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Исмет Иньоню Мустафа Исмет Иньоню (на турски: Mustafa İsmet İnönü) (24 септември 1884 — 25 декември 1973) е турски военен офицер - бригаден генерал, и държавник - 2-ри президент на Турция. Роден е в Измир в смесено турско-кюрдско семейство, произхождащо от Малатия. Баща му е Хаджи Решид бей, член на османската бюрокрация и опитен магистрат, роден в Малатия, а майка му е Джеврие Ханъм, дъщеря на емигрант от България след Руско-турската освободителна война (1877-1878). Заради назначенията на бащата семейството се мести от един град в друг. Исмет започва да следва в Сивас. Негов син е Ердал Иньоню, носител на медал Уигнър за математика и физика и бивш заместник министър-председател на Турция, както и бивш лидер на Социалдемократическата партия, Социалдемократическата популистка партия и почетен лидер на Социалдемократическата партия на хората. Съдържание Ранна военна кариера[редактиране | edit source] Завършва Военната академия през 1903 г. и получава първото си военно назначение в османската армия. Той се присъединява към Комитета за единство и прогрес. Печели първите си военни победи, потушавайки 2 големи бунта срещу мъчещата се Османска империя - първо в Румелия, а после в Йемен, чийто лидер е Яхия Мухамад Хамид ед-Дин. Исмет служи като военен офицер по време на Балканската война на Османско-българския фронт. По време на Първата световна война е полковник на османския Източен фронт в Сирия и по-късно е назначен за командир на Западните сили. Работи заедно с Кемал Ататюрк по време на назначението си на Кавказкия фронт. Война за независимост[редактиране | edit source] След Първата световна война отива в Анатолия, за да се присъедини към турското националистическо движение. Назначен е за главнокомандващ на турската Западна армия — пост, която запазва през цялата Турска война за независимост. След Първата битка при гр. Иньоню (9-11 януари 1921) е произведен в звание паша (най-ниското генералско звание до 1934 г., бригаден генерал). След Втората битка при гр. Иньоню (23-31 март 1921), в която побеждава гръцката армия в Западен Анадол, в нейна чест получава фамилия Иньоню. По време на Турската война за независимост е член на Турското национално събрание в Анкара. Бъдещият държавник сменя кариерата си, когато е назначен за началник-пълномощник на турската делегация за Лозанския договор и става известен с решителността и упоритостта си в защитаването на турските интереси, докато отстъпва много малко на другите страни на преговорите, карайки мирната конференция да продължи по-дълго, отколкото се е очаква. Политическа кариера[редактиране | edit source] По-късно Иньоню служи като министър-председател на Турция за няколко мандата, поддържайки системата, която Ататюрк въвежда. Той реагира след всяка първостепенна криза (като бунта на Шеик Саид или покушението срещу Ататюрк в Измир), за да въдвори ред в страната. Иньоню ръководи икономиката успешно, особено след кризата през 1929 г., като изпълнява икономически план, вдъхновен от петгодишния план на СССР. Президентство[редактиране | edit source] След смъртта на Ататюрк, Иньоню е виждан като най-подходящият човек да го замести и бива избран за втори президент на Турция. В първата година от президенстването му започва Втората световна война и Алианса и Оста натискат Иньоню да въведе Турция във войната на тяхна страна. Германците изпращат Франц фон Папен в Анкара, докато Уинстън Чърчил тайно се среща с Иньоню във вагон на влак близо до Адана на 30 януари 1943 година. По-късно Иньоню се среща и с Франклин Делано Рузвелт и Уинстън Чърчил на Втората конференция в Кайро от 4 до 6 декември 1943 година. До 1941 г. и Рузвелт и Чърчил смятат, че продължаващият неутралитет на Турция ще служи на интересите на Алианса, блокирайки Оста да достигне стратегическите петролни запаси на Близкия изток. Но ранните победи на Оста до края на 1942 г. карат Рузвелт и Чърчил да преосмислят възможно участие на Турция във войната на страната на Алианса. Турция поддържа доста голяма армия и въздушна сила през войната и Чърчил иска турците да отворят нов фронт на Балканите. Рузвелт, от друга страна, все още вярва, че турска атака ще бъде твърде рискована и евентуален провал на Турция ще има гибелен ефект върху Алианса. Иньоню знае много добре трудностите, които неговата страна е изтърпяла през 11-те години война между 1911 и 1922 г., и е убеден да държи Турция извън войната, доколкото може. Иньоню също така иска финансови гаранции и военни помощи за Турция, както и гаранция, че САЩ и Великобритания ще застанат на страната на Турция в случай, че след войната СССР евентуално нападне турските протоци. Страхът от съветска инвазия и желанието на Сталин да контролира протоците карат Турция да не спази принципа си на неутралитет и да се включи в НАТО през 1952 г. Може би най-голямото политическо постижение на Иньоню е това, че успява да запази страната от участие във Втората световна война до февруари 1945 г., когато Турция се включва във войната на страната на Алианса срещу Германия и Япония. Многопартийна система[редактиране | edit source] През 1950 г. партията му загубва изборите и Иньоню дава председателството на Демократическата партия на Аднан Мендерес. Иньоню служи 10 години като лидер на опозицията преди да се оттегли като министър-председател след преврата от 1960 г. По стандартите на тогавашното време Иньоню бил високообразован човек и говорел 4 езика — арабски, английски, немски и френски. Иньоню умира през 1973 г. Той е погребан до мавзолея Анъткабир на Кемал Ататюрк, Анкара.
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Mustafa İsmet İnönü (Turkish pronunciation: [isˈmet ˈinøny]; 24 September 1884 – 25 December 1973) was a Turkish general [1] and statesman, who served as the second President of Turkey from 11 November 1938, the day after the death of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, to 22 May 1950, when his Republican People's Party was defeated in Turkey's second free elections. He also served as the first Chief of the General Staff from 1922 to 1924, and as the first Prime Minister after the declaration of the Republic, serving three terms: from 1923 to 1924, 1925 to 1937, and 1961 to 1965. As President, he was granted the official title of "Milli Şef" (National Chief).[2] When the 1934 Surname Law was adopted, Mustafa Kemal gave him a surname delivered from İnönü, where he commanded the forces of Army of Grand National Assembly as the Minister of the Chief of the General Staff (Erkân-ı Harbiye-i Umumiye Reis Vekili) during the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922. Afterwards these battles became to be known as the First Battle of İnönü and Second Battle of İnönü. Family and early lifeEdit İsmet İnönü was born in İzmir, Aidin Vilayet to Hacı Reşit (Turkish: [hadʒɯ reʃit]) and Cevriye (Turkish: [dʒevrije]) (later Cevriye Temelli), and was of Kurdish descent on his father's side and of Turkish descent through his mother.[3][4][5][6][7] Hacı Reşit was retired from the First Examinant Department of Legal Affairs Bureau of the War Ministry (Harbiye Nezareti Muhakemat Dairesi Birinci Mümeyyizliği),[8] who was born in Malatya and a member of Kümüroğulları family of Bitlis. Cevriye was a daughter of Müderris (professor) Hasan Efendi who was ulema[8] and a member of Turkish family of Razgrad.[9] Due to his father's assignments, the family moved from one city to another. Thus, Ismet completed his primary education in Sivas and graduated Sivas Military Junior High School (Sivas Askerî Rüştiyesi) in 1894. And then he studied at Sivas School for Civil Servants (Sivas Mülkiye İdadisi) for a year. Early military careerEdit Ismet graduated from the Imperial School of Military Engineering (Mühendishane-i Berrî-i Hümâyûn) in 1903 as gunnery officer, and received his first military assignment in the Ottoman Army. He joined the Committee of Union and Progress. He won his first military victories by suppressing two major revolts against the struggling Ottoman Empire, first in Rumelia and later in Yemen,[citation needed] whose leader was Yahya Muhammad Hamid ed-Din. He served as a military officer during the Balkan Wars on the Ottoman-Bulgarian front. During World War I, he served with the Ottoman military rank of Miralay (arbitrarily the equivalent of Colonel or Senior Colonel (Brigadier)) and worked under Mustafa Kemal Pasha during his assignments at the Caucasus and Palestine fronts. During the war, on 13 April 1916, Ismet married Mevhibe, who was a daughter of an Ashraf (Eşraf) of Ziştovi (present day Svishtov) Zühtü Efendi. They had three children: Ömer, Erdal and Özden (married to Metin Toker).[8] Turkish War of IndependenceEdit After losing the Battle of Megiddo against General Edmund Allenby during the last days of World War I, he went to Constantinople (Istanbul) and was assigned Undersecretary of the Ministry of War and then General Secretary of the Documentation in the Military Council. After the military occupation of Constantinople on 16 March 1920, he decided to pass to Anatolia for joining the Turkish National Movement. He and his chief of staff Major Saffet (Arıkan) wore soldier uniform and left Maltepe in the evening of 19 March 1920 and arrived at Ankara on 9 April 1920. He was appointed the commander of the Western Front of the Army of the Grand National Assembly (GNA), a position in which he remained during the Turkish War of Independence. He was promoted to the rank of Mirliva (arbitrarily the equivalent of Brigadier General or Major General; the most junior General rank with the title Pasha in the Ottoman and pre-1934 Turkish Army) after winning the First Battle of İnönü which took place between 9 and 11 January 1921. He also won the subsequent Second Battle of İnönü which was fought between 26 and 31 March 1921. During the Turkish War of Independence he was also a member of the GNA in Ankara. İnönü was replaced by Mustafa Fevzi Pasha, who was also the Prime Minister and Minister of Defense at the time, as the Chief of Staff of the Army of the GNA after the Turkish forces lost major battles against the advancing Greek Army in July 1921, as a result of which the cities Afyonkarahisar, Kütahya and Eskişehir were temporarily lost. He participated as a staff officer (with the rank Brigadier General) to the later battles, until the final Turkish victory in September 1922. Chief negotiator in Mudanya and LausanneEdit After the War of Independence was won, İsmet Pasha was appointed as the chief negotiator of the Turkish delegation, both for the Armistice of Mudanya and for the Treaty of Lausanne. The Lausanne conference convened in late 1922 to settle the terms of a new treaty that would take the place of the Treaty of Sèvres. Inönü became famous for his stubborn resolve in determining Ankara's position as the legitimate, sovereign government of Turkey. After delivering his position, Inönü turned off his hearing aid during the speeches of British foreign secretary Lord Curzon. When the secretary had finished, Inönü reiterated his position as if Lord Curzon had never said a word.[10] Single-party periodEdit Prime MinisterEdit İnönü later served as the Prime Minister of Turkey for several terms, maintaining the system that Mustafa Kemal had put in place. He acted after every major crisis (such as the rebellion of Sheikh Said or the attempted assassination in Izmir against Mustafa Kemal) to restore peace in the country. Statism in economyEdit He tried to manage the economy with heavy-handed government intervention, especially after the 1929 economic crisis, by implementing an economic plan inspired by the Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union. In doing so, he took much private property under government control. Due to his efforts, to this day, more than 70% of land in Turkey is still owned by the state.[citation needed] Desiring a more liberal economic system, Atatürk dissolved the government of İnönü[11] and appointed Celâl Bayar, the founder of the first Turkish commercial bank Türkiye İş Bankası, as Prime Minister. "National Chief" periodEdit PresidentEdit After the death of Atatürk on 10 November 1938,[12] İnönü was viewed as the most appropriate candidate to succeed him, and was elected the second President of the Republic of Turkey and enjoyed the official title of "Milli Şef", i.e. "National Chief". World War II broke out in the first year of his presidency, and both the Allies and the Axis pressured İnönü to bring Turkey into the war on their side.[13] The Germans sent Franz von Papen to Ankara in February 1942,[14] while the British sent Hughe Knatchbull-Hugessen and the French René Massigli. On 23 April 1939, Turkish Foreign Minister Şükrü Saracoğlu told Knatchbull-Hugessen of his nation's fears of Italian claims of the Mediterranean as Mare Nostrum and German control of the Balkans, and suggested an Anglo-Soviet-Turkish alliance as the best way of countering the Axis.[15] In May 1939, during the visit of Maxime Weygand to Turkey, İnönü told the French Ambassador René Massigli that he believed that the best way of stopping Germany was an alliance of Turkey, the Soviet Union, France and Britain; that if such an alliance came into being, the Turks would allow Soviet ground and air forces onto their soil; and that he wanted a major programme of French military aid to modernize the Turkish armed forces.[16] British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, himself, travelled to Ankara on 30 January 1943 for a conference with President İnönu, to urge Turkey's entry into the war on the allied side.[17] The signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact on 23 August 1939 led Turkey away from the Allies as the Turks always believed that it was essential to have the Soviet Union as an ally to counter Germany, and the signing of the German-Soviet pact undercut completely the assumptions behind Turkish security policy.[18] When Winston Churchill met with İnönü in January 1943, they had met secretly inside a train wagon at the Yenice Station near Adana. However, by 4–6 December 1943, İnönü felt confident enough about the outcome of the war, that he met with openly with Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill at the Second Cairo Conference. Until 1941, both Roosevelt and Churchill thought that Turkey's continuing neutrality would serve the interests of the Allies by blocking the Axis from reaching the strategic oil reserves of the Middle East. But the early victories of the Axis up to the end of 1942 caused Roosevelt and Churchill to re-evaluate a possible Turkish participation in the war on the side of the Allies. Turkey had maintained a decently-sized Army and Air Force throughout the war, and Churchill wanted the Turks to open a new front in the Balkans. Roosevelt, on the other hand, still believed that a Turkish attack would be too risky, and an eventual Turkish failure would have disastrous effects for the Allies. İnönü knew very well the hardships which his country had suffered during decades of incessant war between 1908 and 1922 and was determined to keep Turkey out of another war as long as he could. The young Turkish Republic was still re-building, recovering from the losses due to earlier wars, and lacked any modern weapons and the infrastructure to enter a war to be fought along and possibly within its borders. İnönü based his neutrality policy during the Second World War on the premise that Western Allies and the Soviet Union would sooner or later have a falling out after the war.[19] Thus, İnönu wanted assurances on financial and military aid for Turkey, as well as a guarantee that the United States and the United Kingdom would stand beside Turkey in the event of a Soviet invasion of the Turkish Straits after the war. The post-war tensions and arguments surrounding the Turkish Straits would come to be known as the Turkish Straits crisis. The fear of Soviet invasion and Joseph Stalin's unconcealed desire for Soviet military bases in the Turkish Straits[19] eventually caused Turkey to give up its principle of neutrality in foreign relations and join NATO in February 1952.[20] Multi-party periodEdit Under international pressure to transform the country to a democratic state, İnönü presided over the infamous 1946 elections, in which votes were cast in the open with onlookers able to observe to which party the voters had cast their votes, yet counting of the votes were not open for the public to observe. In 1950, his party lost the first free elections in the republic's history. The Democrat Party used a slogan: "Geldi İsmet, kesildi kısmet" ("Since Ismet came, fortune was cut" ) for their election campaigns. İnönü presided over the peaceful transfer of power to the Democratic Party of Celâl Bayar and Adnan Menderes. İnönü served for ten years as the leader of the opposition before returning to power as Prime Minister after the 1961 election, held after the military coup-d'etat in 1960. Although the opposition was imprisoned during the 1961 elections, he still did not win a majority and had to form coalition governments until the 1965 elections. He lost both the 1965 and 1969 general elections to Süleyman Demirel and then in 1972 he lost his party's leadership race to Bülent Ecevit. İsmet İnönü was, by the standards of his time, a highly educated man; speaking Arabic, English, French and German in addition to his native Turkish. İnönü died in 1973. He was interred opposite to Atatürk's mausoleum at Anıtkabir in Ankara and a massive tomb was constructed there. LegacyEdit İnönü University and Malatya İnönü Stadium in Malatya are named after him, as is the İnönü Stadium in Istanbul, home of the Beşiktaş football club. MediaEdit See alsoEdit - Pembe Köşk – Private home from 1925 to 1973 - Çankaya Köşkü – The Presidency of the Republic of Turkey - List of high-ranking commanders of the Turkish War of Independence - Treaty of Lausanne - 1st government of Turkey - 2nd government of Turkey - 4th government of Turkey - 26th government of Turkey - 27th government of Turkey - 28th government of Turkey ReferencesEdit - ^ TSK Genel Kurmay Baskanlari - ^ Howard, Douglas Arthur (2001). The History of Turkey. Greenwood Publishing Group. - ^ N. Pope, H. Pope, Turkey Unveiled: A History of Modern Turkey, Overlook Press, 1998, ISBN 1-58567-096-0, ISBN 978-1-58567-096-3, p.254 (... president of republic, including Ismet Inönü and Turgut Özal, had Kurdish blood. Several cabinet ministers in 1980s and 1990s had been Kurdish...) – reference found in Turkish Wikipedia article - ^ Romano, David, The Kurdish nationalist movement: opportunity, mobilization, and identity, (Cambridge University Press, 2006), 118; Despite his own Kurdish ancestry, Inonu had apparently embraced Ziya Gokalp's notions of Turkism, which allowed him to advance to the highest post of the new republic. - ^ Erik Jan Zürcher, "The Young Turks – Children of the Borderlands?" at the Wayback Machine (archived January 12, 2008) (October 2002) - ^ "Demek İsmet Kürttür. Hem de koyu Kürt! Biz bu heyetin başından Abaza diye Rauf’u attırdık. Türk diye bir halis Kürt getirmişiz, vah yazık!", Rıza Nur, Hayat ve Hatıratım: Rıza Nur-İnönü kavgası, Lozan ve ötesi, İşaret Yayınları, 1992, p. 235. - ^ "Even Ismet Inonu, Ataturk's long time ally and successor, was discouraged from revealing his Kurdish heritage.", Nader Entessar, "The Kurdish Mosaic of Discord", Third World Foundation, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 4, Ethnicity in World Politics (Oct. 1989), Carfax Publishing Co., 1989, p. 93. - ^ a b c T.C. Genelkurmay Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Yayınları, Türk İstiklâl Harbine Katılan Tümen ve Daha Üst Kademlerdeki Komutanların Biyografileri, Genkurmay Başkanlığı Basımevi, Ankara, 1972. (Turkish) - ^ Günvar Otmanbölük, İsmet Paşa Dosyası, Cilt 1, Yaylacık Matbaası, 1969, p. 6. (Turkish) - ^ Cleveland, William L., and Martin P. Bunton. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder: Westview, 2013. Print. - ^ Lord Kinross, Ataturk: A biography of Mustafa Kermal, Father of Modern Turkey (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1965) p. 449. - ^ Nicole Pope and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: A History of Modern Turkey (New York: The Overlook Press, 2004) p. 68. - ^ Nicole Pope and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: A History of Modern Turkey, p. 75. - ^ Nicole Pope and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: A History of Modern Turkey, p. 78. - ^ Watt, D.C. How War Came : The Immediate Origins of the Second World War, 1938–1939 ,London: Heinemann, 1989 page 278 - ^ Watt, D.C. How War Came : The Immediate Origins of the Second World War, 1938–1939, London: Heinemann, 1989 page 282 - ^ Andrew Mango, The Turks Today, (New York: The Overlook Press, 2004) p. 36. - ^ Watt, D.C. How War Came : The Immediate Origins of the Second World War, 1938–1939, London: Heinemann, 1989 page 310. - ^ a b Andrew Mango, The Turks Today, p. 37. - ^ Andrew Mango, The Turks Today, p. 47. Further readingEdit - Kinross, Lord, Ataturk: A Biography of Mustafa Kermal, Father of Modern Turkey (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1965). - Liebmann, George W. Diplomacy between the Wars: Five Diplomats and the Shaping of the Modern World (London I. B. Tauris, 2008) - Mango, Andrew, The Turks Today (New York: The Overlook Press, 2004). - Pope, Nicole and Pope, Hugh, Turkey Unveiled: A History of Modern Turkey (New York: The Overlook Press, 2004). External linksEdit - Biography (İsmet İnönü Foundation) - İsmet İnönü at Encyclopædia Britannica - Bekir Sami Kunduh (1920-21) - Ahmet Muhtar Mollaoğlu (1921) - Yusuf Kemal Tengirşenk (1921-22) - İsmet İnönü (1922-24) - Şükrü Kaya )1924-25) - Tevfik Rüştü Aras (1925-38) - Şükrü Saracoğlu (1938-42) - Numan Menemencioğlu (1942-44) - Hasan Saka (1944-47) - Necmettin Sadak (1947-50) - Mehmet Fuat Köprülü (1950-56) - Adnan Menderes (1956-57) - Fatin Rüştü Zorlu (1957-60) - Selim Sarper (1960-62) - Feridun Cemal Erkin (1962-65) - Hasan Esat Işık (1965) - İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil (1965-71) - Osman Olcay (1971) - Haluk Bayülken (1971-74) - Turan Güneş (1974) - Melih Esenbel (1974-75) - İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil (1975-77) - Gündüz Ökçün (1977) - İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil (1977-78) - Gündüz Ökçün (1978-79) - Hayrettin Erkmen (1979-80) - İlter Türkmen (1980-83) - Vahit Melih Halefoğlu (1983-87) - Mesut Yılmaz (1987-90) - Ali Bozer (1990) - Ahmet Kurtcebe Alptemoçin (1990-91) - Safa Giray (1991) - Hikmet Çetin (1991-94) - Mümtaz Soysal (1994) - Murat Karayalçın (1994-95) - Erdal İnönü (1995) - Coşkun Kırca (1995) - Deniz Baykal (1995-96) - Emre Gönensay (1996) - Tansu Çiller (1996-97) - Şükrü Sina Gürel (2002) - Yaşar Yakış (2002-03) - Abdullah Gül (2003-07) - Ali Babacan (2007-09) - Ahmet Davutoğlu (2009-14) - Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu (2014-) - Turgut Sunalp - Turgut Özal - Necdet Calp - Erdal İnönü - Ahmet Nusret Tuna - Cezmi Kartay - Yıldırım Avcı - Ahmet Tekdal - Hüsamettin Cindoruk - Aydın Güven Gürkan - Ülkü Söylemezoğlu - Rahşan Ecevit - Mehmet Yazar - Necdet Karababa - Yıldırım Akbulut - Mesut Yılmaz - Doğu Perinçek - Tansu Çiller - Murat Karayalçın - Deniz Baykal - Hikmet Çetin - Devlet Bahçeli - Recai Kutan - Altan Öymen - Ahmet Türk - Recep Tayyip Erdoğan - İsmail Cem İpekçi - Zeki Sezer - Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu - Ahmet Davutoğlu