं नियाल्न चाहन्छ । आफूलाई हेर्न मान्छे कविताको सहारा लिन्छ । अनि ऊ जीवनमा एकपटक कविता लेख्छ । तर, लेखेको कविता उत्कृष्ट हुन्छ भन्ने छैन । कविता लेख्दैमा ऊ कवि बन्छ भन्ने छैन । कविता नलेख्ने मान्छेभित्र पनि कविता तत्व हुन्छ । त्यसलाई काव्यिक बनाउनचाहिँ कवि नै हुनुपर्छ । नेपाली समाजमा स्थापित र चर्चित व्यक्तिहरू कविता लेख्न लालायित छन् । तर, यो सुन्दर सुरुआत खतरनाक नबनोस् भन्ने कामना छ । प्रकाशनगृह र सञ्चारमाध्यमले कवितालाई जसरी महत्व दिएर छापिरहेका छन्, यो सराहनीय छ । यसले नेपाली कवितालाई ऊर्जा प्रदान गरेको छ । तर, फरक क्षेत्रमा बनेको व्यक्तित्वका आधारमा जस्तो पनि कविता छाप्ने गरेको समेत पाइन्छ । विडम्बना ! तिनै सञ्चारमाध्यमले भन्ने गरेका छन्– कविता संकटमा छ, यो बिक्दैन । भीरको फूलजस्तो कविता सधैं संकटमै छ । त्यही संकटभित्र सौन्दर्य शाश्वत छ । कहिले विचारले थिचिन्छ । कहिले आलोचनाले घायल हुन्छ । बोल्दा सौन्दर्यको मजेत्रोले घुम्टो मारेर सुन्दर सत्य बोल्छ कविता । तर, कवि बन्न रहर गर्नेको बिगबिगीले विचलित हुन्छ । कविताको नाउमा अकविताले थिचिएर निसासिन्छ । बाक्लै हुने कविताका कार्यक्रमहरूले खुसी तुल्याउँछ । यी कार्यक्रमहरूले कविताको गम्भीरता’bout बहस पनि उठाइरहेका छन् । खडेरीको चराले पानी पाएजस्तै देशको परिवर्तनको संघारमा कविताले निकै काम गरेको छ । जल्दोबल्दो उदाहरण हो, ०६२/६३ को आन्दोलनको सडक कविता । कविताको ताकत हेर्न उचित समय पर्खनुपर्छ । सधैं कविताले एकै नास असर छोडनुपर्छ भन्नु न्यायोचित हुँदैन । कविता मात्र हैन, कुनै पनि विषयको महत्व सधैं एकै हुँदैन । बजार भाउले तोक्ने मूल्यभन्दा फरक हुन्छ कविता । बिक्री नहुनेबित्तिकै नराम्रो हुने हैन । बिक्री नहुनेबित्तिकै सडेर जाने भए पो फिक्री गर्नु ! सौन्दर्य र विचार बिक्री भएन भनेर किन चिन्तित हुनु ? हामी जे चीजलाई पनि पैसासँग तुलना गर्छौं, कविता पैसाले खरिद गर्न सकिँदैन । कविता पढिँदैन भनेको सुन्दाचाहिँ हाँसो उठ्छ । मलाई लाग्छ, सबैभन्दा बढी पढिने र सुनिने विधा कविता हो । जसरी माहुरी र गोरुले गर्ने कामहरू फरक छन्, त्यसैगरी कविता र अरू विधाले पार्ने प्रभाव र प्रकृति फरक छन् । साहित्यका अरू विधा र कविताको तुलना गरेर व्याख्या गर्नु उचित होइन । माहुरी र गोरु दुवैले खुबै मेहनत गरे पनि उनीहरूबीच तुलना हुँदैन । हामीले कविताको तुलना कवितैसँग गरिनुपर्छस कथा, निबन्ध र उपन्याससँग होइन । प्रशस्त आम्दानी दिन नसक्नु कविताको कमजोरी हैन । कमजोरी त कविताप्रतिको दृष्टिकोणको हो । भीरको फूलजस्तो कविता सधैं संकटमै छ । त्यही संकटभित्र सौन्दर्य शाश्वत छ । कहिले विचारले थिचिन्छ । कहिले आलोचनाले घायल हुन्छ । बोल्दा सौन्दर्यको मजेत्रोले घुम्टो मारेर सुन्दर सत्य बोल्छ कविता । एउटा राम्रो कविता एउटा सिंगो उपन्यासभन्दा कम्ती हुँदैन । जस्तोः बैरागी काइँलालाई ‘मातेको मान्छेको भाषण : मध्यरातपछिको सडकसित’ लेख्ने कवि भनेर सम्झिइन्छ । यो कविता सिंगो उपन्यासभन्दा कम छैन । यसरी एउटा मात्र कविता पनि कसैको सम्झिन सकिन्छ भने, त्यो साँच्चै कवि हो । बस्, त्यसका लागि कविता, कविताजस्तै हुनुपर्छ । र, सफल कवि आरनमा खारिएको सुन हो । लेखिएका सबै कविता उत्कृष्ट र राम्रा हुन सक्दैनन् । एउटा कविले जीवनभर सधैं उत्कृष्ट कविता लेखिरहन पनि सक्दैन । सक्नैपर्छ भन्ने पनि छैन । ’cause, जीवनको सबै मोड उत्तिकै बलशाली हुँदैन । त्यसैले राम्रा कविहरू आफूलाई सिर्जनशील बनाइराख्न उपन्यास, कथा र निबन्धतिर लागेको देखिन्छ । कविता लेख्न नसके पनि साहित्यका अरू विधामा फेरि जम्न सक्छ । तर, सत्य के हो भने, अरु विधामा जमेको मान्छे पछि आएर राम्रो कवि हुनचाहिँ पक्कै सक्दैन । कविताको सौन्दर्य र शक्ति पहिल्याउन सक्ने कविहरू वर्तमान नेपाली साहित्यमा प्रशस्त छन् । यो पुस्ताका कविहरू आफ्नो कविताप्रति उत्तरदायी छन् । आफ्नो लेखनप्रति जबाफदेही छन् । विचार, कला, सचेतना, अधिकार, अस्तित्वका कुरा गर्न थालेका छन् । आफ्ना धारणा र वादमा पनि देखा पर्न थालेका छन् । घनले ढुंगो फुटाएझैं अबका कविताहरूले समाजका अँध्याराहरूलाई फुटाउन छाड्नेछैनन् । हाम्रो देशमा भौगोलिक विविधता छ । एकातिर सौन्दर्य छ, अर्कोतिर विकटता । हिमाल पहाड र मधेसका सौन्दर्य र विकटतालाई हाम्रो विचार र हाम्रो सौन्दर्यसँग गाँसेर लेखिनुपर्छ । लेखिँदै पनि छ । कविताको बजार कवितैले पिट्नुपर्छ । अकविताले हैन । कविताको तुलना अकवितासँग हैन, कवितैसँग तुलना गरिनुपर्छ । हामीले थाहा पाउनुपर्छ कि हाम्रा कविताले सौन्दर्यको दम्भ बोलेका छन् । विद्रोहको आगोमा फूलको चित्र बनाएका छन् । अँध्यारा भग्नावशेषमा मार्तोल हानेका छन् । अनि अञ्जुलीमा नीलो नदी उघाएर प्रेमको पर्वतमाथि कुद्दै छन् । कविता कवितैजस्तो हुनुपर्छ । नेपालका नेताहरु’bout विकीलिक्सको खुलासा यस्तो थियो अक्टोबर 19, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment http://www.mysansar.com/archives/2011/08/id/20930#more-20930 हाम्रा नेताहरुको हैसियत यसरी तौलेछ अमेरिकाले नेपालस्थित अमेरिकी दुतावासले वासिङटन पठाएका केबलहरुमध्ये २ हजार २ सय ७८ वटा हात पारेको विकिलिक्सले हिजो शुक्रबार राति केही केबलहरु एकै पटक सार्वजनिक गरेको थियो। रमाइलो चिज के पाइन्छ भनेर हेर्दाहेर्दै बिहानको चार बज्यो। धेरैजसो द्वन्द्वकालमा माओवादी क्रियाकलापहरुको रुचिविहीन केबलहरु रहेछन्। तर कुनै कुनैमा भने रमाइला कुराहरु पनि भेटिए। भेटिएका रमाइला कुराहरु तपाईँसमक्ष क्रमशः बाँड्दै जानेछु। अहिलेलाई हाम्रा नेताहरुलाई अमेरिकी दूतावासले कसरी हेर्दो रहेछ भन्ने थाहा पाउँ। अमेरिकी दूतावासले माधवकुमार नेपालले मन्त्रिमण्डल पुनर्गठन गर्दा सन् २००९ को जुलाई २८ मा मन्त्रीहरुको पूरै बायोडाटा वासिङ्टन पठाएको थियो। त्यसमा यी मन्त्रीहरु कुन जातका, बाहुन हुन् क्षेत्री हुन् कि जनजाति हुन् कि भन्नेसमेत उल्लेख हुँदो रहेछ। अनि अंग्रेजी कस्तो बोल्छन्, घरमा को-को छन् त्यसको पनि जानकारी हुँदो रहेछ। विजयकुमार गच्छदारलाई दूतावासले भ्रष्टाचारमा संलग्न नेता भनेको छ। उनका एक छोरी र दुई छोरामध्ये एक जना छोरा अमेरिकामा रहेको रिपोर्ट पठाइएको छ। गच्छदारको अंग्रेजी ठीकै रहेको भनिएको छ। विद्या भण्डारीको अंग्रेजी कमजोर रहेको रिपोर्ट गर्ने दूतावासले उमाकान्त चौधरीलाई पनि त्यस्तै भनेको छ। बायोडाटापछि राखिएको दूतावासको टिप्पणी ‘खतरा’को छ बरु। भीम रावललाई आफ्नै ‘भित्रीया’ जस्तो गरी close Embassy contact भन्दै गृहमन्त्री भएकोमा खुसी व्यक्त गरिएको छ। प्रचण्डको सरकारमा रहेका वामदेव गौतमलाई आक्रामक, कोइराला सरकारमा रहेका कृष्ण सिटौलालाई लटरपटरे, बेकामको, बेसुद्धिको भन्दै दुवै गृहमन्त्रीको कार्यकाललाई ‘निराशाजनक’ भनी टिप्पणी गरिएको छ। प्रकाशशरण महत पनि दूतावासको नजिकको सम्पर्कमा रहने व्यक्ति भनिएको टिप्पणीमा सुजाता कोइरालालाई अमेरिकी पक्षको भनिए पनि उनको प्रभावकारितामा शंका छ भनिएको छ। कमल थापाको छोरालाई डीभी दूतावासका केबलहरुमा सामान्य मानिसलाई थाहा नभएका नेताहरुका स-साना कुरा पनि हुने रहेछ। जस्तै राजावादी नेता कमल थापाकै कुरा गरौँ। राजाको शासन कालमा मन्त्री बन्दा उनको बायोडाटा अमेरिकी दूतावासले पठाएको रैछ। त्यसमा कमल थापाको परिवारको ’boutमा यस्तो लेखिएको छ- उनका १ छोरा ३ छोरी छन्। छोरालाई २००४ को मार्चमा डीभी परेको छ। नेपालका कम्युनिस्ट नाममात्रका केबल सार्वजनिक भएपछि सबैभन्दा खुसी एमाले नेताहरुलाई हुनुपर्ने हो। यी तिनै नेताहरु हुन्, जसले एकताका अमेरिकी राजदूत बल्खुस्थित मुख्यालय आउँदा सुटुक्क मार्क्स र लेनिनको फोटो लुकाएका थिए। अब अमेरिका जस्तो देशले नै यिनीहरु त नाममात्रका कम्युनिस्ट हुन् भनेपछि दङ्ग पर्नु परेन त ! नेपालका कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी नाममात्रका कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी भएको रिपोर्ट तत्कालीन अमेरिकी राजदूत मालिनोस्कीले सन् २००२ को फेब्रुअरी २० मा पठाएको केबलमा गरिएको छ। त्यसमा भनिएको छ- ‘नेपालका कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीहरुको नाममा कम्युनिस्ट झुण्डिएको भए पनि उनीहरु युरोपतिरका सोसल डेम्रोक्रेटिक पार्टीहरु जस्तै छन्। एमालेका नेताहरुले त आफूलाई नेपाली कांग्रेसभन्दा बढी लोकतान्त्रिक भएको दावी गर्छन्।‘ हेर्नुस् पूरै केबल SUBJECT: NEPAL’S CABINET MINISTERS – BIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION REF: A. KATHMANDU 590 KATHMANDU 562 KATHMANDU 522 KATHMANDU 437 ¶1. (SBU) Following is biographic information about key ministers in the current Nepali cabinet. Biographic information about the Prime Minister was reported in Ref D. Bijay Gachhadar, Deputy Prime Minister and Physical Planning and Works ——————————————— ————— ¶2. (SBU) Bijay Kumar Gachhadar, of the Madhesi People’s Rights Forum (MPRF), was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Physical Planning and Works — the ministry he held in the Maoist-led government — on June 4. Gachhadar’s appointment put him into open conflict with MPRF chairman Upendra Yadav, who declared that Gachhadar and several of his supporters were expelled from the party. Gachhadar applied to register his faction as a separate party at the Election Commission. A decision on his application is pending. After leaving the Nepali Congress (NC) for the MPRF in March 2008, Gachhadar won both of the constituencies he contested (one each in Morang and Sunsari) in the CA election the following month. He was an NC member elected to Parliament in 1991, During that period, he served as Minister for Communications (1991), Public Works and Transport (1995), Tourism and Civil Aviation (1999-2000), and Water Resources (July – October 2002). Gachhadar reportedly was very close to G.P. Koirala until Koirala denied him a ministerial portfolio in the cabinet he formed in December 1998. Gachhadar has militant political roots and reportedly remains involved in corruption. During his early affiliation with the NC, he was involved in a number of armed actions, including the 1972 hijacking of a Royal Nepal Airlines flight to India. He was implicated in a 1975 bomb attack on a police station in the eastern Terai district of Sunsari. Gachhadar was born in 1953 to a Tharu family in Sunsari. He holds a Master’s degree in political science from Kathmandu’s Tribhuvan University. He is married and has a daughter and two sons, one of whom is in the United States. His English is fair. Sujata Koirala, Foreign Affairs ——————————- ¶3. (SBU) Sujata Koirala, the only child of NC president Girija Prasad Koirala, was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs on June 4. She previously served as a Minister Without Portfolio in the cabinet of her father from January to August 2008. Koirala contested the CA election in April 2008 but lost to the chairman of the MPRF, Upendra Yadav. Koirala has been the head of the foreign relations department of the NC since October 2005. She was elected to the party’s Central Committee in September 2005. She has been active in politics since her father first became prime minister in She also is the founding president of Sushma Koirala Memorial Trust, an NGO established in the name of her late mother. Koirala is a controversial figure both within and outside her party. NC members, frustrated with the stranglehold the Koirala family has over the party, question her political savvy and ability to be effective at the national level. Her name has been connected to a number of corruption scams, including one that involved a Royal Nepal Airlines contract in the early 1990s, but all allegations remain unproven. Koirala’s detractors highlight that she repeatedly argued against uprooting the monarchy. She fled to India following the royal takeover in February 2005 and returned to Kathmandu after former King Gyanendra conceded power in April 2006. Koirala was born on September 25, 1954 in Biratnagar, Morang district in the eastern Terai. She completed a course in textile design in Delhi, India. Koirala is married to a German national and lived in Germany for many years until 1991. She has two adult children: a son, Siddhartha, and a daughter, Melanie. Koirala is a Brahmin. She speaks English fluently. Bhim Rawal, Home Affairs ———————— ¶4. (SBU) Bhim Bahadur Rawal was appointed Minister of Home Affairs on June 17. The Communist Party of Nepal – United Marxist Leninist (UML) Central Committee member was elected to the CA under the proportional representation system in Rawal served as Minister of Tourism and Civil Aviation and of Science and Technology in 1998-99 and as the State Minister for Commerce, Tourism and Civil Aviation in He was elected to Parliament in 1994. He worked on election issues with the United Nations in Cambodia in Rawal was an adviser to Jhalanath Khanal — now UML General Secretary — while the latter served as a minister in the interim government of 1990-91. Rawal allied himself with Nepal when Nepal became General Secretary of the UML in Khanal, angered by the switch in allegiance, allegedly attempted to remove Rawal from his position as State Minister in 1994, but M. Nepal — then Deputy Prime Minister — reportedly protected Rawal. Rawal currently appears to enjoy good relations with both Khanal and the now Prime Minister. Rawal was born on December 15, 1955 in Achham district in the hills of far western Nepal. He holds an M.A. in political science and a bachelor’s degree in law from Tribhuvan University. He was a practicing lawyer who worked on a number of legal literacy and assistance issues for the Nepal Bar Association in the late 1980s. He is married and has two sons. Rawal is a Chhetri. He speaks English fluently. Bidhya Bhandari, Defense ———————— ¶5. (SBU) Bidhya Bhandari — the widow of Madan Bhandari, who was UML general secretary from 1990 until his death in a car accident in 1993 — was appointed Minister of Defense on May She previously served as the Minister of Population and Environment from March to October 1997. Bhandari was elected one of three Vice Chairpersons of the UML in February 2009. Aligned with the Prime Minister’s majority faction of the UML, she has been a Central Committee member of the party since February 2003 and was an alternate Central Committee member from 1998 to 2003. She began politics with the Communist Party of Nepal – Marxist Leninist in 1978 and joined the UML after the restoration of multiparty democracy She was elected to the lower house of Parliament from Kathmandu in a by-election in 1994 and was re-elected in the mid-term polls later that year. She was defeated in her contest in 2008 and is not a member of the CA. Bhandari was born on June 19, 1961. She holds a Bachelor’s degree from an affiliate of Kathmandu’s Tribhuvan University. She has two daughters. Bhandari is a Brahmin. Her English is poor. Surendra Pandey, Finance ———————— ¶6. (SBU) Surendra Prasad Pandey, a close aide of UML chairman Jhalanath Khanal, was appointed Minister of Finance on May 25. Pandey was elected to the CA under the proportional representation system in April 2008 and was the deputy parliamentary party leader of the UML until he became a minister. He was elected to the UML’s politburo in May Pandey previously served as a member of parliament from 1999 to June 2003. He joined politics at the age of 15 and spent 12 years underground during the Panchayat era. Born in 1958 in Dhading, a district adjoining Kathmandu, Pandey has a Master’s degree in sociology and is a teacher by profession. He has authored several sociological books. Pandey is a Brahmin. Umakant Chaudhari, Health and Population —————————————- ¶7. (SBU) Umakant Chaudhari, a CA member from the central Terai district of Bara, joined the cabinet on June 4 and was appointed Minister of Health and Population on June 17. He served as an Assistant Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives from July 2004 to January 2005. Chaudhari is an NC Central Committee member. He sided with the NC (Democratic) — the faction of Sher Bahadur Deuba — after the NC split in September 2002 (the party reunited in 2007). Chaudhari began his political career with the mainline NC in Prior to that, he served on the Central Committee of the NC-affiliated Nepal Students Union in the 1970s. Chaudhari was born on August 31, 1966 in Bara district. He holds a Master’s degree in botany from Tribhuvan University and is an International Visitors Leadership Program alumnus. He is married and has a son and three daughters. Chaudhari is Tharu. His English is poor. Rakam Chemjong, Peace and Reconstruction —————————————- ¶8. (SBU) Rakam Chemjong, a UML Central Committee since February 2009, was appointed Minister of Peace and Reconstruction on June 17. Chemjong was first elected to the parliament in 1991 but is not a current CA member. He twice served as president of the Free Students Union, a multi-party student council, and is a founding member of the UML-affiliated All Nepal National Free Students Union. Chemjong was born in 1957 in the eastern Nepal district of Dhankuta and holds a B.Sc. from Tribhuvan University (1985). He is from the Rai community. Prakash Sharan Mahat, Energy —————————- ¶9. (SBU) Prakash Sharan Mahat, an NC Central Committee member, joined the cabinet on June 4 and was appointed Minister of Energy on June 17. Mahat was nominated to the CA under the proportional representation system in April 2008. He previously served as State Minister of Foreign Affairs from July 2004 to January 2005 and as an advisor for then-Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba from July 2001 to October 2002. A former General Secretary of the NC-affiliated Nepal Students Union (1984-88), Mahat has long been active in the party and was imprisoned several times before 1990 during the struggle for democracy. Mahat was born in November 1959 in Nuwakot, a district to the north of Kathmandu. He was awarded a Fulbright Scholarship in 1990 and holds a Ph.D. in economics from Southern Illinois University (1997). He is married and has two children. His older brother, Ram Sharan Mahat, was the Finance Minister in several NC governments. Prakash Mahat is Chhetri. His English is excellent. Comment ¶10. (SBU) Home Minister Bhim Rawal is a close Embassy contact and an experienced leader well-placed to oversee the police services. After a series of disappointing Home Ministers, including the combative Bamdev Gautam in Pushpa Dahal’s government and the feckless Krishna Sitaula in G.P. Koirala’s government, we view Rawal as a welcome change. Prakash Mahat is also a close Embassy contact. Post knows pro-American Sujata Koirala well but has doubts about her effectiveness. Despite the mixed bag of ministers, all eight of the above are in their 40s and 50s — quite young by Nepalese political standards. MOON कमल थापा ’boutको केबल —————————————- KAMAL THAPA: MINISTER FOR HOME AFFAIRS, COMMUNICATIONS AND INFORMATION —————————————- ¶4. (SBU) KAMAL THAPA (B. 4 AUG 1955) IS A CAREER POLITICIAN WHO IS REPORTEDLY CLOSE TO THE PALACE AND HAS BEEN INVOLVED IN MOST OF THE MAJOR POLITICAL INITIATIVES BACKED BY THE PALACE IN RECENT YEARS. HE SERVED AS ONE OF THE GOVERNMENT’S NEGOTIATORS DURING THE LAST ROUND OF PEACE TALKS WITH THE MAOISTS IN 2003. THOUGH ONE OF THE MORE POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY (RPP) AS GENERAL SECRETARY, THAPA EARNED A REPUTATION AS AN OPPORTUNIST IN 1996 WHEN HE REPEATEDLY CHANGED SIDES DURING PARLIAMENTARY MANEUVERING TO BRING DOWN THE SHER BAHADUR DEUBA GOVERNMENT. HIS ELEVATION TO THE RANK OF FOREIGN MINISTER IN JUNE 1997 PROBABLY REFLECTED MORE THEN- PRIME MINISTER CHAND’S INTEREST IN LOCKING THAPA INTO THE GOVERNMENT THAN ANY HIGH ESTEEM FOR HIS ABILITIES. THAPA REMAINED IN THE POST UNTIL APRIL 1998, WHEN THE CHAND GOVERNMENT FELL. THAPA WAS APPOINTED AS THE GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE RPP IN THAPA WAS ALSO ACTIVE DURING THE PANCHAYAT YEARS, RISING TO MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, MINISTER OF LOCAL DEVELOPMENT AND MINISTER OF HOUSING AND PHYSICAL PLANNING. THAPA WAS A MEMBER OF NEPAL’S NATIONAL SOCCER TEAM AND, IN 1984, VISITED THE UNITED STATES TO ATTEND THE LOS ANGELES OLYMPICS. OF THE CHETTRI CASTE, THAPA IS MARRIED WITH ONE SON AND THREE DAUGHTERS. IN MARCH 2004, HIS SON WAS ISSUED A DIVERSITY VISA FOR IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. THAPA RECEIVED A MASTERS DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE FROM NEPAL’S TRIBHUVAN UNIVERSITY IN एमालेको ’boutमा गरिएको टिप्पणी Putting the U Back in UML ————————- ¶1. (U) Nepal’s main opposition party, the Communist Party of Nepal – United Marxist and Leninist (UML), merged February 15 with a smaller former offshoot, the Communist Party of Nepal – Marxist-Leninist (ML). (Note: The combined parties will continue to use the UML name. Although communist by name, these parties more closely resemble European social-democratic parties. UML leaders claim to be even more democratic that the ruling Nepali Congress, which in the UML view remains feudal, nepotistic MALINOWSKI source: by Ratan bhandari गजल अक्टोबर 16, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment -‘वालक’ २८ आश्विन २०७२ सोच्यौं मित्रताको हात बढायौ । ‘सारे जहां से हमारा’ पढायौ ।। दिल्लीमा निदाउन चैनको रात । कस्मिरमा भाइको बली चढायौ ।। भुकम्पले हान्यो घर, भोकै बस्यौं । सिमानामा दाल, चामल षढायौ ।। बिकेन गरिबको स्वाभिमान जो । घोलेर द्धेष, दाजुभाइ लढायौ ।। थुुके त दुनियाले ‘धोती’ माथी । तिरङ्गा पोलेर त्यो मुख डढायौ ।। हेर्यौं तिम्रो ‘कुटिल’ अनुहार । उत्तरको डरले हात ठड्यायौ ।। कनाउंदै भित्र छिर्दछ ब्वांसो । यो नामले पुकार्न बाध्य गरायौ ।। Big brother’s blockade अक्टोबर 11, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment Can a sovereign parliament, after having passed such a vote, be expected to yield to overt outside pressure? Modi’s neighbourhood policy is about to suffer a mortal blow — if it has not already. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visits to Kathmandu had pushed back the anti-Indian feeling that often afflicts the Nepalese elite. But it has now come roaring back in the last two weeks. This follows the abortive visit of the Indian foreign secretary, who reached Kathmandu only hours before the constitution was to be promulgated. The Constituent Assembly had voted overwhelmingly in favour of the constitution. Can a sovereign parliament, after having passed such a vote, be expected to yield to overt outside pressure? Modi’s neighbourhood policy is about to suffer a mortal blow — if it has not already. People in Kathmandu say that an informal economic blockade has been imposed by India. Memories of 1989 are flooding back as people are faced with six kilometre-long queues for petrol and medicines, LPG and other essentials. Detailed accounts of Indian custom officials abandoning their posts out of fear of life and limb are doing the rounds in Nepal. Apparently, oil tankers were also not plying for the same reason. But why did the Indian Oil Corporation tell its Nepalese counterpart to contact New Delhi to augment supplies? Is this friendly behaviour? We should have kept economics and politics separate. The number of vehicles in Nepal is nearly 100 times that in 1989, and so the collateral damage and resentment against India will be greater. Even third-country imports into Nepal via India are now blocked, unlike in 1989. India’s stand is that nothing has been officially ordered. But it is evident to all that Delhi has not taken well to its post facto advice being ignored. India’s support of the movement led by a few defeated leaders in the Terai is puzzling. Of the 116 members from that region in the Constituent Assembly, nearly 100 had voted in favour of the constitution. Even among the Madhesis, certainly not a homogeneous community, the majority voted for the constitution. Those who are leading the current agitation — Rajendra Mahato, Anil Jha, Upendra Yadav, Mahant Thakur — lost the elections and do not represent the majority of Madhesis. Do we really want to be seen as championing the cause of these discredited leaders? Our agencies’ calculations that these leaders have influence over the Bihar electorate are simply wrong. Modi will do well to ignore such advice from those who want to keep the South Asian pot boiling for their petty self-interest. Of the nearly 15 million Nepalese who live in the Terai, only 30-32 per cent are Madhesis. Tharus are another 10-12 per cent. The remaining are Paharis and Janajatis, who migrated to the Terai in search of a livelihood. Why has Delhi chosen to be supportive of a small section of the Terai population acting out of selfish interests? “One Madhes, one pradesh” will never work, as it would be a 500 mile by 20 mile province in which the upper Madhesi castes would rule the roost to the detriment of the majority Doms, Musahars, Tharus and Muslims. There are, of course, flaws in the constitution that will hopefully be corrected, as the Nepalese already recognise them. First, population, not geographical area, should determine the size of constituencies. Second, Morang should be included in province number two, so that Madhesis are not outvoted. Third, the demand of Tharus to carve out a province in the region from Kailali to Nawalparasi in western Nepal, without the six hill districts, needs consideration. Fourth, the retrograde provisions on Nepalese women must be withdrawn. Should Delhi not let Nepal rectify these flaws and restrict itself strictly to behind-the-scenes advice? Three issues have particularly irked India’s friends in Nepal. First is the assertion by Indian commentators that theirs is an unequal, upper caste-centric and retrograde constitution. Second, that the provision for keeping a few constitutional positions out of reach of naturalised citizens is regressive. Finally, India’s big-brother attempt to enforce its will on a sovereign nation. No country is too small to defend its dignity. Remember Vietnam? The good news is that after a week of stoppage, some oil tankers have crossed into Nepal. Modi should retrieve the situation by overruling the mandarins and agencies, and not let them derail his neighbourhood policy. Written by Rajiv Kumar From Indian Express श्रीमान_श्रीमती अक्टोबर 8, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment एकदिन श्रीमान घर आउँदा निक्कै अबेर भएछ । अनि घर आएर ढोकाबाट भित्र छिर्न नपाउदै श्रीमतीले भनीछिन……. श्रीमती:- कहाँ जानू भएको थियो ? मैले हजुरको अफिसमा पनि फोन गरि सोधे । हजुर त आज अफिसपनि जानू भएन रे ! के हो यस्तो चाला ? अनि यो हातमा भएको झोला कस्तो गनाई रहेको छ । के हो यो ? श्रीमान:- म…..म……म आमालाई लिन गएको थिए । आमा अब यहीँ बस्नु हुन्छ । यो झोला आमाको हो । यस्मा आमाको कपडाहरु छ । श्रीमती:- ( रिसले मुर्मुराउदै ) दिमाग त सहि छ हजुरको ? किन आमालाई यहाँ ल्याउन पर्यो र ? हजुर कै दाजुभाइले हेरि हाल्छ नि, त्यसै माथी हजुरको तलबले के नै हुन्छ र ? छोरा-छोरीलाई पढाउन त गाह्रो भैरहेको अबस्थामा अब यो बुढीलाई कसरी पाल्ने ? श्रीमान:- त्यस्तो नभन, आमाको सेवा गर्न त हाम्रो धर्म र कर्तव्य हो नि । श्रीमती:- आफै बाच्न धौ-धौ परेको बेलामा म त सक्दिन । यति भन्दै श्रीमतीले श्रीमानको हातबाट झोला खोसेर बाहिर लगेर फ्यालिदिन्छ । अनि यसो बाहिर हेर्दा त आफ्नै आमा पो रहेछ । अनि हत्तनपत्त झोला उठाउदै आमालाई लिएर भित्र आउँछे र श्रीमानलाई भन्छे । श्रीमती:- अघि नै भन्न पर्दैन ? मेरो आमा हो भनेर ! श्रीमान:- तिमिले मलाई बोल्ने मौका कहाँ दियौ र ? एकोहोरो आफू मात्रै बोलेको बोलै । तिम्रो दाजु र भाउजुले तिम्रो आमालाई घरबाट निकाली दिएका रहेछन । अनि मैले थाहा पाए, म अफिस नगै कन आमालाई लिन गएको थिए । श्रीमती:- ( मुस्कुराउदै ) कत्ती जात्ती र बुझ्ने हुनुहुन्छ है मेरो प्यारो बुढो । ( यत्ती भन्दै उ आमालाई लिएर भित्र कोठामा जान्छे ) -यस्तै छ सन्सार, भनिन्छ घर बनाउनु र भत्काउनुमा आईमाईको ठुलो हात हुन्छ । जुन घरको नारी समझदार, दयालु र बुद्धिमानी हुन्छ । त्यो घर आफैंमा स्वर्ग हो । हरेक बिबाहित नारिले यो सानो लेख अबस्य पढिदिनु होला । ( साभार :- फेसबुक ) INDIA’S DEMANDS GRIND NEPAL TO A STANDSTILL अक्टोबर 8, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment By Assistant Professor Rohit Karki Nepal promulgated its federal Constitution on September 20, defying India’s coercive diplomatic efforts. Since then, India has stepped up its threats for amendments to suit its interests, resulting in an ongoing unofficial economic blockade against Nepal. The blockade imposed by India has crippled the Nepalese economy, cutting out basic life supporting supplies, such as food, medicines, petroleum and other daily essentials, all of them imported from the Indian border States. The blockade has stalled post-earthquake reconstruction works, schools and factories are shut, transport services have completely come to halt, international airlines have almost closed their flights due to the shortage of aviation fuel, and the price of basic necessities has soared. The estimated losses are $1 billion to the country’s economy, and are having a knock-on effect on potential investment and growth. This has come ahead of Nepal’s biggest festive season, starting next week. India has been supporting a federal structure in Nepal to conform to its long term strategic and security interests. India initially supported the ‘One Madhes One Province’ structure in Nepal, with the merging of 22 districts into one province of low-lying land of Terai-Madhes adjoining the border states of India. Later on, it showed a little more flexibility by agreeing to the division of the provinces into two provinces. This kind of province structure within Nepal would have increased India’s leverage in strategic and security concerns, as it would have to deal with, at most, two adjoining provinces in its border region. It would also mean smoother dealings with a maximum of two Chief Ministers, rather than a clutter of over a dozen. The similarity in cultural, language and matrimonial relationships between Terai’s people and the people of the Indian states of Bihar and Uttarpradhesh (UP) could also be cultivated to influence the domestic politics, governance, security, water resources management, border management and to a larger extent Nepal’s foreign policy. Indian foreign policy is strategically in favour of developing Terai-Madhes as an ‘inner buffer’ as it believes that the Himalayas have been penetrated by China through the proposed rail links from Lhasa to Kathmandu, and also through the ‘One Belt One Road’ strategy of China. This kind of move by China has put India’s foreign policy architect, former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s ‘Strategic Himalayan Frontier’ policy in deep jeopardy. India’s focus is to protect its core constituency within Nepal, the Terai-Madhes region, by developing a pro-Indian province in Nepal. The signing of a 16-point agreement amongst Nepal’s major political parties on June 8th, laid the foundation for the promulgation of the Constitution, including the framework for Nepal’s federal structure. With the pressure from the Terai-Madhes based political parties and Indian quarters to resolve the demarcation of states, the four major political parties had agreed to federate the country into six provinces in an agreement on August 10th, later re-demarcated into seven provinces. However, India expressed its dissatisfaction, by sending Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s special envoy to Nepal, Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankarm, at the last minute to prevent the promulgation of the Constitution. His visit and coercive diplomacy was, however, ill-fated. Nepalese media, politicians and academicians termed his visit ‘ill timed’ to ‘thwart’ the overwhelming majority view, and the government went ahead with the promulgation of the Constitution on September 20th. The result was an eruption of violence in the Terai-Madhes region, as its population was dissatisfied with the Constitution. India’s official statement on the promulgation of the Constitution used the word ‘noted’ rather than ‘welcomed’, which shows its clear reservations. It was successful in using its diplomatic leverage to influence the United Nations and some Western countries to offer similar statements on Nepal’s Constitution. The fact remains that the new Constitution of Nepal is actually one of the most progressive Constitutions in the world. Provinces have been federated with substantial powers, including guaranteed proportional representation of all groups including Madhesis and other minorities in the State organs.The principles of protection of human rights as fundamental rights, gender equality and their inclusion in governance system is ensured. The principle of citizenship based on nationality of both mother or father is protected, and naturalized citizenship provision is made, amongst other guarantees. Upon closer scrutiny, the seven province model had undermined India’s strategic and security interests, and India took a hardened stance on Nepal. The Modi Government has pushed Nepal into a virtual state of economic blockade, and seriously harmed long standing special relations by openly supporting the Madhes centric parties, who have reacted violently, using non-democratic and unconstitutional means to address their demands. These were the tactics used by the Terai-Madhes based political parties back in 2006-07, which led the then government to bow down to demands to restructure Nepal into a federal structure with the assurance of an ‘Autonomous Madhes Province’. Many believe that this led to the seeds of disintegration in the Terai-Madhes region. These days, some Terai-Madhes based political parties, intelligentsia and certain Terai-based armed groups have been openly talking about separating Terai-Madhes from Nepal and merging it with the Indian States of Bihar and UP or alternatively, forming an independent nation-state. India has been pressurising Nepal’s government at various levels to address the demands of the Terai-Madhes political parties, or face the consequences. India’s view of Nepal as a ‘buffer’ since the 1950s under Nehru’s strategy produced anti-India sentiments within Nepal and its interest in creating an ‘inner buffer’ in Terai-Madhes in federal Nepal would further intensify this sentiment. The disintegration of Terai-Madhes as a nation state will bring further instability in the region and will not suit India’s geo-political interests. The present constitution is not rigid and Terai-Madhes based parties should know that it can be amended through legal and constitutional means, rather than by inviting India into the internal affairs of Nepal. Federalism will be a new exercise in Nepal, which can bring either stability or instability. The unification of our diverse socio-cultural groups will only help to institutionalise federalism in a sustainable manner. From an international law perspective, as a land locked country, Nepal is entitled to unrestricted trade and transit rights and India ought not violate these bedrock legal provisions by imposing any form of economic blockade, obstruction or hindrances. Acting aggressively and resorting to legal resolutions are not the routes Nepal seeks to take, on the basis that such action will lead to a ‘trust deficit’ in its special bilateral relations. Nepal wants to resolve the current crisis in an amicable manner through diplomacy, and, Nepal’s case will test India’s ability to play a more engaged role on the global stage. If India cannot ensure a modicum of stability in its relationships with its sub-continental neighbors like Nepal, there will be doubts about India’s ability to play a responsible global role in the management of regional and international affairs. Australian Institute of International Affairs को हुन् खस ? अक्टोबर 8, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment ‘कस’बाट ‘खस’ बेबिलोनको कस्साइटबाट पूर्व हिँडेका कस्साइट्सहरु अफगानिस्तानबाट दक्षिण नलागेर पहाडैपहाड अझ पूर्व उक्लेका थिए । कस्साइटबाट आएकाले कसबाट अपभ्रंश भएर खस हुन पुगे । काश्मिर (खस/कसमिर, खस/कसहरुको मिर, अग्लो स्थान), कुमाउँ, गढवालबाट अझ पूर्व लाग्दै कर्णाली प्रदेशमा आएर बाह्रौं शताब्दीमा राज्य सञ्चालन गरेको देखिन्छ, जसको पूर्वी साँध गण्डकीसम्म थियो । खसहरु आर्य भए पनि वैदिक आर्य भने होइनन् । न त यिनीहरू वैदिक आर्यले जस्तो वेदअनुसार वेदी (होम गर्ने स्थान) बनाएर या लिङ्गपुजक नै थिए । लिङ्ग पूजा पनि वैदिक आर्यहरुको होइन, असुर द्रविडहरुले गर्ने लिङ्ग पूजा पछि आत्मसात् गरेका थिए । खसहरुको धर्म खसहरु सबै मष्ट र प्रकृतिपूजक नै थिए । मष्ट पूजा गर्न या मृतक आत्मा जगाउन धामी भएता पनि हिन्दुधर्ममा झैं कुनै जातीय विभाजन थिएन । महामानव बुद्धको सन्देश प्रचारसँगै चल्ल र पछि मल्ल भएकाहरुले बौद्धधर्मलाई अपनाउन थाले । सुर्खेतको काँक्रेबिहार त्यसैको नतिजा हो ।लेखक वि.सं. १३६० मा अल्लउदिन खिल्जिले चितोर लिएको अर्को वर्ष त्यहाँका रायठौरलाई (अहिलेका राठौर) अल्लाउदिन खिल्जिले उठिबास पारेपछि भारतका हरुवा राजारजौटाहरुको नेपाल प्रवेश देखिन्छ । यिनलाई महाराज जसु शाहीले आफ्नो छोरी हारमता दिएर समाचवर भन्ने स्थान दाइजोमा दिए । हारमताकी छोरो देवचन्द्ररले वि.सं. १४८४ मा काठमाडौं लुटेर फकिर्एपछि बाजे जसु शाहीले अछाम बुढी चर्पुकोट राज्य दिएका थिए । ‘थकुली’बाट ‘थकाली’ जसु शाहीका कान्छा छोरा हंसराज शाही जुम्लाबाट थाकखोला आएर बसे । उनले त्यहीका स्थानीयसँग विवाह गरे । उनलाई ठकुरीको सट्टा ‘थकुली’ भनेर बोलाइन्थ्यो । कालान्तरमा उनैका सन्तान थकाली भए । खसहरुमा विचलन, जातपात र हिन्दु धर्म भारतका रजौटाहरुसँग सम्पर्क बढेपछि खस राजाहरु उनीहरूसँग विवाहसम्बन्धका लागि उत्सुक हुन थाले । तर वैदिक हिन्दु तागाधारी (जनै लगाउने) राजाहरु अहिन्दु र तागा नलगाउने खसहरुसँग विवाहसम्बन्ध गाँस्न तयार भएनन् । यहींबाट उताको ठाकुर, राजपुत जस्तै खस राजाहरु र नातेदारहरुले आफूलाई “ठकुरी“ भन्न थाले र हिन्दुधर्म अपनाएर जनै लगाउन थाले । तर केही खसहरुले भने हिन्दू धर्म र जनै अस्वीकार गरिरहे र आज तिनै खसहरु पावइ खसका रूपमा चिनिन्छन् । हिन्दु धर्म अपनाउनाले जातपातको सूत्रपात स्वतः हुन गयो । यस कार्यमा कन्नौजबाट नेपालभित्र आएका अत्री ऋषिका चारभाइ सन्ततीहरुले अझ सहयोग गरे । तीमध्ये जेठा भाष्कर भट्ट षत्याडा बसे । यिनैका सन्तान पछि षत्याडा (खतिवडा) भएका हुन् । तर ढाँटेको कुरा काटे पनि मिल्दैन भनेझैं खसहरुले पुर्खादेखि गरिआएको कतिपय परम्परागत प्रचलनहरु त्याग्न सकेनन् र अझसम्म त्याग्न सकिएको छैन । जमरा, अक्षता, पर सरेको बार्ने, देवाली, मष्टपुजा, छोरीलाई ढोग्ने, भान्जालाई आदर गर्ने आदि कार्यहरू आज पनि नेपालका जनसुकै जातले गरिआएका छन् । ती चाहे हिन्दू मतावलम्बी हुन् या बौद्ध मतावलम्बी, सबै खस हुन् । पश्चिमबाट आएर काठमाडौं जिती राज्य गर्न सुरु गरेका मल्लहरुले आफ्नो साथमा ल्याएका जोशी, राजोपाध्याय जस्ता पुरोहितहरु पनि छ डोरे जनै नै लगाउँछन् र तर खसका प्रचलन भने अझै त्याग्न सकेका छैनन् । शाह र रक्तमिश्रण शाहहरु इस्लाम धर्म मान्नेका सन्तान नभएर मगरहरुका थकाली या राजा हुन् । यिनीहरू पनि खस नै हुन् र पछि मात्र हिन्दुमतावलम्बी भएका हुन् । हिन्दु मतावलम्बी भए पनि शाहहरुले जमरा, अक्षता, पर सरेको बार्ने, देवाली, मष्टपुजा, छोरीलाई ढोग्ने, भान्जालाई आदर गर्ने आदि परम्परागत प्रचलनहरु अझसम्म त्याग्न सकेका छैनन् । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहका मावली मगर थिए भने ससुराली मकवानपुरका सेन पनि मगर नै हुन् । रणबहादुर शाहले बालबिधवा ब्राम्हणीसँग विवाह गरेका थिए । यिनैका छोरा गिर्वाणयुद्धबिक्रम हुन् । कुँवरहरु पनि तीन डोरे जनै लगाउने खस नै हुन् । राजा सुरेन्द्रले जंगबहादुरलाई हपार्दै ‘तँ खस भएर हाम्रो युवराज्ञी ताक्ने’ भनेर हपारेका थिए तर त्यतिबेलाका बलशाली जंगबहादुरले राजपरिवारसँग वैवाहिक सम्बन्ध कायम गरेरै छाडे । राजा त्रिभुवनले पञ्जावका राजकुमारीसँग विवाह गरेका थिए । धीरशमशेरले १८५७ मा लखनउबाट मुगल कन्या जौहर बानो (जुहार बेगम) लाई ल्याएका थिए । उनै मुगलकन्या जौहर बानोबाट जुद्धशमशेर जन्मिए भने जुद्धशमशेरबाट केन्द्रशमशेर । केन्द्रशमशेर राजा वीरेन्द्रका ससुरा तथा रानी ऐश्वर्यका बुबा हुन् । खसहरुमा जात खसहरुमा धर्मको आधारमा नभएर कर्म, पद र स्थानको आधारमा बोलाइने चलन थियो, पछि यही नै जात हुनगयो । क) कार्यका आधारमा बनेका जातहरु भट्ट – राजपुरोहित वा धर्माधिकारी अधिकारी – दराको हाकिम कार्की – राजस्व अधिकृत भण्डारी – राजकीय कोषको प्रमुख लेखक – लेखक महत – ग्राम प्रमुख रोकाया – महतको सहयोगी ख) दर्जा, पदका आधारमा बनेका जातहरु थापा – सैनिक दर्जा खड्का – सैनिक दर्जा राना – सैनिक दर्जा बुढा – सैनिक दर्जा खसहरुले पुज्ने मष्टो ग) स्थानका आधारमा बनेका जातहरु धिता – धिताल पाण्डुसेरा – पाण्डे सिञ्जा – सिंजापति चैडिलागाउँ – चौलागाई प्याकुरी – प्याकुरेल सिम्खाडा – सिम्खडा तिमिल्सैन – तिमिल्सिना वा तिम्सिना घमिरगाउँ – घिमिरे खसहरुमा जातपातको सूत्रपात पूर्व खाँट्टि खसहरु मनुस्मृति (जो वास्तवमा मनुले लेखेको नभएर भृगु ऋषिले लेखेका हुन्) का आधारमा कुनै जातमा विभाजित थिएनन् । हरेक व्यक्ति आफूखुसी कर्म गर्न स्वतन्त्र थिए र आपसमा कुनै प्रकारको छुवाछुत पनि थिएन । तर राजारजौटाहरु हिन्दू मतावलम्बी हुनु, भारतका राजारजौटाहरुसँग विवाहसम्बन्ध कायम गर्नु तथा उनीहरूको प्रचलन अपनाउनु र कन्नौजबाट आएका भट्टहरुका कारण खसहरुमा बिस्तारै जातपातको सूत्रपात हुनगयो र यो सँगै पछुवाछुतको प्रथा सुरु भयो । तर यहाँ पनि एकरुपता भने कायम छैन । ब्राम्हणहरु आफै उपाध्याय जैशी, कुमाइ आदिमा विभाजित छन् । यिनीहरुमा उच्च कुल र नीच कुल भन्ने सोच कायम छ र एकआपसमा बिहावारी चल्दैन । कसैको मृत्यु भएमा हिन्दुस्तानका हिन्दुहरु नुन बार्दैनन् तर अशौचमा नुन बार्ने कार्य खसहरुले गर्थे, जो अहिले पनि कायम छ । शाहकालमा पाँडेहरुले नियम बनाउँदा आफूहरुलाई सिधे नुन (खानीको नुन), पालुङ्गो, मुँगको दाल आदि चल्ने अरूलाई नचल्ने नियम बनाएर अरूलाई भने लोप्पा ख्वाइदिए । राज्यको युवराज घोषित गर्नुपूर्व राजा शस्त्रशिल्पीको आरनमा गएर पूजा गर्दथे, शस्त्रशिल्पीलाई पूजा गरेर तरबार बनाउने अभिभारा दिन्थे र त्यही तरबार युवराज घोषित गर्ने दिन युवराजलाई शस्त्रशिल्पीले दिन्थे । यिनै शस्त्रशिल्पी आज कामी कहलाइएर कसरी अछुत भए ? ताज्जुब लाग्छ । कसरी फाल्ने जात ? कुनै पनि कुराको ’boutमा बुझ्न सबैभन्दा पहिले मूलमा नै पुग्नुपर्छ । मूल खुलेपछि सबैकुरा छर्लङ्ग हुन्छ । त्यसैले मूल हेर्ने हो भने माथि नै लेखिएको आधारमा हामी खस हौं र हामीमा जातपात, छुवाछुतको प्रचलन थिएन । त्यहाँ बनेको तरबार जति नियम बने, पछि बनेका हुन् । गान्धीले भारतमा तल्ला जातिका सबैलाई एकमुष्ठ गरेर हरिजन नामकरण गरे तर त्यसको कुनै उपादेयता भने निस्किएन । उल्टो, नेताहरूको लागि यो राजनीति र भोट सङ्कलन गर्ने अचुक अश्त्र बन्न गयो, जुन नेपालमा पनि देख्न सकिन्छ । त्यसैले संविधानमा लिखित रूपमा नै छुवाछुत र जातपातमाथि प्रतिबन्ध लगाइए पनि हाम्रो आजको मानसिकतालाई आधार मान्ने हो भने जातपात र छुवाछुत हट्न अझै कम्तीमा १०० वर्ष लाग्नसक्छ । अनि के १०० वर्षसम्म यही रीतिमा चल्ने ? २००७ सालपछि नाटककार बालकृष्ण शमशेरले सम लेख्न थाले । भारतका प्रख्यात कवि तथा महान् अभिनेता अमिताभ बच्चनका पिता हरिवंश राय बच्चन श्रीवास्तव हुन् र जातले कायस्थ हुन् । आज हरिवंशका छोराहरु बच्चन भएका छन् र नाति-पनातीहरु पनि बच्चन नै लेख्नेछन् । कालान्तरमा उनीहरू सरनेम बच्चन नै हुनेछ । नेपालभित्र हामी जहाँ जाऔं, पहिले अनुहार हेरिन्छ, जात खुट्याउन नसके नाक हेरिन्छ र त्यसपछि पनि केही नलागेपछि जात सोधिन्छ । र जब जात उजागर हुन्छ तब हाम्रो घृणित जातपात र छुवाछूतको मानसिकता सक्रिय हुन्छ । आज विश्व एकीकरण भइरहेको बेलामा हाम्रो मानसिकता भने अझै जातमै अड्किएको छ । त्यसैले जातपात र छुवाछुतलाई फाल्ने नै हो भने मेरो विचारमा सबैभन्दा पहिले जात फाल्नुपर्छ । जब जात नै नभएपछि कसले सोध्छ जात ? -विपुल सिजापति (यो मेरो व्यक्तिगत विचार हो । कसैलाई व्यक्तिगत रूपमा चोट पार्ने मेरो उद्देश्य होइन । साथै, इतिहासको जानकार नभएकोले दिइएका तथ्यहरू तलमाथि पनि पर्न सक्छन्, धन्यवाद ।) नेपाल माथीको भारतिय निती यसबाट प्रष्ट हुदैन र ? अक्टोबर 2, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment भारतीय बाह्य गुप्तचर संस्था RAW का पूर्व अधिकारी R. Yadav ले आफ्नो पुस्तक मिशन र (MISSION RAW) मा लेखे अनुसार र कै पहल कदमीमा सन् १९७५ मा सिक्किमलाई आफ्नो मुलुकमा गाभेपछि तत्कालै नेपालको तराईलाई पनि नेपालबाट टुक्र्याएर भारतमा गाभ्ने र को योजना तम्तयार थियो भन्ने कुरा उल्लेख गरेका छन् । तर भारतमा आन्तरिक कलहले संकटकाल लागू गर्नु परेकाले नेपालको तराई टुक्र्याएर भारतमा गाभ्ने योजना त्यतिखेर स्थगित गर्नुपरेको थियो । नेपालमा चीनको उपस्थितिले भारतलाई सुरक्षा खतरा हुनाले नेपालको तराईलाई गाभ्नो र को गोप्य योजना रहेको उक्त पुस्तकमा खुलासा गरिएको छ । नेपालीलाई चेतना भया ! From the book: MISSION R&AW, Chapter 9 – Merger of Sikkim Author: R. Yadav Publisher: Manas Publications Place of Publication: New Delhi Year of Publication: 2014 Yadav, a former RAW official, in his book “MISSION R&AW” published from New Delhi in 2014 has praised how RAW under the leadership of its Chief R. Kao merged Sikkim into India peacefully in 1975 and how RAW was able to divide Pakistan and create a new country Bangladesh. While describing how Kao led RAW to success in South Asia as even more powerful than CIA and MI6, he writes, “Kao told me that after the merger of Sikkim, he had a plan to disintegrate the Tarai area of Nepal because of increasing presence of China after much to the discomfiture of the Indian Prime Mnister Indira Gandhi. He forewsaw the Maoist menace to India in 1995 which is now posing a serious security threat to India.” The author, basing this information on his discussion with then RAW Chief R. Kao, further writers, “However, merger of Tarai of Nepal was deferred in view of political turmoil in India when Indira Gandhi declared emergency in the country in June 1975 just after merger of Sikkim with Indian Union. Most of the opposition leaders were arrested by her and internal political storm hampered her in formulating other external planning of the region. Unfortunately, when elections were held in 1979, Indira Gandhi was defeated and her party did not come to power and Kao’s operation of merging Tarai and other assignments, did not materialize.” ( Mohan Nepali ) Bharat Dahal ko Facebook bata. मोदीलाई खुला पत्र अक्टोबर 2, 2015Posted by timecircle in Uncategorized. add a comment आदरणीय नरेन्द्र मोदीज्यू, ०२७ सालमा तत्कालीन युवराज वीरेन्द्रको विवाहपछिको स्वागत समारोहमा तत्कालीन भारतीय राष्ट्रपति भिभी गिरीकै उपस्थितिमा राजा महेन्द्रले भनेका थिए, ‘नेपाल एउटा असल छिमेकीका रूपमा भारतसँग सौहार्दपूर्ण भावनासहित सर्वमान्य अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनअनुसार व्यापार र पारवहन सुविधाबाहेक अरू केही अपेक्षा गर्दैन ।’ पैंतालीस वर्षपछि तिनै वाक्य त्यति नै संवेदनशीलताका साथ दोहोर्याउनुपर्दा म यहाँसँग क्षमाप्रार्थी र लज्जित छु । तपाईंका दुईपटकका नेपाल भ्रमण वास्तवमै ऐतिहासिक थिए । लामो समयदेखि भारतीय कर्मचारी र सुरक्षातन्त्रले मुसो खेलाएझैँ खेलाएको नेपाल सम्बन्धलाई तपाईंले एकै झट्कामा राजनीतिक तहमा पुर्याएको र नेपाललाई उच्च महत्त्व दिएको भान हुन्थ्यो । तपाईंको शैली आशाजनक र मुद्रा आत्मीय थियो । अविश्वास र आशंकाको चक्रमा घुमिरहेको नेपाल–भारत सम्बन्धमा तपाईं विश्वास र भरोसाको जग खडा गर्न तयार हुुनुहुन्छ भन्ने नेपाललाई लागेको थियो । तर, दुर्भाग्यवश त्यो ‘लगाइ’ एक वर्ष पनि टिकेन । नेपालका पछिल्ला घटनाक्रम’bout यहाँ जानकार हुनुहुन्न कि भन्ने भ्रम केहीलाई छ । त्यसैले अमेरिकाबाट तपार्इं कहिले भारत फर्किनुहोला भन्ने जिज्ञासा नेपालमा धेरैलाई थियो । दिल्ली फर्किसकेका तपार्इंलाई ढिलोचाँडो अहिलेको गतिरोध सल्टाउनै छ । किनकि छविसँग अत्यन्त सचेत तपाईं नेपालमा बढ्दो भारतविरोधी भावनासँग पक्कै चिन्तित हुनुहुन्छ । मोदी सर, नेपाल वास्तवमा मस्तिष्कले चल्ने देश नै होइन । मस्तिष्कले चल्ने भए यति धेरै प्राकृतिक स्रोत भएको देशको यो हविगत नै हुने थिएन । नेपाल खासमा भावुक र आवेगीहरूको देश हो, जो मूलत: हृदयले चल्छ । यो खासमा सन्कीहरूको देश हो, जो प्रेम र घृणा दुवै मनदेखि गर्छ । बानेश्वरका सडकमा तपार्इंले हिजो प्रेम र अपनत्व जगाउनुभयो । यो उन्मादी देशले उन्मादपूर्वक तपाईंको स्वागत गर्यो । तर, नौ महिनामै त्यो अपनत्वले नाकाहरूमा आत्महत्या गर्यो र यो देश तपार्इंलाई घृणा गर्ने तहमा पुग्यो । विदेशमन्त्री सुषमा स्वराज र राजदूत रणजित रायका वक्तव्य हामीले गम्भीरतापूर्वक पढिरहेका छौँ । ती वक्तव्यमा धेरै हदसम्म सत्यता छ । नेपालमा साँच्चै नै भारतविरोधी भावना बढेको छ । यसले दीर्घकालमा नेपाल र भारत दुवैको हित गर्दैन भन्नेमा शंका छैन । तर, तेल र ग्यासको हाहाकारबाट अस्तव्यस्त समाजसँग तपाईं कसरी प्रेमको आशा गर्न सक्नुुहुन्छ ? स्वाभिमानमा चोट पुगेको समाजले प्रशंसा कसरी गर्न सक्छ ? वास्तवमा तपाईंले दूतका रूपमा विदेश सचिव जयशंकरलाई पठाउन निकै ढिलो गर्नुभयो । हाम्रा नेताको कद र काठी हामीलाई राम्ररी थाहा छ । तर, बनिसकेको संविधान रोक्न सक्ने अवस्थामा ती थिएनन् । खाइसकेको चाउचाउलाई फेरि मैदा बना भनेर ती कसरी बनाउन सक्थे ? तपाईंको नाकाबन्दीले आन्दोलनरत पक्षहरूको नैतिक जमिन पनि समाप्त पारिदियो । तिनका जायज माग पनि नाकाबन्दीमा परे । नेपालमा भारतप्रतिको अविश्वास र आशंका थप दीर्घजीवी भयो । एकपछि अर्को अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय स्वीकृतिबाट तपाईंमा आत्मविश्वास पनि बढेको छ । संसारकै उदीयमान महाशक्तिका रूपमा सुरक्षा परिषद्को स्थायी सदस्यतामा तपार्इंको दाबीमा नेपालको पनि समर्थन छ । संसारकै नेतृत्व गर्ने तपाईंको महत्त्वाकांक्षालाई भारतीय अर्थव्यवस्थाको विस्तारले तार्किक आधार पनि दिएको छ । तर मोदी सर, उदीयमान विश्व नेताका रूपमा तपाईंले आफ्नो कूटनीतिक र राजनीतिक योग्यताको सबैभन्दा पहिलो परीक्षा तपाईंकै भाषामा तपार्इंको सबैभन्दा आत्मीय छिमेकी नेपालमै दिनु छ । नेपालमा परम्परागत रूपमा भारतको छवि एउटा यस्तो छिमेकीको छ, जसलाई विश्वास र अविश्वास दुवै गर्न सकिन्न । नाकाबन्दीबाट तपाईंले त्यो छवि अझ सुदृढ बनाइदिनुभएको छ । तपाईंलाई थाहै छ, दक्षिण एसियाका सबैजसो देशमा भारतविरोधी भावनाले अचम्मसँग ‘राष्ट्रवाद’को प्रतिनिधित्व गर्छ । यो दु:खी राष्ट्रवादका पछाडि ती देशका बौद्धिक, भूराजनीतिक, आर्थिक र सैनिक कुण्ठाले पनि उत्तिकै भूमिका खेलेका होलान् । सीमा विवाद, व्यापार असन्तुलन, राजनीतिक हस्तक्षेप, असमान सन्धिहरू र भूराजनीतिक विवशताले सबैजसो छिमेकीमा भारतप्रति असन्तोष र कुण्ठालाई जन्म दिएको होला । तर मोदी सर, क्षेत्रीय मोर्चामै, अझ सबैभन्दा निकट र आत्मीय छिमेकमै असफल नेता कसरी विश्वनेताका रूपमा सफल होला ? हाम्रो संविधानसभामा नेपाल र भारतको मित्रता’bout तपार्इंको व्याख्या सही थियो । नेपाल र भारत संसारका अरू कुनै पनि दुई देशभन्दा निकट हुन् भन्ने तपार्इंको दाबी पनि तर्कपूर्ण थियो । हाम्रा लिपि मिल्छन् । हाम्रा संस्कृति मिल्छन् । हाम्रो विधिशास्त्रदेखि वास्तुशास्त्रसम्म एउटै छ । तेत्तीस करोड देवता हाम्रा साझा हुन् । हाम्रा सामाजिक जीवन र तीर्थहरू एउटै छन् । हामी भूगोलले, इतिहासले र सभ्यताले जोडिएका छौँ । यति विशिष्ट सम्बन्ध हुँदाहुँदै पनि आमनेपालीमाझ भारतको छवि किन विश्वसनीय र आत्मीय छैन ? यसको जवाफ नेपाल एक्लैले खोज्न सक्ला र मोदी सर ? नेपालमा घाउहरूको लामो शृंखला छ । लाखौँ नेपालीभाषी भुटानी भारतकै समर्थनमा भुटानबाट निकालिए । तिनलाई भारत हुँदै नेपाली भूमिमा ल्याएर छाडियो । दशकौँसम्मको शरणार्थी शिविरको पीडा र यातना दिएर तिनलाई तेस्रो देश पुनर्वास गरियो । अहिले बिहारमा नक्कली शरणार्थी शिविर बनिरहेका वेला हामीले झापाका शरणार्थी शिविरलाई चाहिँ कसरी सम्झने मोदी सर ? मोदी सर, हामीले पटक–पटक गतिरोधको सामना गरेका छौँ । सन् १९६१ को भारत–नेपाल व्यापार सन्धि सन् १९७० मा सकिन लाग्दै थियो । तर, पाकिस्तानसँग करमुक्त व्यपार गर्न खोजेको, कोदारी राजमार्ग खोलेर चीनसँग नजिकिएको र सन् १९६९ मा उत्तरी चेकपोस्टबाट भारतीय सेना फिर्ता बोलाउन लगाएको भन्दै असन्तुष्ट भारत सन्धि नवीकरण गर्न तयार भएन । लामो गलफत्ती र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मञ्चमा खुला आरोप–प्रत्यारोपछि भारतले जम्मा दुई महिना समय थप्यो । त्यतिखेरै नेपालमा भारतविरोधी प्रचारले आत्तिएर तेह्र सय भारतीय नागरिकले नेपाल छाडेको भारतको दाबी थियो । तर, त्यसैवेला बंगलादेश युद्ध सुरु भयो । तत्कालीन भारतीय विदेशमन्त्री सरदार स्वर्णसिंह काठमाडौं आए । नेपालले युद्ध र संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ दुवैमा भारतको पक्ष लिएपछि बल्लतल्ल सन्धि नवीकरण भयो । सन् १९७६ मा सिक्किमलाई जनमतसंग्रहको आवरण र सैन्य बलमा भारतमा गाभेपछि नेपालले आपत्ति जनायो । तर, भारतले जवाफ दियो, ‘यो सिक्किम र भारतको आन्तरिक मामिला हो, कुनै तेस्रो देशले हस्तक्षेप गर्न जरुरी छैन ।’ तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री नगेन्द्रप्रसाद रिजाल दिल्ली भ्रमणमा गए । भारतले विभिन्न ४४ वस्तु निर्यातमा लागेको प्रतिबन्ध हटायो । भारतीय विदेशमन्त्री यशवन्त राव चव्हाणले नेपाललाई प्रतिबद्धता गरिएको सहायताले निरन्तरता पाउने थप सहयोग गरिने वचन दिए । यसरी नेपाललाई थामथुम पारियो । सन् १९७५ मा राज्याभिषेकको अवसरमा राजा वीरेन्द्रले नेपाललाई शान्तिक्षेत्र घोषणा गर्न प्रस्ताव गरे । अरू पाँच वर्षमा थुप्रै देशले समर्थन गरे तर भारत बोलेन । सन् १९८० मा राजकीय भ्रमणको अवसरमा नयाँदिल्लीमै वीरेन्द्रले यो प्रस्ताव दोहोर्याए । शान्तिक्षेत्रको यो फन्डामा पछि चीनसँग हतियार किनेको प्रकरण जोडियो र ०४५ सालको लामो नाकाबन्दी सुरु भयो । भूपरिवेष्ठित देशका रूपमा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कानुनअनुसार नेपालले तेस्रो देशसँग निर्बाध यातायात र मुक्त व्यापारको सुविधा पाउनुपर्नेमा नाकामै समस्या आयो । अहिले त्यही घाउ दोहोरिएको छ । तपार्इंहरू ‘चीनतिर नहेर’ भन्नुुहुन्छ । हामीसँग अर्को के बाटो छ मोदी सर ? नेपालको रोस्ट्रममा उभिएर तपाईंले ऋषि–मनको प्रवचन दिनुभयो । सधैँ भारतको उपेक्षाबाट आजित संविधानसभा तपार्इंको आत्मीय व्यवहारबाट यति प्रफुल्ल भयो कि तपाईंका हरेक वाक्यमा ताली बजायो । निश्चय नै जबसम्म नेपालमा विभेद रहनेछ, सीमान्तीकृत वर्ग, क्षेत्र, जाति र लिंगले आत्मसम्मान हासिल गर्नेछैनन्, स्वाधीन र आत्मनिर्भर अर्थतन्त्रको जग बस्नेछैन, तबसम्म यो देशमा शान्ति हुनेछैन । तर, नाकाबन्दीको ढोकाबाट निस्कने समाधान कुनै पनि देशभक्तलाई कसरी मान्य होला र ? मोदी सर, यही सोमबार तपार्इंलाई भेटेर फर्केपछि फेसबुक प्रमुख मार्क जुकरबर्गलाई ‘अलाइन्स फर जस्टिस एन्ड अकाउन्टिबिलिटी’ नामक संस्थाले सेनेटाइजरका थुप्रै बोतल पठायो र भन्यो, ‘जुकरबर्ग † गुजरात दंगाको जिम्मेवारसँग हात मिलायौ, अब यी बोतलले तिम्रा फोहोर हात धोऊ ।’ ११ मंसिर ०७१ मा बानेश्वरका ती सर्वसाधारण, जसले प्रेम, उल्लास र उत्साहका साथ एक वर्षअघि तपाईंको हात समाएका थिए, के ती सबैले यो नाकाबन्दीमा सेनेटाइजरले हात धुनुपर्ने हो ? नेपालप्रति तपाईंको यति अप्रिय व्यवहारपछि एउटै प्रश्न सोध्नु छ, तपाईंको छाती साँच्चै ५२ इन्चकै हो त ? अबका केही दिनमै त्यसको उत्तर आउनेछ । आशा छ, तपार्इंले छातीको इन्च घटाउनुहुनेछैन । -कृष्णज्वाला देवकोटा ( नयां पत्रिका October 2, 2015)