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A group of high-profile Republican strategists have been working with a conservative billionaire Joe Ricketts — on a proposal to mount one of the most provocative [HATE-FILLED] campaigns of the “super PAC” era and attack President Obama in ways that Republicans have so far shied away from. The $10 million plan, one of several being studied by Mr. Ricketts, includes preparations for how to respond to the charges of race-baiting it envisions if it highlights Mr. Obama’s former ties to Mr. Wright, who espouses what is known as “black liberation theology.” The group suggested hiring as a spokesman an “extremely literate conservative African-American“[UNCLE-TOM] who can argue that Mr. Obama misled the nation by presenting himself as what the proposal calls a “metrosexual, black Abe Lincoln.” — [ READ MORE ] Another Wicked Republican Joe Ricketts Hatches $10 Million Plan To Hate-Smear Obama (P 1/3) Cenk tears into the super PAC plan funded by Chicago’s Joe Ricketts, which calls on Republicans to find an “extremely literate conservative African-American” who can help in attacks against President Obama. UPDATE:ViaThe Huffington Post: “Sean Hannity criticized Mitt Romney on Thursday, saying that he was wrong to disavow a proposal to attack President Obama’s past association with Jeremiah Wright. The proposal, which was reported Thursday, was commissioned by billionaire Joe Ricketts. It would have featured hard-hitting commercials linking Obama with his former pastor. Romney said that he thought it was the “wrong course” to take in the campaign. On both his radio and television show, Hannity pounded away at the presumptive Republican nominee, casting the decision as a weak mistake…”.* The Young Turks host Cenk Uygur breaks it down. Climate of Racism: GOP Plan To ‘ Smear Obama Using Rev. Jeremiah Wright Exposed (P 1/2) May 05, 2011: Media conservatives are insisting that George W. Bush deserves as much credit as President Obama for the death of Osama Bin Laden, if not more. However, making this argument means ignoring what the Bush administration itself reportedly called its “gravest error” — not capturing bin Laden at Tora Bora in 2001 — and Bush’s 2002 statement that he was “not concerned” about bin Laden. [ READ MORE ] This is also in stark contrast to their usual attacks that Obama is responsible for things that are happening during his presidency, including those tied to Bush-era policies like the Gulf oil spill, the weak economy, and the nation’s deficit problems. [ READ MORE ] Dishonest Crook Sean Hannity Says Bush Not Obama Deserves Credit For Bin Laden Killing! Hannity: We Got Osama Bin Laden “Thanks To George Bush“ Brent Bozell: Bush Gets All The Credit, None Of The Blame Donald ‘Birther’ Trump: Obama is Getting Too Much Credit on Osama Bin Laden Obama To GOP ‘Appeasement‘ Critics: ‘Ask Osama Bin Laden’ ——————————————————– Osama Bin Laden: Obama Reminds GOP He Won’t Be Underestimated “Fuzzy Math“: Fox’s Latest Attempt To Obscure The Current Unemployment Figures — Ever since the Department of Labor released the November unemployment numbers, which showed that the unemployment rate had dropped to 8.6 percent from 9 percent, Fox News has had trouble accurately presenting the data. [ READ MORE ] [ DISHONEST FOX NEWS CHARTS ] Debating Government Involvement In Health Care, O’Reilly Tries To Claim The Military Is Not Government-Controlled Limbaugh Plays “First Family Early Kwanzaa Celebration” Parody That Features Jeremiah Wright Limbaugh Congratulates Himself For Hoping Obama Fails Limbaugh: Obama “Sabotaged” And “Tried To Undermine” The Iraq War Limbaugh: Democrats “Can’t Win Unless There Is Vote Fraud” And “Signature Fraud“ Anyone Convinced that Depleted Uranium Is Safe Should Read This What follows summarizes one article, already produced, and synopsizes another narrative, forthcoming in a few days. The rationale for giving folks a summary and a preview is twofold. In the first place, these are extremely complicated issues, a full understanding of which inevitably involves digging pretty deeply into background, technical data, and divergent perspectives about the evidence and how to analyze it. Under such circumstance, many people prefer to know ‘the skinny’ or ‘executive summary’ and leave the heavy-lifting for nerds and policy wonks. In the second place, even if someone shoulders the responsibility to plow through the intricacies of such problems, she might not have time right now. He might markedly prefer to receive a briefing, with appropriate coordinates to find the more complete account, so as to be able to have a sense of context going in, choosing the moment to try to take in the bigger picture, as it were. In any case, here readers see a short queue. The first place tells of a piece posted a couple of weeks ago. The second stop proffers the essence of an upcoming installment. A RECAP In the initial article of this partnered pair, the narrative introduced the fiery clash that has occurred over the impacts of Depleted Uranium munitions. Given such deep-seated differences of opinion, a widespread, grassroots dialog and policy consideration might serve purposes both scientific and political. An increase in knowledge almost always attends such processes; popular decision-making is impossible without the necessary understanding and nexus of participation. A contextualization of DU followed, in which the general historical omnipresence of class oppression and imperial-industrial growth arguably went hand-in-hand. What Jeremiah Wright called a ‘theology of liberation’ has acted as a counterpoise to this central tendency of domination by propertied elites. Taking DU as a plausible expression of both ruling-class self-interest and imperial hegemony, last week’s text focused on a particular effort of the Manhattan Project’s S-I Uranium Committee. A subcommittee of that body, so vital to the success of the race for atomic weapons, examined with some care the question of creating lethal instruments from fission, creating ‘dirty bombs’ out of waste and by-products of the inherent work of trying to construct an atomic explosive. The likely formulation of such deadly machines would have been as poison gas bombs of some sort. From this demonstrable fact, various opponents of contemporary DU weaponry have concluded that this ‘Groves-Memorandum’ acted as the inception of the United States’ pathway toward the present deployment of DU as a devastating component of bullets and cannon shells and bombs of various sizes. Stentorian and frequent and derisive critique of these arguments has emanated from the ranks of Health Physics experts and from former members of the military who dismiss any contention of significant dangers flowing from DU weapons. Such disputants hammer on the otherwise accurate summation that nowhere in either the summary memo or the original report’s easily available text do the authors–Conant, Compton, and Urey–make any mention of Uranium. Instead of engaging in a dialog about this interpretation, however, these voluble naysayers condemned the anti-DU proponents of this position as frauds and charlatans. In fact, quite the opposite is, reasonably, a much more legitimate conclusion. The horrific toxicity of Uranium is well-established. The USG inclination to develop weapons of indiscriminate effect, putting poison by-products to ‘productive’ use, is incontrovertible. Mass murder repeatedly happened at the behest of the U.S. Government, through the technology of fission weapons and their aftermath. Moreover, the USG approached these matters as opportunities for human experiment. As well, Leuren Moret, whose analysis led the way in linking DU with the Manhattan Project, offers testimony from Manhattan-Engineering District participants that scientists and bureaucrats involved with the S-1 subcommittee did in fact intend to include Uranium in the lethal stew that this small group was contemplating. In no obvious way do the supposed scholars so busily casting aspersions refute Moret’s directly pertinent rebuttal. Thus, any wholesale rejection of the notion that 1940′s experts imagined the possibility of weaponizing Uranium is at best one plausible assertion. In fact, such a view goes against both analytical and evidentiary elements of this case. However, rather than merely proposing that the DU decriers have clearly won this battle of wits, this humble correspondent proceeded to call for a Peoples Congress on this particular issue, and on the wider questions associated with the employment of DU ordnance and the insistence that a ‘renaissance’ of the Nuclear Fool Cycle is in the best interest, here or elsewhere, of citizens and soldiers and civilians. Without going into devilish details, THC does insist that such a community-led conversation may be the only way to achieve anything akin to justice or consensus on DU. The present pages provide further background useful to the creation of such a forum. The nature of this explication is the articulation, development, and defense of a thesis that might account for the attendant facts of DU and the dogfights which it has engendered. A BRIEF PREFACE In the first portion of this duo, readers may easily have gained adequate background to begin to speak, ask questions about, and generally learn more regarding the origins of ‘atomic energy,’ which, of course, started out exclusively as a modality for creating ‘gadgets’ that killed tens of thousands in one fell swoop. The data and background that these articles and the many other resources about DU provide permit at least a general discussion of the nuclear genie to move forward. The present narrative installment seeks to accomplish one basic task, which is to proffer a hypothesis as to why such a toxic metal, in the context of ongoing doubts and fears about its safety, would end up the default choice of the USG and its military branches. This premise is fairly easy to state. Something like the following would fit the bill necessary to develop the argument here. ‘The development of nuclear weaponry, and all the attendant events and processes related to them–such as the so-called Nuclear Fuel Cycle of the both weapons and power based on fission or fusion; such as the problem of atomic wastes and such opportunistic ‘solutions’ to that problem as the manufacture and use of DU ordnance; such as the policy choices to pursue a ‘Nuclear Renaissance;’ and so forth–not only emanate from and serve both the dominance of capitalism, but they also represent the primary, and some would say the only, focus or methodology that financial Plutocrats, who have come to predominate the entire system, will accept to resolve capitalism’s inherent and ever-recurring crises.‘ Readers should note that this leaves aside all judgments about the viability of these glowing, radioactive choices. It completely ignores the opinions, more or less informed, that the Fuel-Cycle is in fact a ‘Fool-Cycle’ that guarantees human mayhem, dissolution, and decline as the best possible outcome. Of course, such beliefs are typical of this humble correspondent and many wiser than he. However, the point of the forthcoming investigation and analysis, which these paragraphs merely summarized, is to explore the rationality of the thesis. Does capital necessitate a nuclear highway? That would be the preliminary conclusion of THC, and the pages-to-come are the initial presentation of a proof about that. This first pass, though, will not attempt a complete telling of the tale of the hypothesis-in-action, but instead will circumscribe the assessment by tending to revolve an examination of DU in the process. In part, this is the result of the alleged, and quite plausible, social damage that has accompanied the political and economic underpinnings of DU’s deployment. In part, the emphasis on DU follows from the way that this unfolding catastrophe–or, if one prefers, highly charged controversy–sheds so much light on how capital created this situation and how its manifestation illustrates the chief proposition itself. The choice here, to make a radical excision in order to present an overview of multifaceted difficulties, may or may not end up making the other materials more digestible. But the idea seemed a worthy experiment, in the same sense that long reports and other texts often begin with such brief statements of the case. Besides, my wife be me that this would be a good idea. I couldn’t resist the wager. Palin is so determinedly American that, when she went into labor with Willow on the Fourth of July while kayaking on Memory Lake in Wasilla, she writes, “I so wanted a patriotic baby that I paddled as hard as I could to speed up the contractions, but she held out until the next day.” — Maureen Dowd, New York Times — Read Her Column Titled: “Rogue American Woman“ Just last week Fox’s syphilitic LIAR Sean Hannity misleadingly aired video from the 9-12 March on Washington while discussing Rep. Michele Bachmann’s (R-MN) much smaller November 5 anti-health care reform rally to claim that “twenty-thousand plus” people showed up to Bachmann’s protest. Hannity’s video switch-up — which Jon Stewart highlighted on The Daily Show — is just the latest example of Fox News hosts’ extensive history of deceptively using video and photos to advance a false or misleading story line. [ READ MORE ] [ Hannity Apologizes For Lying ] Video Fox’s Jarrett claims is “just coming in” of “huge crowds” on Palin book tour actually 2008 campaign footage Norah O’Donnell stumps STUPID Palin supporter by asking about Palin’s support of bailouts Mark Levin to Palin: “You’re absolutely right about” “death panels“ Palin visited with ‘King of Mis-Information‘ Sean Hannity last night — during which she admitted she is was a ‘D’ student — among many other things References: Sarah Palin’s ‘rogue’ Christianity — Did God plan for her to become Governor of Alaska. If so, did God plan for her to step down. Did God plan for her to run for Vice President? If so why did she and McCain lose? Did God plan for her to have a child with Down’s Syndrome? If so why did she consider an abortion? Did God plan for her to have a huge wardrobe? Then why did she apologize for it? [ READ MORE ] By: Prof. Jonathan L. Walton … in Obama’s America, the white kids now get beat up with the black kids cheering, “Yay, right on, right on, right on, right on,” and, of course, everybody says the white kid deserved it, he was born a racist, he’s white. Newsweek magazine told us this. We know that white students are destroying civility on buses, white students destroying civility in classrooms all over America, white congressmen destroying civility in the House of Representatives. — Rush Limbaugh, Sept. 15, 2009 Ever the statesman, and often candid to a political fault, former President Jimmy Carter said recently that much of the animosity directed toward President Barack Obama is “based on the fact that he is a black man.” A lifelong Southerner, Carter acknowledged that the inclination of racism still exists, and that “it has bubbled up to the surface because of the belief among many white people, not just in the South but around the country, that African Americans are not qualified to lead this great country.” Though courageous, the former president’s pronouncement will surely be considered controversial to many Republicans and Democrats alike. Some will view Carter’s comments as politically inexpedient. The topic of race in general, and charges of racism in particular, is political dynamite that typically explodes in the hands of the accuser — just ask [Harvard] Professor Skip Gates, [New York] Gov. David Paterson, or Obama (whom I will return to momentarily). Unless someone is wearing a Klan hood while yelling, “Nigger, Go Back to Africa,” the charge of racism seems to offend the accused these days more than the actual victims. This is true, in part, due to the most prevalent view of the problem of race and racism in this country. In the eyes of many, the responsibility of moving beyond racial conflict in America is placed at the feet of minority communities of color, as opposed to the dominant society. We’ve all heard it. America will move beyond race to a colorblind society only when minority groups cease dwelling on difference. Such a view permeates the melting pot ideal of American folklore, the myth of meritocracy and even the “post-racial” dimension of electoral politics. Thus, for Carter to call out this segment of the white community, he is disrupting the conspiracy of silence concerning racial injustice that demands the allegiance of politicians on the national scene. Think about it. Is this not the racial bargain that Obama accepted to become the nation’s first African American president? Matters pertaining to race have been avoided unless absolutely necessary (cough, cough, the Rev. [Jeremiah] Wright). And in terms of policy, obstacles faced by any particular group, like disproportionate unemployment among communities of color, for example, are obfuscated by anemic and ineffectual broad-based prescriptions. Rising tides lift all boats, right? Yet Obama’s enormous success in life, whether as a highly educated community organizer or as America’s commander in chief, exposes the paradox this sort of faux post-racialism presents. It’s a one-sided deal for people of color; as “post-racial” in effect means post-black, post-brown, post-red and post-yellow, while leaving the normative racial framework of whiteness intact. Race is the challenge people of color must confront and, dare I say, “get over.” But a post-racial America does not demand the same of those who identify with, and claim the social construction of, whiteness and perceived privileges and cultural superiority therein. This is why, it would seem, Obama’s body standing behind the American presidential seal has a critical segment of America losing its hold on reality — a reality, I would argue, few have ever been forced to acknowledge up to this point. Whether it’s the birthers, tea-baggers, deathers, indoctrinators, or “You lie!”-ers, they have neither veiled their racial animus nor cloaked their white nationalism. The prevalence of racist images of Obama brandished by protesters juxtaposed with calls of “taking our country back” are reminiscent of D.W. Griffith’s fictional America as depicted in the film Birth of a Nation. Herein lies Carter’s perceptive point. Obama can’t win with these folks, because they are blinded not just by his race but also by an uncritical devotion to their own. His pigmentation rather than his policies cut against the grain of what these persons wrongly consider “natural” or “American.” More specifically, his very being is a haunting rejoinder to such white Americans of what they are not — indeed what they have never been. This African American man with an Arabic name has dared to usurp all of the cultural and cognitive tropes that white supremacy has historically claimed for itself. He is calm in the face of their unrestrained emotion. The more illogical they act, the more rational he comes across. And, of course, the more eloquent and erudite he presents himself, the more he provokes the Joe Wilsons of the world to mindlessly blurt out, “You lie!” In the process, Obama has transformed such opponents into the racial other, an uneducated and uncultured blob of white (and largely Southern) backwardness that is beyond the pale of social redemption or acculturation. Wilson and the remaining Sons of Confederate Veterans have, in effect, become this “black man’s burden.” Maybe this helps explain Glenn Beck’s ridiculous yet probably heartfelt assertion that the president has a “deep-seated hatred for white people.” Beck: Obama has “exposed himself as a guy” with “a deep seated hatred for white people“ The president reminds Beck, along with those who identify with Beck’s form of white neo-nationalism, of the lie of their own professed superiority — a place of comfort and privilege in America that was neither deserved nor ever attained, yet still claimed based on the pinkness of their skin and straightness of hair. Obama’s apparent success only further dismantles this lie and pours salt in socially insecure wounds. Similar can be said of those who need the president to be Adolf Hitler. If Obama is Hitler, that means protestors can liken themselves unto the Jews; only this time it’s a victimized-yet-devout group of white Anglo-Saxon Protestants who want nothing more than to restore a nation that God, or more appropriately, Jefferson Davis, decreed as divinely their own. The ability to make such ludicrous claims on conservative radio, Fox News, and on Capitol Hill, however, represents the kind of power that they unduly still possess. As tasteless as Wilson’s heckling of the president was, it still takes an immense level of privilege to be a jerk on the floor of Congress. My point here is simply that the problem of race in America has never been solely or predominantly a minority issue. It is first and foremost, as Carter said, a problem of whiteness. Just as racial segregation in Wilson’s fond memories of idyllic South Carolina was less about black people but a matter of white phobia, the lie of whiteness projects its fears upon minority bodies like the president’s in hopes of maintaining its own unhealthy and unrealistic sense of being in charge. This is why James Baldwin rightly suggested years ago that “the vast amount of the energy that goes into what we call the ‘Negro problem‘ is produced by the white man’s profound desire not to be judged by those who are not white.” I believe this applies to our current president and his most vocal critics. If he is framed as the foreigner, incarnate evil and indoctrinating Nazi, many won’t have to acknowledge that he may just be smart, sophisticated and a devout patriot. God forbid.
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Más duine ar bith Ós deimhin go bhfuil ídithe Úráiniam Sábháilte Léigh seo Cad a leanas achoimre ar alt amháin, cheana féin a tháirgtear, agus synopsizes eile scéal, atá le teacht i gceann cúpla lá. Tá an réasúnaíocht a thabhairt folks achoimre agus réamhamharc ar dhá ghné. Sa chéad áit, is iad na ceisteanna seo thar a bheith casta, tuiscint iomlán a bhaineann dosheachanta digging deas go domhain isteach sa chúlra, sonraí teicniúla, agus peirspictíochtaí éagsúla mar gheall ar an fhianaise agus conas anailís a dhéanamh air. Faoi imthosca den sórt sin, is fearr a lán daoine go mbeadh a fhios 'an skinny' nó 'achoimre feidhmiúcháin' agus an trom-ardaithe saoire do nerds agus Wonks polasaí. Sa dara áit, fiú má tá duine éigin an fhreagracht shoulders a plow tríd an intricacies fadhbanna den sórt sin, ní fhéadfadh sí a bheith am ceart anois. D'fhéadfadh sé go suntasach fearr a fháil faisnéise, leis na comhordanáidí cuí a aimsiú ar an cuntas níos iomláine, ionas go mbeidh siad in ann a bhfuil tuiscint ar chomhthéacs ag dul i, a roghnú faoi láthair chun iarracht a ghlacadh i an pictiúr níos mó, mar a bhí sé. In aon chás, féach anseo léitheoirí scuaine gearr. Insíonn an chéad áit de phíosa phost cúpla seachtain ó shin. Proffers an dara stad an croílár an tráthchuid le teacht. A recap I airteagal tosaigh an péire i gcomhpháirtíocht, thug an scéal an Clash fiery a tharla thar na tionchair muinisean Úráiniam Laghdaithe. Mar gheall ar sin doimhin-suí difríochtaí den tuairim, d'fhéadfadh go forleathan, Grassroots dialóg agus breithniú polasaí freastal ar an dá críocha eolaíocha agus polaitiúla. Méadú ar eolas ag freastal ar beagnach i gcónaí próisis den sórt sin; is coitianta cinnteoireachta dodhéanta gan an tuiscint is gá agus nasc na rannpháirtíochta. A contextualization de DU dhiaidh sin, a chuaigh an uileláithreacht ginearálta stairiúil ranga fás cos ar bolg agus impiriúil-tionsclaíoch fhéadfaí a rá lámh ar láimh. Cad a dtugtar Jeremiah Wright bhfuil 'diagacht na saoirse' ghníomhaigh mar counterpoise leis an claonadh atá lárnach de forlámhas ag Scothaicme propertied. Ag tabhairt DU mar léiriú inchreidte an dá rialú-aicme féin-ús agus hegemony impiriúil, an tseachtain seo caite téacs dírithe ar iarracht ar leith de Choiste an Tionscadail Manhattan ar Úráiniam IR. A fochoiste de chuid an chomhlachta, agus mar sin ríthábhachtach do rath an rás d'airm adamhach, scrúdú le roinnt cúram ar an gceist a chruthú uirlisí marfach ó eamhnú, ag cruthú 'buamaí salach' as dramhaíl agus fotháirgí an obair bhunúsach ag iarraidh a thógáil ar pléascach adamhach. Ba mhaith leis an dóigh a cheapadh de mheaisíní deadly den sórt sin a bheith mar buamaí gás nimhe de chineál éigin. Ón deimhin inléirithe, tá opponents éagsúla armra DU comhaimseartha i gcrích go bhfuil an ghníomhaigh 'Groves-Mheabhrán' mar cuireadh tús leis na Stát Aontaithe 'conair i dtreo an t-imscaradh faoi láthair de DU mar chomhpháirt devastating de urchair agus sliogáin gunna agus buamaí de mhéideanna éagsúla . Stentorian agus léirmheas minic agus derisive de na hargóintí tá eascair ó na céimnigh na saineolaithe Fisic Sláinte agus ó iar-bhaill den míleata a bhriseadh as aon spairne i gcás aon chontúirtí suntasach ag sileadh ó airm DU. Den sórt sin disputants casúr ar an tsuimithe a mhalairt go cruinn go bhfuil áit ar bith i meamram ceachtar an achoimre nó an tuarascáil bhunaidh téacs ar fáil go héasca a dhéanamh ar an údair-Conant, Compton, agus Urey-a dhéanamh ar aon lua Úráiniam. In áit dul i mbun a dialóg faoi seo léirmhíniú, áfach, dhaoradh na lucht tuathail voluble an proponents frith-DU an staid mar calaois agus charlatans. Go deimhin, tá go leor a mhalairt, le réasún, a thabhairt i gcrích i bhfad níos mó dlisteanach. Is é an tocsaineacht horrific de Úráiniam-bunaithe go maith. Tá an claonadh usg a fhorbairt airm i bhfeidhm gan idirdhealú, a chur ar nimh fotháirgí a 'táirgiúil' a úsáid, is é incontrovertible. Dúnmharú Aifreann a tharla arís agus arís eile ar ordú de chuid an Rialtais Stáit Aontaithe, tríd an teicneolaíocht na n-arm agus a n-eamhnú ndiaidh. Thairis sin, chuaigh an usg na nithe seo mar dheiseanna le haghaidh turgnamh daonna. Chomh maith, cuireann Leuren Moret, a bhfuil anailís ar thús cadhnaíochta i nascadh DU leis an Tionscadal Manhattan, fianaise ó Manhattan-Innealtóireachta rannpháirtithe Dúiche go raibh eolaithe agus Maorlathaigh i gceist leis an fochoiste S-1 i ndáiríre i gceist a chur san áireamh Úráiniam sa stew marfach go an grúpa beag a bhí ag smaoineamh. Ar aon bhealach soiléir dhéanann na scoláirí ceaptha mar sin réitigh busily aspersions bhréagnú fhrisnéis díreach ábhartha Moret ar. Dá bhrí sin, aon diúltú mórdhíola ar an nóisean go shamhlú saineolaithe 1940 ar an bhféidearthacht Úráiniam weaponizing ag fearr amháin dearbhú sochreidte. Go deimhin, téann den sórt sin d'fhonn i gcoinne an dá ghné anailíse agus fianaise an cháis seo. Mar sin féin, seachas ach ag moladh go bhfuil an decriers DU bhuaigh go soiléir an cath ar wits, imeachtaí a thionscnamh seo comhfhreagraí humble chun glaoch le haghaidh Comhdháil Peoples ar an gceist seo, go háirithe, agus ar na ceisteanna níos leithne a bhaineann le fostaíocht DU ordanáis agus an insistence go 'athbheochan' na Sraithe amadán Núicléach Is é an leas is fearr, anseo nó in áit eile, na saoránach agus na saighdiúirí agus sibhialtaigh. Gan dul isteach sonraí devilish, ní MHC seasann gur féidir a leithéid de comhrá pobal-threoraithe a bheith ar an t-aon bhealach a bhaint amach aon rud cosúil le ceartas nó comhaontú a fháil ar DU. Soláthraíonn na leathanaigh seo faoi láthair cúlra eile is fóinteach a chruthú fóram den sórt sin. Is é an cineál seo explication an chur in iúl, a fhorbairt, agus cosaint ar thráchtas a d'fhéadfadh cuntas a thabhairt ar na fíorais a ghabhann DU agus an dogfights a engendered sé. A RÉAMHRÁ GHEARR Sa chuid seo den chéad duo, féadfaidh léitheoirí a bhfuil clú agus go héasca cúlra leordhóthanach chun tús a labhairt, ceisteanna a chur faoi, agus go ginearálta níos mó a fhoghlaim maidir le bunús 'fuinneamh adamhach,' a bhí, ar ndóigh, a thosaigh amach go heisiach mar mhodh a chruthú 'gadgets' gur maraíodh na mílte i gceann thit swoop. Na sonraí agus cúlra go bhfuil na hearraí agus na hacmhainní go leor eile mar gheall ar DU a chur ar fáil a cheadú ar a laghad plé ginearálta ar an genie núicléach chun dul ar aghaidh. Féachann an tráthchuid scéal faoi láthair a chur i gcrích tasc amháin bunúsach, is é sin proffer le hipitéis maidir le cén fáth den sórt sin le miotail tocsaineach, i gcomhthéacs an amhras agus imní leanúnach maidir lena sábháilteacht, a bheadh suas go deireadh an rogha réamhshocraithe an usg agus a chuid brainsí míleata . Is é seo an mbonn go cothrom éasca a rá. Mbeadh rud éigin cosúil leis an méid seo a leanas d'oirfeadh an bille is gá a fhorbairt ar an argóint anseo. 'Tá forbairt armra núicléach, agus na himeachtaí agus na próisis a bhaineann le freastalaí iad-nós tSraith mar a thugtar air Breosla núicléach na n-arm agus cumhacht dá bunaithe ar eamhnú nó comhleá; mar shampla an fhadhb na dramhaíola adamhach agus faille sin' réitigh 'leis an fhadhb mar a mhonarú agus a úsáid DU ordanáis; ar nós na roghanna beartais a shaothrú ar' Renaissance Núicléach; 'agus mar sin de, ní hamháin-eascróidh as an dá an ceannas agus de capitalism freastal, ach léiríonn siad freisin na bunscoile, agus go mbeadh roinnt rá an t-aon, fócas nó go mbeidh modheolaíocht Plutocrats airgeadais, a tháinig chun tosaigh leis an gcóras ar fad, glacadh a réiteach capitalism le géarchéimeanna inghreamaithe agus ar riamh-athfhillteacha. ' Ba chóir do léitheoirí faoi deara go bhfágann seo ar leataobh ar fad breithiúnais faoi inmharthanacht na, roghanna glowing radaighníomhach. Neamhaird sé go hiomlán na tuairimí, níos mó nó níos lú an eolas, go bhfuil an t-Breosla Rothaíochta i ndáiríre 'amadán-tSraith' go ráthaíonn phortaigh agus daonna, díscaoileadh, agus meath mar an toradh is fearr is féidir. Ar ndóigh, tá tuairimí den sórt sin is gnách ar an comhfhreagraí humble agus wiser go leor ná sé. Mar sin féin, is é an pointe an imscrúdaithe atá le teacht agus a anailísiú, ina bhfuil na míreanna achoimre ach, chun féachaint ar an réasúntacht an tráchtais. An bhfuil gá le caipiteal mhórbhealaigh núicléach? Bheadh sin i gcrích réamh MHC, agus an leathanaigh le teacht go bhfuil an cur i láthair tosaigh de chruthúnas faoi sin. Seo an chéad pas, cé nach mbeidh, iarracht a insint iomlán ar an scéal an hipitéis-i-ngníomh, ach beidh circumscribe an measúnú trí ionad a raghadh chun revolve scrúdú DU sa phróiseas. Go páirteach, is é seo an toradh ar an damáiste, líomhnaithe, agus go leor sochreidte sóisialta go bhfuil ag gabháil leis an underpinnings polaitiúil agus eacnamaíoch an imscartha ar DU. Sa chuid seo a leanas, an bhéim ar DU as an mbealach seo go unfolding tubaiste-nó, más fearr amháin, an-mhuirear chonspóid sheds-éadrom an oiread sin ar an gcaoi a cruthaíodh caipitil ar an staid seo agus an chaoi a léiríonn a léiriú ar an tairiscint príomhfheidhmeannach féin. An rogha anseo, a dhéanamh excision radacach d'fhonn a chur i láthair forbhreathnú ar na deacrachtaí a multifaceted, b'fhéidir nach féidir nó suas go deireadh a dhéanamh ar na hábhair eile níos mó digestible. Ach bhí cuma an smaoineamh ar thurgnamh fiú, an bhrí chéanna a bhfuil tús tuairiscí fada agus téacsanna eile go minic le ráitis gearr den sórt sin an cháis. Thairis sin, go mbeadh mo bhean liom go mbeadh sé seo a bheith ag smaoineamh maith. Ní raibh mé in ann seasamh in aghaidh an wager. 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