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Buzek's valedictory speech "If Sparta and Rome perished" wrote Jean-Jacques Rousseau, "what state can hope to last forever?" No human institutions are immortal. We Europeans must not be deluded into thinking that our Union is somehow an exception. To remain strong it requires an every day investment in our common future. To understand where we are today, we need a historic context. In this recent period of prosperity, we fell into the illusion that the EU could simply sail on forever. We have not prepared our Community for difficult and more challenging times. We did not have enough political will, and we did not convince our citizens of such a project. We even broke our own rules. Discipline was lost. Three years ago the financial crisis sailed across the Atlantic. We were not prepared for such a situation. Arguments about self-interest began to erode our belief in the common good. And now, our Union has moved into a deep crisis whose causes are as much political and psychological, as economic. Dear Colleagues, As President of the European Parliament I served you, and Europe's citizens. I have been incredibly honoured by your choice of two and a half years ago given with such a great majority. I took office from my dear friend Hans-Gert Pöttering whom I thank once again for his excellent leadership. I was competing for this post with Ms Eva-Britt Svensson who is not present with us today, but to whom I send my warmest regards. I also pay tribute to our colleagues Mario Mauro and Graham Watson who supported my candidature to ensure the unity of this chamber. I did everything in order not to disappoint your trust. I knew that I could count on you, no matter what our views were. Today I would like to give my report on the work of our Parliament: your work, as well as mine. This is not a detailed report. You will find such a document in your mailboxes in the New Year. However, I would like to present what we have achieved together, and what still remains ahead of us. You know as well as I do that my term as President coincided with an exceptionally difficult time for Europe: First, we introduced the Lisbon Treaty; Second, we faced the crisis; Third, we observed globalisation at an incredible speed. Fourth, we stand in front of the most important decisions for our future. I wish to outline these four points with you today. THE LISBON YEARS THE EP AS FULL CO-LEGISLATOR First. Let us remind ourselves that in the summer of 2009 we faced the threat that the Lisbon Treaty might not be ratified by all Member States. I started from convincing the still unconvinced that we needed more Europe. My first official visit was to Ireland, just before the second referendum. Then I went to meet the Czech President. I will never ever forget that discussion - it started bluntly and ended very positively. The entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty changed the way our European Union functions. For me, the most important was Parliament's place in EU decision making. We are now the Parliament we always wanted to be - a full co-legislator in a two chamber structure. We achieved a lot, but this is a fight we all need to continue. To be strong is simply not enough; we need to use our power in every day practice and to decide. I am proud that the European Parliament, in cooperation with other EU institutions, is ready to prepare in a few weeks time a deep and comprehensive programme to help solve our current economic problems. Jean Monnet once said "Everybody is ambitious. The question is whether he/she is ambitious to be or ambitious to do." We should be ambitious to do. You, the Members of the European Parliament co-decide on nearly all the essential policies and give your consent on almost all international agreements. Who will ever forget our decision to block the so-called "SWIFT Agreement" with the United States in order to protect the rights of our citizens? I remember the night before the vote; I received a phone call from the US Secretary of State. I told her that as a former Senator, she knows and understands about democratic oversight. She did, and - she agreed later during her visit to the European Parliament - that today we have a better agreement than the first one. Our citizens expect that we exercise proper parliamentary scrutiny. In the spirit of Lisbon, we have pushed for greater accountability of the European Commission. We negotiated a better Framework Agreement between Parliament and Commission. The candidate for the President of the European Commission came for the first time to our political groups to discuss his five-year manifesto. We established the monthly question hour with the President of the European Commission and Commissioners. We used our powers to shape the new European External Action Service so that it was more accountable and representative for the Community as a whole. We insisted on hearings of EU Ambassadors to key posts and that the High Representative should report back to plenary on a regular basis. Equally, we shaped a new relationship with the European Council and its President. But with new powers comes increased responsibility and increased demands for credibility and transparency. So as a Parliament we also had to respond to that. We introduced our own Code of Conduct for Members which was adopted with a huge majority and was applauded for its clarity and strength. Dear Colleagues, I believe we should remain committed to the letter and the spirit of what the Lisbon Treaty represents - using the European institutions and creating a common good and common solutions for the whole Community. NEED FOR ACTION Second. Over the last two and half years we had to deal with a series of very difficult economic and international challenges. We had a crisis within the EU, but we also had a critical situation at our borders. Let me start from the first item. Dear Friends, When you elected me as President of the European Parliament, we all thought that the international banking crisis was coming to an end. Instead it came to our shores, and took away wealth and jobs from millions of our citizens. Responding to that challenge became our highest priority, as the crisis brought an enormous threat to our citizens. A broad package of laws - the 'six-pack' - entered into force just two days ago. Our European Parliament can be proud of the role it played in shaping the legislation. It is a new economic anti-crisis shield making closer economic cooperation a reality. Thanks to our firmness, attempts to weaken this shield were not successful. Now it may even become a part of the new Treaty under discussion. We passed legislation increasing supervision of banks, insurers and the financial sector. For all three institutions responsible - Commission, Council and Parliament, and with their support - I proposed a 'fast-track' procedure for legislation aiming to combat the crisis. Similar to what we used when we established a permanent stability mechanism. On your behalf, I have often stressed the need to complete the internal market and to boost growth and competitiveness. Also, as part of the 'crisis reaction', I was engaged in contacts with the rotating Presidencies, the President of the Commission, the President of the European Council, with the head of the Euro Group and the President of the ECB. Our Parliament called for more investments and for bigger support of research, development, and green technologies. In today's Europe, just as it was in the 1950s, energy is at the heart of our economy. This is why I made a special appeal with Jacques Delors to create a genuine European Energy Community. I was proud that this plenary supported this idea. Dear Colleagues, Let us turn to the challenges we faced in our neighbourhood, both to the South and to the East. If you will permit me, I would like to admit a difficult truth. For many years we looked for stability, not being seriously engaged in defending human rights and building democracy in our neighbourhood. But long-term stability can only come from democracy. We learned this from our history, but did not apply it to our closest neighbours. Our Arab neighbours have reminded us that freedom and democracy are for everybody. But on the other hand, we European Parliamentarians were always strong defenders and supporters of all people fighting for freedom, democracy and human dignity. Our annual Sakharov Prize is the most visible example of this. In the Parliament we were the first politicians to call for Gaddafi to step down. When I spoke to protestors in Tahrir square in Cairo, and freedom fighters in Martyr Square in Tripoli, they told me, "Thank you Europe" - thank you for believing, and being with us. I heard from the Prime Minister of Tunisia that "the only way for us is Europe" However, we can not support democracy only by words. Our external policies and our internal policies must be linked as we, together with the European Commission, proposed in our new neighbourhood policy. If we want to export our democratic model we need to invest there and to open step-by-step our market for their goods and services. Long-term democracy and stability can only come from growing step-by-step prosperity. One additional remark, I visited the Schuscha refugee camp in Tunisia. If we want to present ourselves as credible to our neighbours, we must respond to their expectations and help with their refugee crisis. Three thousand people not having the possibility to go back to their countries, is something that the EU should be able to deal with. The European Union is a lighthouse, a beacon for people across the Mediterranean but also for those to the East of us - in Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and others. This is why I urged, together with many of you, the creation of the EuroNest Parliamentary Assembly. It is one of our successes. When I travelled from Baku to Yerevan, from Tbilisi to Chisinau, I tried to explain that sitting and negotiating at the same table gives hope for lasting peace. Unfortunately, I regret that the situation in Belarus today seems to be worse than it was some thirty months ago. Dear Colleagues, Talking about the EU's activities in our neighbourhood, I would like to make a general remark. I am a strong believer in the power of our parliamentary diplomacy. We are trusted both by society and local leaders. This was a success, for example, in Moldova. One year ago I was actively involved in bringing the various parties to the negotiating table in their efforts to form a pro-European Alliance, and to move forward with their reforms. Our European "soft power" seems to be as strong as "hard power" when we promote our values, and create democratic institutions and procedures. We can see this in the Western Balkans for example. As I said, as a parliament, we have pushed the human rights agenda very strongly. We have created the Sakharov Prize Network as a permanent dialogue on human rights. You and I have spoken hundreds of times on various official visits - to China, to Russia, to the South Caucasus, in defence of individual cases. For someone who was born in an occupied country, and brought up in an oppressed country, it is natural to argue for human right and human dignity. I was proud to see the support I received from you when it came to standing up for these issues. We did not forget that in many countries in the world, women are still oppressed and humiliated. I was a strong partisan of equal treatment of men and women - in politics, in business, and in social and family life. In the world and in Europe. Women's rights are simply human rights. NETWORKING CITIZENS - DANGER OF PARALLEL WORLDS Third. Today citizens' 'virtual participation' is changing the world we live in. Dear Friends, Today citizens are much better connected. They are as well informed as politicians are, this brings quite a new challenge: how to ensure credibility in the decision making process? How to ensure trust for the activities of our politicians? What can be the role of the European Parliament in this context? Today a particular responsibility lies with the Parliament - it is not only a guarantor of the stability of the political scene, but also has the task of creating a courageous vision for Europe. Citizens expect that it will present such a vision and a new kind of European dream. Reconnecting with citizens will help to give another, non-economic meaning to the definition of deepening and widening of Europe. Governance, free market, single currency - this is absolutely insufficient as a basis for a community. We need one more crucial factor - the most important one - Europe civic activity. As Jean Monnet said "we are not uniting states, we are uniting human beings". Let me address the citizens of Europe directly. I understand that you may be disappointed. But Europe, in many respects, is the best place in the world. It is in our European diversity, creativity, and openness that you can best satisfy your aspirations and passions. Log in to our common European space, it is your Space. And please do not let yourself be persuaded that there is a contradiction between being a good Pole and a good European, a good British citizen and a European citizen, a good Spaniard and at the same time a good European. This alternative is absolutely a false one. Europe allows you to discover the magic of the word "and": being a good citizen of your town, region, country - and your continent. Dear Friends, Paradoxically, through this crisis we are starting to see the emergence of a true demos. Europeans can see how interdependent we are. One country can undermine the whole economy, but many countries working together can solve the problem. This is why I have pushed for greater dialogue with people, and promoted the idea of a European civic space, in all my visits within the EU. Democracy built in such a way could be stronger than financial markets which are so influential on our political decisions, and everyday lives. NEW DEAL FOR EUROPE Four. My last point is about programming our European Union - our common future. I believe we need a "New Deal for Europe". Ladies and gentlemen, Our real problem is the lack of mutual trust, and the loss of a sense of meaning. As the historian Norman Davies wrote in Vanished Kingdoms, it is precisely through such a loss of purpose that powers fall. We need a common project and not a mortgage on the next generation's future. In the thirties, while our continent was sliding towards tragedy, President Roosevelt saved democracy and the free market economy in the United States of America with his New Deal. Today, our crisis demands a New Deal for Europe. Let me repeat shortly what I already said, and share my own vision of the future in three points. First, we need a new wave of political integration. For the long term, the Community interest benefits individual interest. The idea of a common civilization and cultural space has been strong in Europe for centuries. What we need today is to find the optimal political solution for it to measure up to our times. And let me be clear: we do not want a super-state. So let us decide how in practice we can realise the idea of "unity in diversity" while redesigning the necessary solutions. While discussing possible treaty changes or new treaties, I want to recall that without a return to a genuine spirit of cooperation or - a 'destiny shared in common' as Robert Schuman put it - we will not succeed. Change is not about new rules; it is about a commitment to live by those rules. This is about a state of mind. Second, we need a new wave of economic integration. We need to create a real fiscal and economic union. John Donne once said "no man is an island", I would say "no country is an island" and I don't speak about geography. Member states which want to go forward need to respect the Lisbon Treaty. No country has the right to stop others working closer together. Who stays outside can not expect to be a main player. My hope remains that the frictions that have appeared using this intergovernmental method will lead to more, not less, use of the Lisbon Treaty and the Community method. For this reason I call for a greater involvement of the European Parliament in this discussion and the decision making process. Third, we need to create a true European Civic Space. As I mentioned earlier, while creating a new vision for Europe we need to discuss issues which are close to each of us: security, the possibility to realise your own destiny, an active life in local communities, and the feeling of belonging. Europe needs more solidarity, more responsibility, more respect for values, as well as enthusiasm. It was built on dreams and we have no right to throw those dreams away. In order to better reconnect with Europeans, those who think of profit must also think of values. Those who gain wealth must be responsible. Those who are concerned about their prosperity must be concerned about equality, and those who believe in competition must come to believe in justice. Dear Friends, I would like to thank each and every one of you for you competence and cooperation. Throughout my term in office I have played a part in resolving the tensions between the various EU institutions, leaders of Member States, and the States themselves. On many occasions I have been close to losing hope that a settlement would be found. But in general, we reached a compromise. This is why I am optimist today. I have never had doubts about a common Europe. Representing you in Europe, and around the world, I was able to perceive the full, distinctive borders of the European project, as well as its exceptional, human, moral, economic and cultural potential. The European Union is an incredible value, one worth working for and living in. But it is a value that can be created and used only if we are united. It is this very Europe that I will always serve with energy and determination. It is not only as Hungarians, Czechs, Swedes, French men and woman, or Germans, that we sit in this house. We also sit here as Europeans, to solve European problems and come up with joint solutions. I dream of this European Parliament, uniting so many nations, being a body making real changes on behalf of our citizens. It is with pride and hope that I say the words: "I am a Pole and a European". And that is why I believe that unity is our destiny. Let us never take our European integration for granted. We have to cultivate it every single day. Thank you very much." Contact - Robert A. GolańskiSpokesmanMobile: +32 475 751 663 - Richard Freedman(Press Officer)Mobile: +32 498 98 32 39
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Óráid dheireadh téarma ó Uachtarán Pharlaimint na hEorpa, Jerzy Buzek 'Más rud é go dtáinig deireadh le Sparta agus leis an Róimh', a scríobh Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 'cén stát a bhfuil an dóchas aige maireachtáil go brách?' Níl aon institiúid dhaonna bithbhuan. Ní fhéadfaidh an dallamullóg a bheith orainne, Eorpaigh, ina cheapadh gur eisceacht ar shlí éigin an tAontas sin againne. Chun go mbeimis láidir, ní foláir dúinn beart a dhéanamh gach lá ar mhaithe leis an todhchaí atá i gcomhar againn. Chun tuiscint a bheith againn ar an áit a bhfuilimid inniu, caithfimid amharc ar chomhthéacs na staire. In aimsir seo an rathúnais a bhí againn le gairid, bhíomar meallta ina cheapadh go bhféadfadh cóir ghaoithe a bheith leis an AE go brách. Níor ullmhaíomar ár gComhphobal le bheith in ann ag tráth deacair agus níos dúshlánaí. Ní raibh ár ndóthain de thoil pholaitiúil againn, agus níor chuireamar an beartú sin abhaile ar ár saoránaigh. Bhriseamar ár gcuid rialacha féin fiú. Cailleadh an smacht. Trí bliana ó shin sheol an ghéarchéim airgeadais chugainn thar an Atlantach anall. Ní rabhamar ullamh do chás den sórt sin. Thosaigh na hargóintí faoin tochras ar ár gceirtlín féin ag baint an bhoinn den chreistiúint sa leas coiteann. Agus anois, tá an tAontas sin againne i ngéarchéim mhór, géarchéim ar cúrsaí polaitiúla agus síceolaíochta atá ina cúis léi an oiread céanna agus gur cúrsaí eacnamaíochta is trúig léi. A Chomhghleacaithe, Mar Uachtarán ar Pharlaimint na hEorpa, bhíos ag fónamh daoibhse agus do shaoránaigh na hEorpa. Is mór an onóir domsa gur roghnaigh sibh mé dhá bhliain go leith ó shin, agus é sin le tromlach mór. Tháinig mé i gcomharbacht ar chara mór liom, Hans-Gert Pöttering, agus glacaim buíochas arís leis as an gceannaireacht bhreá sin a léirigh sé. Bhí mé féin agus Eva-Britt Svensson san iomaíocht lena chéile don phost seo; níl Eva-Britt i láthair inniu ach cuirim gach beannacht chuici. Ba mhaith liom dea-mhéin a ghuí freisin ar mo chomhghleacaithe Mario Mauro agus Graham Watson a thacaigh liom mar iarrthóir lena chinntiú go mbeadh aontacht sa seomra tionóil seo. Rinne mé gach ar fhéad mé chun nach loicfinn ar an iontaoibh a chuir sibh ionam. Bhí a fhios agam go bhféadfainn brath oraibh, is cuma cad iad na tuairimí a bhí againn. Inniu, ba mhaith liom tuairisc uaimse a thabhairt daoibh ar obair ár bParlaiminte: bhur gcuidse oibre, chomh maith le mo chuid oibre féin. Ní tuarascáil mhionsonraithe é seo. Beidh doiciméad den sórt sin le fáil agaibh in bhur mboscaí litreach san Athbhliain. Mar sin féin, ba mhaith liom trácht ar a bhfuil bainte amach againn i dteannta a chéile, agus ar a bhfuil fós amach romhainn. Tá a fhios agaibhse chomh maith céanna agus atá a fhios agamsa gur tráth thar a bheith deacair a bhí ann don Eoraip le linn mo théarma Uachtaránachta: Ar an gcéad dul síos, tugamar isteach Conradh Liospóin; An dara rud, bhí an ghéarchéim ar ghort an bhaile againn; An tríú ní, bhí an domhandú ar siúl ar luas lasrach; An ceathrú pointe, tá na cinntí is tábhachtaí riamh faoinár dtodhchaí le déanamh againn. Ba mhaith liom beagán a rá faoin gceithre phointe sin libh inniu. BLIANTA LIOSPÓIN PE MAR CHOMHREACHTÓIR IOMLÁN An chéad phointe: Meabhraímis go raibh an baol ann i samhradh 2009 nach ndéanfadh na Ballstáit go léir Conradh Liospóin a dhaingniú. Thosaigh mise amach ag iarraidh a chur ina luí orthu siúd nach raibh fós lánchinnte de go raibh tuilleadh den Eoraip de dhíth orainn. Ar Éirinn a bhí mo thriall ar mo chéad chuairt oifigiúil dom díreach roimh an dara reifreann. Ina dhiaidh sin bhí cruinniú agam le hUachtarán Phoblacht na Seice. Ní dhéanfaidh mé dearmad go deo ar an bplé a bhí eadrainn - bhí sé maol go maith ina thús ach bhí críoch dhearfach air. Nuair a tháinig Conradh Liospóin i bhfeidhm, tháinig athrú ar an tslí a n-oibríonn an tAontas Eorpach. Dar liomsa, ba é an t-athrú ba thábhachtaí ná ionad na Parlaiminte i gcinnteoireacht an AE. Tá againn anois an Pharlaimint a bhí riamh uainn - comhreachtóir iomlán sa chomhdhéanamh dhá sheomra. Tá go leor bainte amach againn, ach is cath é seo a gcaithfimid go léir leanúint orainn á tabhairt. A bheith láidir, ach ní leor é sin ná baol air; caithfimid úsáid a bhaint as an gcumhacht atá againn i ngach rud a dhéanaimid ó lá go lá agus an chumhacht sin a úsáid sa chinnteoireacht. Tá bród orm go bhfuil Parlaimint na hEorpa, i gcomhar leis na hinstitiúidí eile san AE, réidh le clár mór cuimsitheach a ullmhú i gceann cúpla seachtain a chabhróidh linn na fadhbanna eacnamaíocha atá againn faoi láthair a réiteach. Dúirt Jean Monnet uair amháin 'tá gach uile dhuine uaillmhianach. Is í an cheist ná ar ann don uaillmhian sin chun 'a bheith' nó chun 'a dhéanamh'. Ba cheart dúinne an uaillmhian a bheith ionainn chun 'a dhéanamh'. Déanann sibhse, Feisirí Pharlaimint na hEorpa, beagnach gach beartas sár-riachtanach a chomhchinneadh agus tugann sibh bhur dtoiliú i leith beagnach gach ceann de na comhaontuithe idirnáisiúnta. Cé a dhéanfaidh dearmad ar ár gcinneadh bac a chur ar 'Chomhaontú SWIFT', mar a thugtar air, leis na Stáit Aontaithe ar mhaithe le cearta ár saoránach a chosaint? Is maith is cuimhin liom an oíche roimh an vóta; Fuair mé glao gutháin ó Rúnaí Stáit na Stát Aontaithe. Dúirt mé léi go raibh cur amach agus tuiscint aicise, mar iar-Sheanadóir, ar an maoirseacht dhaonlathach. Bhí sin aici; agus d'aontaigh sí liom níos déanaí le linn a cuairte chuig Parlaimint na hEorpa gur fearr an comhaontú atá inniu againn ná an chéad ceann. Tá ár gcuid saoránach ag súil leis go ndéanfaimid grinnscrúdú parlaiminteach cuí a fheidhmiú. De réir mheon Chonradh Liospóin, bhíomar seasta sa tóir ar chuntasacht níos fearr a fháil ón gCoimisiún Eorpach. Rinneamar Creat-Chomhaontú níos fearr a chaibidliú idir an Pharlaimint agus an Coimisiún. Tháinig an t-iarrthóir ar oifig Uachtarán an Choimisiúin Eorpaigh i láthair ár ngrúpaí polaitiúla den chéad uair riamh chun a fhorógra cúig bliana a phlé linn. Chuireamar tús le tráth ceisteanna uair sa mhí le hUachtarán an Choimisiúin Eorpaigh agus leis na Coimisinéirí. Bhaineamar úsáid as ár gcuid cumhachtaí chun Seirbhís Eorpach Gníomhaíochta Seachtraí nua a mhúnlú ar shlí is gur mó cuntasacht atá ag roinnt leis agus go bhfuil sé níos ionadaíche ar an gComhphobal ina iomláine. D'áitíomar go mbeadh éisteachtaí ann ar a ndéanfadh Ambasadóirí an AE chuig poist lárnacha freastal, agus gur cheart go dtuairisceodh an tArd-Ionadaí ar ais chuig an suí iomlánach ar bhonn rialta. Chomh maith leis sin, rinneamar caidreamh nua a mhúnlú leis an gComhairle Eorpach agus le hUachtarán na Comhairle sin. Ach gineann cumhachtaí nua tuilleadh freagrachta mar aon le breis éileamh ar inchreidteacht agus trédhearcacht. Mar sin, mar Pharlaimint, caithfimidne freisin freagairt don mhéid sin. Thugamar isteach ár gCód Iompair féin d'Fheisirí, ar glacadh leis le tromlach ollmhór agus a moladh go haer as a shoiléire agus a thréine a bhí sé. A Chomhghleacaithe, Creidim gur cheart dúinn cloí go tiomanta, idir fhriotal agus mheon, le gach a seasann Conradh Liospóin dó – leas a bhaint as na hinstitiúidí Eorpacha agus an leas coiteann mar aon le réitigh choiteanna a chruthú don Chomhphobal ina iomláine. GÁ LE GNÍOMH An dara pointe. Le dhá bhliain go leith bhí orainn dul i ngleic le sraith dúshlán eacnamaíoch agus idirnáisiúnta i gcúinsí deacra. Bhí géarchéim againn san AE, ach bhí cás angaideach againn freisin ag ár gcuid teorannacha. Tosóidh mé leis an tsraith dúshlán. A Chairde, Nuair a thogh sibhse mé mar Uachtarán ar Pharlaimint na hEorpa, cheapamar go léir go raibh deireadh ag teacht leis an ngéarchéim bhaincéireachta idirnáisiúnta. Ina ionad sin, tháinig sí i dtír chugainn agus sciob sí rachmas agus poist léi ó na milliúin dár saoránach. Bhí an fhreagairt don dúshlán sin anois ar an gcéad tosaíocht againn de réir mar a bhí an ghéarchéim sin ina bagairt ollmhór ar ár gcuid saoránach. Tháinig pacáiste cuimsitheach dlíthe – an 'sé-phaca' – i bhfeidhm dhá lá ó shin. Is féidir le Parlaimint na hEorpa sin againne a bheith bródúil as an bpáirt a bhí aici i múnlú na reachtaíochta sin. Is sciath nua eacnamaíoch in aghaidh na géarchéime é a thugann an dlúthchomhar eacnamaíoch chun fíre. A bhuíochas dár ndiongbháilteacht, níor éirigh leis an hiarrachtaí a rinneadh chun an sciath sin a scamhadh. Anois, d'fhéadfadh sé fiú go mbeadh sé mar chuid den Chonradh nua atá idir chamáin. Ritheamar reachtaíocht lenar méadaíodh an mhaoirseacht ar bhainc, ar árachóirí agus ar an earnáil airgeadais. Do na trí insitiúid fhreagracha – an Coimisiún, an Chomhairle agus an Pharlaimint, agus lena dtacaíocht – mhol mise nós imeachta 'ar an modh mear' i gcomhair reachtaíochta a raibh sé d'aidhm aici an ghéarchéim a chomhrac. Modh a bhí cosúil leis an modh a d'úsáideamar nuair a bhunaíomar buansásra cobhsaíochta. Is minic ráite go láidir agam, thar bhur gceann, gur gá an margadh inmheánach a thabhairt chun iomláine agus gur gá borradh a chur faoin bhforás agus faoin iomaíochas. Chomh maith leis sin, mar chuid den 'fhreagairt ar an ngéarchéim', bhí teagmháil agam le hUachtaránachtaí uainíochta, le hUachtarán an Choimisiúin, le hUachtarán na Comhairle Eorpaí, le ceann an Ghrúpa Euro agus le hUachtarán an BCE. D'iarr ár bParlaimint go ndéanfaí tuilleadh infheistíochta agus lorg sí níos mó tacaíochta don taighde, don fhorbairt agus do na teicneolaíochtaí glasa. In Eoraip an lae inniu, díreach mar a bhí an cás sna 1950idí, tá cúrsaí fuinnimh i gcroílár an gheilleagair. Sin an chúis go ndearna mé éileamh speisialta le Jacques Delors fíorChomhphobal Eorpach Fuinnimh a chruthú. Ba mhór an bród dom gur thacaigh an suí iomlánach seo leis an smaoineamh sin. A Chomhghleacaithe, Breathnaímis anois ar na dúshláin atá romhainn inár gceantar comharsanachta, ó Dheas agus Thoir. Más ceadmhach dom, ba mhaith liom fírinne dhuaisiúil a admháil. Le blianta fada ba é an chobhsaíocht a bhí á lorg againn, agus ní rabhamar ag gabháil go dáiríre do chosaint chearta an duine agus d'fhorbairt an daonlathais inár gcomharsanacht. Ach ní thiocfaidh an chobhsaíocht fhadtéarmach murar ann don daonlathas. Ceacht ón stair é sin dúinn, ach ní ceacht é ar bhaineamar leas as inár ndéileáil leis na comharsana is gaire dúinn. Is iad ár gcomharsana Arabacha a chuir i gcuimhne dúinn go bhfuil an tsaoirse agus an daonlathas dlite do chách. Ar an láimh eile, bhíodh muidne, ionadaithe parlaiminteacha na hEorpa, riamh inár gcosantóirí tréana ar an uile dhuine a bhí ag troid ar son na saoirse, an daonlathais agus dhínit an duine, agus thugamar tacaíocht láidir riamh do na daoine sin. Is é Duais Sakharov, a bhronann muid go bliantúil, an sampla is follasaí de seo. Ba sinne, sa Pharlaimint, na chéad pholaiteoirí a d'éiligh ar Gaddafi an chumhacht a scaoileadh uaidh. Nuair a labhair mé leis an lucht agóide i gCearnóg Tahrir i gCaireo, agus le trodaithe na saoirse i gCearnóg na Mairtíreach i dTripilí, séard a dúirt siad liom: 'Ár mbuíochas don Eoraip. Táimid buíoch díobh as creidiúint ionainn agus as seasamh linn.' Dúirt Príomh-Aire na Túinéise liom gurb é 'slí na hEorpa an t-aon slí dúinne'. Fós féin, ní le briathra amháin a fhéadfaimid tacú leis an daonlathas. Caithfear ár mbeartais sheachtracha a nascadh lenár mbeartais inmheánacha, de réir mar atá molta againn, in éineacht leis an gCoimisiún Eorpach, inár mbeartas comharsanachta nua. Más mian linn ár samhail dhaonlathach a sheoladh thar chríoch amach, caithfimid infheistiú sna tíortha sin agus ár margadh a oscailt diaidh ar ndiaidh d'earraí agus do sheirbhísí astu. Is as rathúnas forásach, céim ar chéim, a bhláthóidh an daonlathas agus an chobhsaíocht fhadtéarmach, agus ar an tslí sin amháin. Thug mé cuairt ar champa dídeanaithe Choucha sa Túinéis. Má theastaíonn uainn a thaispeáint dár gcomharsana go bhfuilimid inchreidte caithfimid a bheith inchurtha leis an ócáid agus cuidiú leo déileáil le géarchéim na ndídeanaithe. Ba chóir go mbeadh an AE in ann a chion féin a dhéanamh más rud é go bhfuil trí mhíle duine ann nach bhfuil seans ar bith acu filleadh ar a dtír féin. Is teach solais é an tAontas Eorpach, lóchrann do dhaoine ar fud na Meánmhara ach chomh maith leis sin, dóibh siúd atá soir uainn; sa tSeoirsia, sa Mholdóiv, san Úcráin agus ina lán tíortha eile. Sin é an fáth gur thug mé ugach, in éineacht lena lán díbh, do bhunú Tionóil Pharlaimintigh Euronest. Tá éirithe thar barr leis. Nuair a thaistil mé ó Baku go dtí Eireaván, ó Tbilisi go dtí Císineá, thug mé iarraidh a mhíniú go bhfuil dóchas ann don tsíocháin bhuan má shuímid chun boird agus má labhraímid le chéile. Is mór an trua é, agus is cúis bróin dom é, ach is cosúil go bhfuil cúrsaí níos measa sa Bhealarúis ná mar a bhí tríocha mí ó shin. Ós rud go bhfuil gníomhaíochtaí an AE inár gcomharsanacht á bplé agam, ba mhaith liom focal ginearálta a rá. Creidim go mór i gcumhacht ár dtaidhleoireachta parlaimintí. Tá iontaoibh ag an tsochaí agus ag ceannairí áitiúla asainn. D'éirigh go maith leis sa Mholdóiv, mar shampla. Bliain ó shin, bhí dlúthbhaint agamsa leis na páirtithe éagsúla a thabhairt le chéile ag an mbord idirbheartaíochta agus iarrachtaí ar siúl comhghuaillíocht ar son na hEorpa a chur ar bun agus dul chun cinn a dhéanamh maidir lena n-athchóirithe. Is cosúil go bhfuil 'cumhacht réidh' na hEorpa chomh láidir leis an 'cumhacht chrua' nuair a chuirimid ár luachanna chun cinn agus nuair a cruthaímid institiúidí agus nósanna imeachta daonlathacha. Tá sé seo le feiceáil sna Balcáin Thiar. Mar a dúirt mé, mar pharlaimint, bhrúmar cearta an duine chun cinn go fuinniúil; tá gréasán Dhuais Sakharov curtha ar bun againn mar chomhphlé buan ar chearta an duine. Labhair sibhse agus labhair mise na céadta uaire le linn cuairteanna éagsúla oifigiúla - chuig an tSín, chuig an Rúis agus chuig an Réigiún Cugais ó dheas, ar son cásanna aonair. Ós rud é gur rugadh i dtír mé a bhí faoi fhorghabháil agus gur tógadh i dtír mé a bhí faoi chois, is dual dom argóint a dhéanamh ar shon chearta an duine agus dhínit an duine. Bhí mé bródúil as an tacaíocht a fuair mé nuair a sheas mé an fód go teann faoin tsaincheist seo. Ní dhearnamar dearmad go bhfuil mná ar domhan a fhulaingíonn a lán céasta agus ar a n-imrítear ansmacht. Sheas mé go láidir ar son caitheamh go cothrom le fir agus mná - i gcúrsaí polaitíochta, i gcúrsaí gnó agus sa saol sóisialta agus teaghlaigh – ar fud an domhain agus san Eoraip. Is cearta an duine iad cearta na mban ó cheart. SOARÁNAIGH AR AN LÍONRA - AN DÁINSÉAR NA SAOLTA COMHTHREOMHARA I láthair na huaire, tá an saol ag dul ó aithne orainn le 'rannpháirtíocht fhíorúil' na saoránach. A Chairde, Is mó na naisc atá idir saoránaigh sa lá atá inniu ann. Go deimhin, tá a fhios acu chomh maith céanna leis na polaiteoirí iad féin céard atá ar siúl: conas is féidir inchreidteacht a áirithiú sa phróiseas cinnteoireachta? Conas is féidir iontaoibh i ngníomhaíochtaí na bpolaiteoirí a áirithiú? Cén ról is féidir le Parlaimint na hEorpa a ghlacadh sa chomhthéacs seo? San lá atá inniu ann, tá freagracht shonrach ar an bParlaimint - ní hé gur ráthóir í Parlaimint na hEorpa amháin do chobhsaíocht na saolréime polaitiúla ach tá an cúram uirthi freisin fís mhisniúil a chruthú don Eoraip. Tá na saoránaigh ag súil le fís den sórt sin uaithi mar aon le haisling nua Eorpach. Cabhróidh an t-athchairdeas leis na saoránaigh le sainmhíniú nua eile, neamheacnamaíoch a thabhairt don Eoraip atá ag fairsingiú agus ag neartú. Rialachas, an saormhargadh, an t-airgeadra aonair - is neamhleor iad mar bhunús do phobal. Tá fachtóir tábhachtach eile uainn - an ceann is tábhachtaí - gníomhaíocht shibhialta na hEorpa. Mar a dúirt Jean Monnet, "ní ag tabhairt stát le chéile atáimid, ach ag tabhairt daoine le chéile" Ba mhaith liom labhairt le saoránaigh na hEorpa go díreach. Tuigim go mb'fhéidir go bhfuil díomá oraibh. Ach ar a lán bealaí, níl aon áit ar chonablach na cruinne a bhainfeadh an barr den Eoraip. Is in éagsúlacht, cruthaitheacht agus oscailteacht na hEorpa a shaolaítear ár mbarrmhianta agus ár ndíocas. Logáil isteach ar an spás coitianta Eorpach, is é bhur Spás-sa é! Ná cuireadh aon duine ina luí oraibh go bhfuil a bheith i do dhea-Pholannach ag teacht trasna ar a bheith i do dhea-Eorpach, go bhfuil a bheith i do dhea-shaoránach Briotanach contrártha lena bheith i do shaoránach Eorpach, nó nach féidir a bheith i do dhea-Spáinneach agus a bheith i do dhea-Eorpach ag an am céanna. Is tuiscint fhalsa amach is amach an mhalairt tuisceana sin. Tugann an Eoraip an deis duit draíocht an fhocail 'agus' a thuiscint - bheith i bhur saoránach maith, sa bhaile, sa réigiún, sa tír - agus sa mhór-roinn. A Chairde, Ar an láimh eile, tá fíordhaonlathas ag teacht anois ar an bhfód in ainneoin na géarchéime seo. Feictear do mhuintir na hEorpa go bhfuilimid uile ag brath ar chéile. Is féidir le tír amháin bonn a bhaint ón ngeilleagar uile, ach is féidir lena lán tíortha obair as lámha a chéile chun an fhadhb a réiteach. Is é sin an fáth gur chuir mé béim ar chomhrá leis an bpobal agus gur chuir mé an smaoineamh maidir leis an spás sibhialta Eorpach chun cinn, i mo chuairteanna uile ar fud an AE. Bheadh daonlathas den sórt sin níos láidre ná na margaí airgeadais a imríonn tionchar an-mhór go deo ar ár gcinntí polaitíochta agus ar an ngnáthshaol laethúil. BEART NUA DON EORAIP Mar fhocail scoir, luafaidh mé an phleanáil do thodhchaí coitianta an Aontais Eorpaigh. Creidim go bhfuil "Beart nua don Eoraip" ag teastáil. A dhaoine uaisle, Is é an easpa muiníne an bhunfhadhb atá ag goilleadh orainn mar aon le tuiscint go bhfuilimid ag titim ó chiall. Mar a dúirt an staraí Norman Davies ina leabhar Vanished Kingdoms, is go díreach trí éadaingne rúin den sórt sin a bhristear cumhachtaí. Tá comhthionscadal uainn in ionad morgáiste ar thodhchaí na chéad ghlúine eile. Sna tríochaidí, agus an mhór-roinn ag druidim i dtreo na tragóide, shábháil an tUachtarán Roosevelt an daonlathas agus an geilleagar saoriomaíochta sna Stáit Aontaithe leis an mBeart Nua. Sa lá atá inniu ann, éilíonn an ghéarchéim seo Beart Nua don Eoraip. Déanfaidh mé achoimre ar an méid atá ráite agam go dtí seo agus roinnfidh mé m'fhís féin den todhchaí i dtrí phointe. Ar an gcéad dul síos, tá nuathonn de chomhtháthú polaitiúil uainn. San fhadtéarma, tá leasa an Chomhphobail tairbheach do leasa an indibhidiúil. Leis na céadta bliain, bhí smaoineamh na sibhialtachta coitianta agus an spás cultúrtha i gcroí na hEorpa. Sa lá atá inniu ann, caithfimid an réiteach is fearr polaitiúil a bhaint amach sa chaoi go mbeidh sé ar ghualainn an tsaoil atá anois ann. Ach ní shin le rá go bhfuil ollstát uainn. Cinnimis mar sin conas is féidir linn an smaoineamh "aontaithe san éagsúlacht" a bhaint amach agus na réitigh is gá á n-athdhearadh. Agus leasuithe nua ar an gconradh nó conarthaí nua faoi chaibidil againn, ba mhaith liom a mheabhrú nach n-éireoidh linn mura bhfillfimid ar fhíorspiorad an chomhair nó - 'cinniúint atá roinnte eadrainn' - mar a dúirt Robert Schuman. Ní hionann athrú agus rialacha nua - ach a bheith tiomanta do sheasamh leis na rialacha sin. Is cur chuige agus dearcadh an méid. Ar an dara dul síos, tá tonn nua de chomhtháthú eacnamaíoch uainn. Caithfimid fíoraontas airgeadais agus eacnamaíoch a bhunú. Dúirt John Donne tráth "ní oileán é fear ar bith" agus déarfainnse "ní oileán é tír ar bith". Na Ballstáit sin ar mian leo dul ar aghaidh, caithfidh siad Conradh Liospóin a urramú. Ní ceadmhach d'aon tír stop a chur le tíortha eile a bheith ag oibriú go dlúth le chéile. Aon tír a sheasann i leataobh, ní fhéadfadh sé a bheith ag súil le príomhpháirt a ghlacadh. In ainneoin an easaontais a tháinig as an modh idir-rialtasach seo a úsáid, táim dóchasach go mbainfear níos mó úsáide as Conradh Liospóin agus as an modh Comhphobail. De bharr sin, iarraim go mbeadh níos mó rannpháirtíochta ag Parlaimint na hEorpa sa chaibidlíocht agus sa phróiseas cinnteoireachta. An tríú pointe: ní mór dúinn Spás Sibhialta Eorpach a bhunú. Mar a dúirt mé ar ball, agus fís nua don Eoraip á spreagadh caithfimid na saincheisteanna a bhaineann go dlúth linn a phlé: an tslándáil, an deis a bheith againn ár gcinniúint féin a ghlacadh, saol gníomhach a bheith againn sna pobail áitiúla agus an bháíocht ghaoil. Tá tuilleadh dlúthpháirtíochta, freagrachta, urraime do luachanna chomh maith le spreagadh, tábhachtach don Eoraip. Tógadh ar aislingí é agus níl an ceart againne na haislingí sin a chaitheamh san aer. D'fhonn teannadh níos fearr a bheith ann le muintir na hEorpa, caithfidh na daoine sin a chuireann luach le brabús smaoineamh freisin ar luachanna. Na daoine sin a chnuasaíonn saibhreas, ní foláir dóibh a bheith freagrach. Caithfidh na daoine sin ar cúis imní dóibh an rathúnas aghaidh a thabhairt freisin ar an gcomhionannas, agus ní foláir do na daoine sin a chreideann san iomaíochas creidiúint freisin i gcothrom na féinne. A chairde, Ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabháil le gach duine díbh as bhur gcumas agus bhur gcomhar. Le linn mo théarma dom in oifig, rinne mé beart chun teannas idir institiúidí éagsúla AE, idir ceannairí Ballstát agus idir na Stáit iad féin a réiteach. Bhí mé ar tí dóchas a chailliúint roinnt mhaith ama nach mbainfí socrú amach. Ach den chuid is mó, thángamar ar chomhréiteach. Agus is é sin an fáth gur duine dóchasach inniu mé. Ní raibh aon amhras riamh orm faoin Eoraip choiteann. Agus ag déanamh ionadaíochta oraibh san Eoraip agus ar fud an domhain, cuireadh teorainneacha iomlána agus saintréitheacha an tionscadail Eorpaigh, chomh maith leis an acmhainneacht dhaonna, mhorálta, eacnamaíoch agus chultúrtha ar mo shúile dom. Is luach inchreidte é an tAontas Eorpach, agus is fiú go mór gníomhú ar a shon agus cónaí ann. Ach is as an aontachas amháin a thiocfaidh an luach sin. Is í an Eoraip seo a bhfónóidh mé choíche go bríomhar agus go diongbháilte ar a son . Ní mar Ungáraigh, Seicigh, Francaigh ná Gearmánaigh amháin a shuímid sa Teach seo. Suímid anseo chomh maith mar Eorpaigh, chun fadhbanna a réiteach agus comhréitigh a aimsiú le chéile. Tá aisling agam go mbeidh Parlaimint na hEorpa, a thugann a lán náisiún le chéile, mar chomhlacht a dhéanfaidh fíorathruithe ar son a saoránach. Is le teann bróid agus dóchais a deirim na focail seo a leanas: Is Polannach agus Eorpach mé. Agus sin an chúis go gcreidim gurb í an aontacht atá i ndán dúinn. Ná déanaimis talamh slán riamh de lánpháirtiú na hEorpa. Caithfimid an saothar a dhéanamh gach uile lá lena bhaint amach. Contact - Robert A. GolańskiSpokesmanMobile: +32 475 751 663 - Richard Freedman(Press Officer)Mobile: +32 498 98 32 39