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The IRA History e-Book by Vincent McKenna MSc Irish Republicanism in the 20th/21st Century by Vincent McKenna MSc Introduction What might have been is an abstraction, Remaining a perpetual possibility, Only in a world of speculation T.S. Elliot This book will unravel the tapestry of 20th/21st Century Irish Republicanism that has been held together by such mythological threads as socialist republicanism and Irish national liberation. It will uncover the true identity of Irish Republicanism as embodied in Sinn Fein/IRA as a sectarian movement whose objective was and remains to coerce the Protestant people of Northern Ireland into a United Ireland, through a campaign of physical and psychological brutality. This book will further show that whatever the republican movement was intended to be in its embryonic stages, it emerged as a sectarian/criminal empire. This book will give a brief history of Irish Republicanism from 1916 to 1960, including the IRA’s close relationship with the Nazis. It will look at the establishment of the Irish Free State and how many tens of thousands of Protestants were driven from that State by way of murder, intimidation and discrimination at the hands of militant republicans. It will then cover events that led in the late 1960s to a Civil Rights campaign, launched by the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland (the north) against what were seen as institutional sectarian discriminations imposed on the Catholic community by the Unionist (Protestant) dominated Stormont Government in Northern Ireland. This book will then look at the re-emergence of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the late 1960s and the ideological conflicts that eventually lead to the split within the IRA in 1970, from that split emerged the Provisional IRA. The role played by the democratically elected Irish Government in Dublin at this time will be analysed. It will be shown that as early as 1970 the republican leadership realised that the real obstacle to their desired United Ireland was the Protestant people of Northern Ireland. However, it will be shown that a specific strategy for directly and intentionally targeting Protestants was not adopted by Sinn Fein/IRA until the mid-1980s. This book will then examine the development of the Provisional IRA and its Political wing Sinn Fein. I will analysis the roles played by republican prisoners and the hunger strikes in which ten young Irish men lost their lives. I will then look at the political status and political momentum that these hunger strikes generated for the Provisional IRA and Sinn Fein. I will look at key sign posts that lead to another split in the IRA in 1986 from which was established Republican Sinn Fein/Continuity IRA. The Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA strategy of that of the Ballot box in one hand the Armalite in the other will be examined as will the Anglo-Irish-Agreement signed by British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher and Irish Prime Minister, Garret Fitzgerald. The split that occurred in Sinn Fein/IRA in 1986 will be explored in detail, emphasising the importance of such a split for the future direction of the republican movement. It will be shown that the Provisional IRA/Sinn Fein leadership believed that a twin track approach of political and physical coercion could be used against the Protestant people of Northern Ireland to physically and psychologically force them into a united Ireland. The same twin track approach would be used to both economically and psychologically force the British Government and public to become persuaders of the Protestant people of the benefits of a United Ireland. I will show how the IRA’s numbers were reduced as The Northern Command of the Republican Movement under the leadership of Gerry Adams and Martin Mc Guinness took control of both Sinn Fein and the IRA by placing loyal followers into key positions. I will evaluate Sinn Fein’s electoral performance and investigate why the republican movement became involved in secret talks with the British Government, The Irish Government and the SDLP (Catholic/Nationalist Party in the north). These secret talks would eventually bring about the Hume/Adams initiative. I will examine the influence of the American administration on what had become known as the peace process. And why the President of Sinn Fein, Gerry Adams had bought into the idea of political coercion to further the aims of the republican movement. This book will critically examine the road on which the Provisional IRA/Sinn Fein has continued to travel after 1986. This examination will include: the 1992 Sinn Fein policy document ‘Towards a lasting Peace in Ireland’, the secret talks between British Government intermediaries and the leadership of Sinn Fein/IRA, the Peace Process which produced the 1993 ‘Downing Street Declaration’, the 1995 ‘Framework Document’ and culminated in the 1998 ‘Good Friday Agreement’ all of which lead to Devolution and the power sharing Executive at Stormont Buildings in Belfast, the all-important but less than perfect Republican and Loyalist cease-fires. This book will take us up to 2010, a time in which the peace process has produced a power sharing executive at Stormont including the devolution of Policing and Justice from Westminster. The present threat from ‘dissident’ republicans will be examined and following the collapse of Unionism in the 2010 Westminster Elections I will ask what can the future hold for Northern Ireland and is a United Ireland any closer today than it was before thousands of people were slaughtered in its name. Chapter 1 Historical Regression Irish Republicanism has, in every epoch of its existence, sustained life and meted out death through a combination of romanticised martyrdom and an outright hatred of the great British oppressor. Both can be seen here in a letter from one of the republican heroes of the 1916-1923 Irish revolution against British rule, Terence Mac Sweeny, writing from Brixton Jail in 1920: Oh my God, I offer my pain for Ireland. She is on the rack… I offer my sufferings here for our martyred people beseeching Thee, O my God, to grant them the nerve and strength and grace to withstand the present terror in Ireland…that by Thy all powerful aid the persecution may end in our time and Ireland arise at last triumphant.[1] Contemporary militant republicanism is embodied in Sinn Fein/IRA, Sinn Fein/IRA has at all stages failed to be a homogeneous ideological unit because of the diversity of its personnel. Countess Markievicz wrote in one of her prison letters (17 August 1919): Sinn Fein is not a solid, cast iron thing like English parties. It is just a jumble of people of all classes, creeds, and opinions, who are all ready to suffer and die for Ireland. From the very outset of the creation of the new liberated territory known then as the Irish Free State (Irish Republic/Eire), Irish republicanism was in confusion. Britain had withdrawn from twenty-six of Ireland’s thirty-two counties leaving behind a divided republican movement. Those who had supported and signed the treaty with Britain were prepared to kill their former IRA colleagues to advance their vision for Ireland. Those who opposed the treaty with the British were willing to defend to the death the Irish people’s rightful claim to national self-determination over the entire national territory of Ireland. Some militant republicans continued to murder, intimidate and discriminate against those Protestants who wished to continue to live in the Irish Free State where they had lived for generations. Tens of thousands of Protestants were forced from their homes and went either to the newly created Northern Ireland or England for their own safety. In conflicts all over the world it is the case that extremists who have tasted the power of dictating life and death over fellow citizens, do not wish to let go of that power. In the aftermath of the Irish Civil War (pro and anti-Treaty republicans fought each other) Irish republicanism was a fragmented ideology that had beaten itself into constitutional politics. As republicans began to regroup there were obvious ideological differences. Those who had signed up to a 26 county constitutional frame work free from British interference were content to allow the six northern counties of Tyrone, Armagh, Antrim, Down, Derry and Fermanagh to be a Protestant State remaining under British rule. Others continued to pursue a united Ireland through constitutional politics. Others remained within the ranks of militant republicanism and they would not accept that the Free State was anything more than a neo-colonial British state. Simply put, those supporting the Treaty and accepting the Free State would become known as Fine Gael (political party), those who wished to pursue the ideal of a united Ireland through constitutional politics would after the 1926 extraordinary Sinn Fein Ard Fheis [3] be known as Fianna Fail. Those who would continue to support the IRA Army Council would be a combination of socialist O’Donnellites and others of a purely militaristic mind set who had supported the IRA’s break with Sinn Fein and second Dail in 1925 to pursue a policy of social agitation. It must be mentioned here that in 1922, when the opponents of the Treaty left the Dail and precipitated the Civil War, the Labour Party provided the first opposition, and constitutional politics was born in Ireland. While this book is focused on militant republicanism, it must be noted that the Labour Party would be the only true voice of the oppressed working class in the newly liberated territory and it continues in that role in the 21st Century. In a poll published in the Irish Times 12th June 2010, the Labour Party was found to be the largest party in the Irish Republic. This is the first time in its history that the Labour Party appears to have made Irish politics a three party contest and it is certain that Labour will be a major player in the Government of Ireland following the 2012 General election. In the 1920s central Government in Dublin introduced the Local Appointments Commission and the Civil Servants Commission in order to stop corruption and nepotism at local Government level. However, discrimination and jobbery were rife in local councils; this discrimination against Protestants in particular was highlighted by the appointment of a Trinity Graduate and Protestant to the position of County Librarian in County Mayo in 1930. Mrs Natasha Dunbarr-Harrison was appointed by the Local Appointments Commission on the basis of merit, however, Mrs Dunbarr-Harrison’s appointment was not endorsed by the Library Committee of Mayo County Council. The committee initially suggested that Mrs Dunbarr-Harrision had not got a good enough grasp of the Irish Language, however, the real reason for her rejection was reflected in the comments of a Fianna Fail member of Mayo County Council as reported in the Connaught Telegraph on the 29th of December 1930: I am opposed to the appointment of a product of Trinity which is not the culture of the Gael but poison gas to the history of the Celtic people……bigoted anti-Irish out-post of England in Ireland….that feeds like a parasite on the flesh and blood of our kindly Celtic people…we must check the progress of the pest if we are to preserve Celtic Culture. These were the words of a constitutional ‘republican’ and while Mayo County Council were sacked for refusing to endorse the appointment of Mrs Dunbarr-Harrisson, Protestants would continue to be discriminated against in every walk of life in the new Free State. When Sinn Fein or what remained of Sinn Fein, came out of the debris of the 1920s it was a party in total confusion. British withdrawal, yes, but was Sinn Fein purely a nationalist party or had it the socialist blood of James Connolly in its veins, bold uncompromising socialism appeared absent. Richard English, Professor of Politics at Queens University, Belfast suggests that socialist republicans sustained their project through self-deluding myths: James Connolly’s socialist republican theory was their intellectual point of reference, but they failed to see that even Connolly’s own career demonstrated the inadequacy of his central thesis. Inter war socialist republicanism offered incoherent readings of the 1916-1923 revolutionary periods; on the basis of these misconstructions they maintained the fiction that republicanism, properly understood, had class conflict at its root. Peadar O’ Donnell, one of Connolly’s most ardent followers in the subsequent generation acknowledged that it had been possible for Connolly’s socialism to be drowned in nationalist tears. Writing in 1933, O’ Donnell claimed that Connolly was not presented as having seen, That the final battle ground for Irish Freedom must be the revolutionary struggle of the Irish workers against Irish capitalism. If Connolly’s socialism is ever mentioned, it is to admit a fault which the manner of his death redeemed. In the 1940s and 1950s the IRA Army Council continued to pursue a purely militaristic campaign. That said, the IRA’s military capacity even at its height was nothing more than a blot on the landscape as the Second World War raged, however, there were some exceptions: At 2.30pm on the 25th of August, 1939, Broadgate in the centre of Coventry was crowded with shoppers and people returning to their places of work. It was a sunny Friday afternoon, and the weather forecast for the weekend promised two days of sunshine. What the people did not expect was for an IRA bomb to rip through the crowded streets. When the smoke cleared, fifty-two, men, women and children lay dead, dying or injured. What was even more alarming and in stark contrast to their rhetoric of Freedom was the IRA’s links to Hitler and Nazi Germany. One might suppose that the IRA viewed the enemy of their enemy as a friend. In February 1939 a German Intelligence agent Oskar Pfaus using the alias, Eoin Duffy, arrived in Dublin to make contact with the IRA. Pfaus meet with the IRA staff at General Headquarters, including some of the most senior republicans at that time, Sean Russell and Seamus O’Donovan. The Nazis wanted the IRA to work as a fifth column inside Britain and the IRA was happy to do business with them. O’Donovan travelled to Germany on many occasions in order to secure guns and explosives. On the 23rd of August, nine days before the Germans invaded Poland; O Donovan was on his third trip to Nazi Germany, which surely proved that there was nothing progressive about contemporary militant Republicanism. The IRA’s pursuance of a purely militaristic agenda failed to draw any real attention except from the legislators in The Irish Republic and the Protestant dominated Stormont Government of Northern Ireland, both of whom introduced the usual measures to control militant republicanism, namely, internment, interrogation, raids, shootings and censorship. Since the foundation of the Irish Free State/Republic there has always been a great deal of sympathy for the plight of the minority Catholic community that was abandoned to the dictate of the Unionist dominated Stormont Government. However, sympathy for the Catholics in the north among the masses in the south is sympathy for an oppressed minority; such sympathy cannot be taken to imply support for a united Ireland. In the north, the predominant concern of the Catholic community has been for an end of the Unionist regime at Stormont and its oppressive anti-Catholic policies. Compared with the question of reunification is of little more than sentimental significance. Following the creation of the Irish Free State the IRA had few friends; former allies had given their allegiance to de Valera and his new Government in Dail Eireann (Irish Parliament). American sympathisers with Irish republicanism consoled themselves in the Irish Constitution of 1937 (Bunreacht Na hEireann), a constitution that was drawn up by de Valera and the Catholic Church, in Articles 2 and 3 of the original constitution it laid claim to the whole Island of Ireland. This claim would be watered down in a constitutional referendum in order to facilitate the fledgling peace process in the late 1990s. The initial claim to the whole Island of Ireland by de Valera in the original constitution was enough to convince Irish Americans to give their hard earned dollars to the new constitutional politics of de Valera and Fianna Fail rather than the militant politics of Sinn Fein/IRA. The American input even up to the modern day is a key component of Irish politics. The American input takes on many forms and they will be discussed throughout this book. [1] Page 46 English, 1994 [2] Page 29 English 1994 [3] Page 36 Patterson, 1989 [4] Page 44 Patterson, 1989 [5] Page 270 English, 1994 [6] Page 28 English, 1994 [7] Page 32 Dillon, 1994 [8] Page 160 Morgan, 1980 A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 2 The Civil Rights Campaign and the role of the IRA In Northern Ireland (the north) in the mid-1960s a campaign for Civil Rights was launched by the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland against the Protestant controlled Stormont Government. The Civil Rights campaigners were demanding changes in the laws that controlled elections, the allocation of public housing, employment and education. The Civil Rights movement was seen by Unionists/Protestants as a threat to their privileged position in Northern Ireland, a State that had been created for the Protestants following the creation of the Catholic Irish Free State. The British and Irish Governments had partitioned Ireland in order that the Protestants in Northern Ireland could remain part of the United Kingdom. In 1995 I had the pleasure of speaking with Sir Kenneth Bloomfield, a senior Northern Ireland civil servant in 1965. Sir Kenneth told me that in 1965 he had received a communication from a friend at Westminster, which informed him that little notice was being taken of demands from certain Labour and Liberal MPs for investigations into Northern Ireland’s affairs. These demands had been inspired by nationalist/Catholic politicians in Northern Ireland. So it was that the cries for reform from moderate Catholic politicians were ignored at Westminster. The Civil Rights campaign in Northern Ireland took on new momentum as Catholics were no longer prepared to be treated as second class citizens. Documents released by the British Government on May 27th, 2010, under the thirty year rule give a telling insight into how the British viewed the north and the Irish Government. In 1970 the then British Home Secretary, James Callaghan was told by a senior British Diplomat that the Prime Minister (Taoiseach) of the Irish Republic, Jack Lynch needed to realise that the only way to Irish unity would be by way of the “seduction, not the rape of Northern Ireland”. Mr Oliver Wright, a senior British Diplomat had written his observations in a letter to Mr Callaghan after Mr Wright had served as a Diplomat for six months at Stormont in Northern Ireland. Mr Wright continued, “So long as we keep the North quiet, the South will give us no trouble, for Mr Lynch also went to the edge of disaster last August and stepped back in time [in his “we will not stand by” speech]. “His courageous speech to his party conference in January marked a change from fantasy to realism about the Irish question,” “If he recognises, as he now does, that force cannot be used to solve the problem of partition, he must come to realise that the only prospect of Irish unity lies in the seduction, not the rape of the North. The South will, I suspect, be a long-time a-wooing, if they ever start: the Irish tend to marry late, I believe,” he wrote. Wright had been sent to the north in 1969 after British troops had been deployed as peace keepers. Wright described Catholics as ‘Micks’ and Protestants as ‘Prods’, both derogatory terms used in local sectarian parlance in the north. “It is a tribal society, and the natives stranded by partition on the wrong side of the borders like and trust each other about as well as dog and cat, Arab and Jew, Greek and Turkish Cypriot.” The “Orange Protestant ascendancy” had abused “the existence of British-style democracy” to guarantee and perpetuate a most un-British-style injustice towards the Catholic community” said Mr Wright. “But the minority, though perhaps more sinned against than sinning, has been far from blameless. In true Irish fashion, the Micks have enjoyed provoking the Prods as much as the Prods have enjoyed retaliating”. “Catholic attitudes have been at best ambivalent and at worst treacherous. It makes the Prods’ blood boil – and all Irish blood boils at a very low temperature – to see the Micks enjoy the superior material benefits of the British connection while continuing to wave the tricolour at them,” said Mr Wright in truly Imperialist tone. In the back ground to the Civil Rights campaign lurked the ever present and not so peaceful IRA. 1969 would see the first real appearance of the IRA on the Streets of Belfast since the failed campaigns of the 1940s/50s/60s. The IRA were ill-equipped, yet had answered the rhetorical call of the Ghettoised Catholic people to take to the streets and defend them from the tyranny of loyalist (Protestant) gangs, gangs who were on a daily basis burning Catholics out of their homes while the Police stood ideally by. Initially the IRA was seen as defenders of the Catholic community as the State seemed uninterested in the plight of Catholics. This ghettoised resurrection of militant republicanism was the opportunity the IRA leadership had been waiting for. The Civil Rights campaign and social agitation gave the IRA an opportunity to redeem and reinvent them-selves following their previous humiliating defeats at the hands of the British in the 1940s/50s. While the Civil Rights campaign was just and right, for the IRA it was simply a vehicle to get them back on the road. The Civil Rights campaign and the adverse loyalist (Protestant) reaction to that campaign created the very waters in which militant Irish republicanism could once again swim. Some revisionists of modern day Irish Republicanism try to suggest that the IRA were simply innocent by-standers who were created by the conditions of Unionist/Protestant oppression in the 1960s/70s, however, the IRA had never gone away since the founding of the Irish Free State. With people such as John Kelly leading the ghettoised Catholic community it is clear that the IRA were not going to miss the Civil Rights opportunity to get their militant campaign back on the road. To the contrary, the IRA was the very flint that created the spark for decades of sectarian violence. Whatever the IRA’s aspirations it had no resource to play the role of Catholic defender and so its leadership needed money, weapons and training very quickly. The IRA leadership in the person of IRA Chief of Staff, Cathal Goulding turned to a sympathetic Irish Government at that time. The Government in power in the Irish Republic in 1969 was Fianna Fail (constitutional republicans) under Taoiseach (Prime Minister), Jack Lynch. One of Lynch’s TDs (TD – Member of Parliament) was Neil Blaney from Donegal, and it was to Blaney that most unofficial reports came from Northern Ireland because of his position in the Government. It was to Blaney that Captain James Kelly, the Irish Army Intelligence Officer, who was to be later accused of conspiracy, reported first on his own return to the Republic from Northern Ireland on September 14th 1969. Upon his return Captain James Kelly reported, “When I came back from Northern Ireland on the 14th September 1969 or around that date it came to my notice that a committee in the Government had been appointed, named to me as rightly or wrongly, I don’t know – but named to me as Mr Haughey, Mr Blaney, Mr Faulker and Mr Brennan. In view of the information I had obtained I decided that I should see some of these members of the Government and I made arrangements to see Mr Blaney on a particular evening after my return. I went and did so and told him the result of all the information I had gleaned in Northern Ireland and in effect he was able to assist me also. I then went to see Mr Haughey…so to say I was a liaison officer/it was a liaison officer on an ad hoc basis”.[1] While Captain James Kelly would later be used as a fall-guy by some for this whole affair, there is no doubt that Captain Kelly was reporting to the highest ranks within Lynch’s Government even if he was not reporting directly to the Defence Minister, Jim Gibbons, who would have been his natural political superior. Captain James Kelly’s main contact in the north was John Kelly; John Kelly was the main organiser of the Citizen’s Defence Committees throughout Northern Ireland at that time. John Kelly was a traditional militant republican; he had been educated by the Christian Brothers in Belfast and had been active in the IRA’s failed campaigns in the 1950s/60s. In a subsequent court appearance on the 14th October 1970, John Kelly, having become a leader of the Citizen’s Defence Committees from August 1969, Kelly made it clear to the Court and all listening that the Defence Committees were simply a cover for militant republicanism. Whether Kelly intended to expose the role of the IRA in such a public fashion remains unclear. John Kelly had made it quite clear what he wanted from the Irish Government, when he stated, “I want to be emphatic that we were coming from all parts of the six counties not to indulge in tea parties, not to be entertained, but to elicit, in so far as we could what was the opinion of this Government in relation to the six counties. We did not ask for blankets or feeding bottles, we asked for guns. No one from Taoiseach Lynch down refused us that request or told us this was contrary to Government policy”.[2] The meetings continued between the militant republicans from Northern Ireland and Captain James Kelly. Captain Kelly also continued to meet directly with the IRA Chief of Staff, Cathal Goulding. When Peter Berry, the Secretary at the Department of Justice, was notified by the Irish Garda Special Branch about one such meeting in County Cavan, and Captain Kelly’s meetings with IRA Chief of Staff Goulding, Berry informed Jack Lynch. Lynch told Berry that anybody implicated in any illegal dealings must be brought to justice. Berry however objected to this. The IRA had been infiltrated to the highest level and Berry did not want to expose his people in the IRA. Whoever knew, or what exactly was the extent of the money, training and guns given to the IRA by the Irish Government, may never be known. What has gone down in history however, is an affair only comparable to Nixon’s Watergate or Regan’s Nicaragua. The end result of the Irish Government’s links to the IRA was the charging of two Government Ministers with conspiracy and the trial of one of these Ministers in the autumn of 1970. IRA Chief of Staff Goulding had from 1962 been directing the IRA up a one way street of social agitation through political awareness. He realised that any new direction in the way the republican movement challenged British Imperialism must include a role for the IRA, for if they were not led then they would decide for themselves what to do next. The new thinking being pursued by IRA Chief of Staff Goulding created problems for those republicans who believed in the purely militaristic traditional role of the IRA, so it was that sectarian tensions in the late 1960s created an opportunity for the IRA to take up arms in what appeared to be a defensive role among the Catholic people of Northern Ireland. This sectarian distraction gave breathing space for Goulding’s re-thinking of Irish Republicanism. However, Goulding would soon find opposition to his new plans for the IRA, the Belfast IRA under the leadership of Billy Mc Millen wanted more than a defensive role for the IRA. Billy wanted to strike back at both the British establishment and their loyalist cheer leaders. Goulding viewed the IRA in Belfast as “sectarian bigots” and he did not want the IRA again to become a purely militaristic liberation force for the ghettoised Catholics in the north. [1] Pages 53-54 Arnold, 1984 [2] Page 55 Arnold, 1984 [3] Page 92 Patterson, 1989 [4] Page 95 Patterson, 1989 [5] Page 98 Patterson, 1989 Civil Rights Campaign Civil Rights The IRA From as early as 1966 Goulding’s policies were facing continued opposition. As an IRA document captured in May 1966 by the Gardai gives a clear indication of the problems being faced by Goulding for creating political activity as the primary role of the IRA. Gouldings re-thinking of the role of the IRA and the broader republican family was taking the leadership principle from that of militarist idealism of traditional Fenianism into a semi-Leninist path.[4] In 1967 Billy Mc Millen carried out a number of fire bomb attacks on British Territorial Army bases in the north contrary to G.H.Q. policy and the latter’s backing simply of a Civil Rights campaign of civil disruption. Goulding continued to view the IRA in Belfast as “sectarian bigots” as they refused to accept the new thinking of the IRA leadership. Goulding’s hopes in 1967 for new political direction for the IRA especially in the south, development which would divert the IRA away from an isolated militaristic force, would be dealt a severe blow, as sectarian violence in the north escalated out of control, the IRA leadership in Dublin had lost control almost three years after the IRA Army Council had agreed a gradualist campaign of Civil Rights through civil disruption. The original embryonic, peaceful and legitimate Civil Rights Campaign was now consumed by militant Irish Republicanism and the British/Loyalist response to that militarism. The new Northern Ireland, Prime Minister, Terence O’Neill, addressed the question of discrimination against Catholics in Northern Ireland and provided a world audience with a new image of Northern Ireland, as a progressive society, by implementing new policies in regards to housing, education, and employment. The Civil Rights campaign had been hi-jacked by militant republicanism and people such as IRA leader Billy Mc Millen wanted a sectarian tit for tat killing head count. The problem for Mc Millen and his Belfast IRA command was that they had clocked up little intellectual mileage and were driven purely by sectarianism. As Henry Patterson explains, “The resistance of the Belfast leadership to the new thinking was explained by the fact that the movement there was dominated by ‘Catholic Bigots’”. In 1969 many leading republicans left the movement because they felt that the Dublin leadership did not understand the north and that the Dublin leadership simply wanted to engage in politics. One of those to resign, Kevin Mallon, would ironically in 1986 be one of the leading Provisional IRA members supporting the removal of abstentionism as a long held Sinn Fein/IRA policy and therefore the politicisation of the republican movement. Mallon had by 1986 come to realise the benefits of the Janus face of republican coercion in its politico-militaristic style. It must also be remembered that the British attitude to the Civil Rights demands by Catholics showed little empathy with their plight, British troops were deployed against Civil Rights marchers and this could only lead to serious injury and death. In 2010 Lord Saville has published his report into the shooting dead of fourteen innocent people on what is now known as Bloody Sunday in 1972. British Paratroopers fired live rounds at the Civil Rights marchers and murdered in cold blood fourteen unarmed civilians on that Bloody day. The families of the victims had to wait 38 years to have the truth admitted by the British. However, it is also clear from the evidence given to the Saville Inquiry that the PIRA in Derry on Bloody Sunday were using the Civil Rights march to move guns and explosives into Derry City, while their actions do not in any way justify the murderous intent of the Paratroopers, the role of the PIRA on Bloody Sunday is yet another damning indictment of their murderous and reckless intent. A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 3 A Fairly Secret Army Politics and the Direction of the IRA So it was then that in 1969 the flames of sectarian violence were flaming across Northern Ireland (the north), Catholics living in Belfast were being burned out of their homes by loyalist mobs. The Unionist (Protestant) dominated Stormont Government of Northern Ireland had lost any hope of regaining order, the British Government decided to send the British Army to Northern Ireland as ‘peace keepers’. The British Labour Government appeared to be acting with good intent however behind the scenes of sectarian mob rule the IRA were watching and planning. IRA Chief of Staff Goulding and his GHQ did not want a military campaign in the north that would further divide the Northern Ireland Protestant and Catholic working classes. However, Goulding’s ideas were not dealing with the reality being faced by many Catholics on the Falls Road in Belfast or the Bogside in Derry. Goulding established a nine county Northern Command to appease the IRA men in the north who felt they had been let down by GHQ as they had not given guns and explosives to the IRA in Belfast to strike back against the Loyalists. 1969 also seen republicans back a young Civil Rights campaigner Bernadette Devlin to run as their candidate in the Mid-Ulster constituency for the Westminster elections. While Devlin was returned MP for Mid-Ulster on the 17th April 1969 her election had no real impact and was viewed by many as nothing more than a political stunt. In December 1969 the IRA convention met in Dublin and voted, reportedly, thirty-nine to twelve to recognise de-facto the Unionist Government at Stormont, The Irish Government in Dublin and the British Government at Westminster. For the IRA abstentionism had died on the flaming streets of Belfast. The Northern “political” policy was approved and the decision for a liberation front accepted.[1] However, not all of the IRA wanted to listen to Goulding’s soft political and social agitation approach to the northern situation, revolutionary rhetoric and political policies were one thing but the principle of abstentionism was not one to be given up lightly. Republicanism, for many was only valid so long as it was principled and abstentionism was a moral principle not to be discarded by a vote in the IRA convention. Those who disagreed with Goulding and his soft approach to the north withdrew from the Official IRA and formed the Provisional IRA and they publicly stated: “We declare our allegiance to the thirty-two county Irish Republic proclaimed at Easter 1916 established by the first Dail Eireann in 1919, overthrown by force of arms in 1922 and suppressed to this day by the existing British imposed six county partition state”. When I interviewed a former member of the Official IRA he had this to say about Goulding’s leadership; “I believe as most republicans in west Belfast do, that the stickies (name for Official IRA) should have helped us out when we needed them, if they had waited until the initial attacks had subsided, they may well have carried a lot more people with them, at that time we would have done anything to get back at the Prods”. Many republicans, who had become disillusioned with GHQ, returned and joined the Provisional IRA. A new six county northern command was created and based in Belfast. The IRA convention in December 1969 which had decided to recognise the Governments of Dublin, Belfast and London was to be followed by a Sinn Fein Ard Fheis on the 10th January 1970. The Provisional IRA knew that they could not get control of the Ard Fheis but they were determined not to go down the unprincipled road of politics at a time when there was an opportunity to reinvent the IRA on the Streets of Northern Ireland. Tom Maguire, the last republican member of the second Dail (the second Dail, a prescribed organisation, was elected in May 1921 with a Sinn Fein majority and de Valera as its leader; it replaced the first Dail which had been a useful myth for republicans at that time) announced that the IRA convention “had neither the right nor authority”, to pass a resolution ending abstentionism, and the dissidents agreed wholeheartedly.[2] On Sunday night, 11th January 1970 the resolution ending abstentionism was passed by 19 votes but not the two thirds needed to pass a policy. A call was made for delegates to support the IRA policy. This would have needed a simple majority to pass. Approximately one third of the delegates walked out and went to a pre-arranged meeting at a venue in Parnell Square. There in their own Ard Fheis they gave their allegiance to the Provisional IRA Army Council and care taker executive of Sinn Fein, which was ‘dedicated’ to abstentionism. Many in the Official IRA believed that the split had been encouraged by forces on the outside of the republican movement. Fianna Fail (constitutional Republican Party in the Irish Republic) intermediaries had made contact with the stickies and offered money and guns as long as they stayed out of politics in the Republic and directed military operations in the north only. GHQ had rejected such proposals as Goulding had political ambitions in the Republic. However, it was widely believed that the Provisional IRA had already accepted money and guns from Fianna Fail. At the end of 1970 Sean Mac Stiofain was Chief of Staff of the Provisional IRA and Ruiri O Bradaigh was President of Provisional Sinn Fein. Mac Stiofain in his memoirs states that as early as 1972 the British Government in its Green paper had acknowledged the fact that Northern Ireland was no longer simply a matter for the British alone.[3] Mac Stiofain and the Provisionals set about organising themselves from nothing and began to look around the world for support. Irish Americans as always were generous both in terms of their dollars to fund militant republicanism and their naivety about the motivation of that militant republicanism. As Vincent Conlon (RIP) of the 1950s IRA campaign and who avoided capture by the US authorities when shipping three hundred riffles and one hundred and forty thousand rounds of ammunition in December 1977, told this author; “Irish Americans do not want to know about blood and guts, just shamrocks and leprechauns”. Just before his death Vincent Conlon took to the stage with Sinn Fein President, Gerry Adams on one of his early visits allowed by Bill Clinton in 1995 and helped Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA with the collection of over one million dollars. World renowned terrorists such as Colonel Gadhafi of Libya were ready and willing to supply guns, ammunition and semtex to the Provisional IRA, as proven by the many seizures of many thousands of Libyan weapons by the Irish Police (An Garda Siochana) in the 1980s. Libyan diplomats would in 1995 give detailed information to the Mitchell Commission, on how Libya had helped train, arm and finance the PIRA. Some of the PIRA members I meet during my years in the PIRA told me that they had trained in Fedayeen bases in Lebanon and had close contacts with FARC and other narco-terrorist organisations. Sean Mc Kenna (RIP) a leading IRA activist during the 1970s and later one of the leaders of the first IRA hunger strike in Long Kesh in 1980, told this author that during the early days of the PIRA; “I remember new Sinn Fein Cumanns being set up all over the north and these Cumanns like the one in Newry which I was involved in were used as the nucleus to organise and train the PIRA”. Sean Mc Kenna died in 2009 and is buried in Dundalk County Louth, his Father Sean Mc Kenna Snr was one of the ‘Ten Hooded Men’ who were tortured by the British during Internment in the north, their case was brought to Europe where it was declared that they had been subjected to inhuman treatment during their unlawful detention. Belfast became organised into three battalions lead by Billy Mc Kee, the Provisionals commanding officer in Belfast. The country side in the north was left to JB O Hagan to organise and the prodigal son of abstentionism, Kevin Mallon, had returned to get the provisionals restructured. On the 7th of August 1971 the British Government introduced internment in Northern Ireland. Over three hundred people were immediately imprisoned without trial. This poorly thought response by the British simply created a recruiting sergeant for the PIRA as the innocent were imprisoned alongside active republicans. As mentioned above some of those interned were tortured and brutalised. In March 1972 Direct Rule was imposed on Northern Ireland as the British tried to take back control of the ever deteriorating situation. William Whitelaw would be the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Stormont was gone and this had been the demand of the Civil Rights campaigners, however, there appeared to be no road map going forward for either side. However, the PIRA now had a taste of blood and they were not going away anytime soon. The Stormont Government had failed miserably and this was summed up at the fall of Stormont by Captain Terence O’Neil, the Northern Ireland Prime Minister (1963-1969) when he said; “You either succeed or fail, I failed”. On March 10th 1972 the Provisionals declared a three day cease-fire, cease-fires have historically been used by the republican movement as an opportunity to regroup, show that the leadership are in control and gain concessions from the British. British Home Secretary, Maulding said; “The IRA would not be defeated, not completely eliminated, but have their violence reduced to an acceptable level”. This statement by a British Home Secretary was another propaganda coup for the Provisionals. On the 29th May 1972 the Official IRA called a cease-fire after a catalogue of civilian murders, and Goulding’s new thinking was finally accepted by those remaining within the Official IRA. In June of the same year, Dave O Connell and Gerry Adams met twice with Whitelaw negotiators and arranged for a truce, during which the British Army would step back from its front line role in the north. A PIRA and Whitelaw meeting would take place if the truce lasted long enough, PIRA leader Mac Stiofain agreed. The northern leadership of the Provisional IRA never wanted a cease-fire and on the 9th June 1972 rioting broke out in Lenadoon in Belfast and the British Army became the focus of the rioters’ attention. The PIRA leadership in the north put pressure on the southern command and the truce ended. The PIRA announced that they had talks with Whitelaw and Whitelaw was furious, he had been caught out talking to terrorists and he had nothing to show for his efforts. As so often happens in Irish history twenty-two years later, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Sir Patrick Mayhew would find himself in the same position as Whitelaw. Whitelaw in the House of Commons assured Captain Willie Orr, leader of the Unionists at Westminster, that nobody from the British Government would ever talk to the PIRA again. The IRA’s response was predictable; they killed 11 and injured 130 civilians in Belfast. A former Belfast IRA member had this to say about the breakdown of talks between the British and the PIRA in 1972; “I personally think, as many republicans in West Belfast do, that the 1972 talks proved one thing and that was that the conflict was not a British and Republican thing, because the Brits were prepared to talk to us about a settlement, the PIRA realised that it was the Protestant people of Northern Ireland who had to be beaten into submission if the concept of a United Ireland was to come about”. [1] Page 366 Bowyer Bell, 1990 [2] Page 28 Bowyer Bell, 1990 [3] Page 330 Mac Stiofain, 1975 [4] Page 68 Arnold, 1984 A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 4 Gerry Adams an IRA leader Some will know the name Gerry Adams some will not. In Ireland Gerry Adams is widely viewed as the face of the republican movement. Gerry Adams is the President of Sinn Fein which is the political wing of the republican movement. The IRA is the now ‘decommissioned’ military wing of the republican movement. Gerry Adams has for some strange reason always publicly stated that he was never a member of the IRA. For those of us who were members of the republican movement it is well known that Gerry Adams was a senior member of the IRA in Belfast and that he had a seat at the table of the IRA Army Council. Indeed I can put my hand on my heart and say that in 1984 I was present when Gerry Adams arrived at a venue for a meeting of some of the most senior members of the IRA. I was not a senior member of the IRA but was simply present before the meeting started. Gerry Adams and Brendan ‘Darkie’ Hughes did not leave when the meeting started. I will set out here the reality of Gerry Adams Janus-face position in the republican movement. So it was that the British Army were brought into the north as ‘peace-keepers’. The British army were initially feed and given tea by many grateful Catholics who had suffered so much at the hands of loyalist mobs. Indeed the IRA leadership had initially put in place a no shoot policy in relation to the British Army, this policy was put in place as the British Army were so welcomed initially, however, the IRA had no such policy in relation to Protestants and they continued to murder Protestants at will. Yet as the British army were used to break up no-go areas and were the main body tasked with the Internment of Irish Catholics their role as ‘peace-keeper’ would wear thin quickly. There is no doubt that Internment, the breaking up of no-go areas and the IRA’s own mishaps were insuring that the IRA could not operate at full capacity. It was this inability to operate at full capacity that foolishly led the British and Irish Governments to believe that the IRA could be defeated as the ordinary people turned away from the men of violence. The ordinary people could be bought off with reforms in Stormont and the IRA defeated by isolation and imprisonment, thought the Governments. The Irish Government under Jack Lynch who had just recovered from the controversy surrounding the supplying of guns to the IRA appeared ready and willing to take on rather than tolerate the IRA. Lynch had been backed into a corner as loyalist terrorists had already moved into the Irish Republic in 1972 and fire bombed hotels in Dublin and the loyalists said they would carry out further attacks if the Irish Government did not stand up to the IRA. The loyalists did return and murder dozens of innocent civilians in Monaghan and Dublin. At the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis in 1972, the PIRA Chief of Staff, Mac Stiofain was not offering Lynch any hope of compromise when he said there would be no compromise with the British; it was all or nothing, “Brits Out”. Lynch decided it was time to put the Provisionals out of business and he had Mac Stiofain arrested and imprisoned. In 1973, when Seamus Twomey was arrested Gerry Adams took over as commanding officer of the IRA in Belfast. The Adams leadership was well able to match the body count which occurred under Twomey in 1972 which read, 81 innocent Catholics and 41 innocent Protestants mainly murdered in no warning IRA bomb attacks. In his new book Ed Moloney gives a clear insight into the role played by Adams when Moloney reproduces an interview that he carried out with Brendan ‘Darkie’ Hughes before Brendan died in 2009. Brendan Hughes who was a close friend and comrade of Gerry Adams alleges that Adams was the person who ordered the murder of innocent Mother of ten, Jean Mc Conville, amazon.co.uk/Voices-grave-two-mens-ireland. The sectarian bloodbath was overflowing and the British and Irish Governments were at a loss as to what the next step should be. The sectarian drive of the PIRA and indeed Gerry Adams is best captured by Adams himself in his book A Pathway to Peace. Of all the differences between the Ireland of Tone’s time and the Ireland of today, unquestionably one of the most noticeable – although far from being the most significant – is the changed political attitudes of the mass of Protestants, especially in the North. Instead of forming a cordial union with their fellow Irishmen to run their own country for themselves in their own interests, they find themselves the prisoners of a fossilised, politico-religious sectarianism which is entrenched and institutionalised as an integral part of the imperial administrative system in the six counties. Adams fails to see in his own words the very sectarianism of his own politics in the fact that the deaths of over three thousand mainly innocent people in forty years of republican death and destruction have driven an insurmountable wedge between Protestants and Catholics. Few families in the North’s population of 1.5 million have been left unscathed by both loyalist and republican violence, the deaths of over three thousand, the maiming of tens of thousands, the imprisonment of tens of thousands have left the Protestant community more fundamentally opposed to Irish Unity than the British State could have achieved in another eight hundred years of Imperial rule. Interesting though is that fact that Adams himself would eventually become part of what he described as: An integral part of the imperial administrative system in the six counties While Adams and other members of the republican movement continue to try and attach their brand of republicanism with that of Wolfe Tone there is no link, there is no attachment. Wolfe Tone represented the aspirations of a united Irish people both Protestant and Catholic fighting for a French style Republic free of British Imperialism, modern day militant republicanism does not fall within the shadow of Wolfe Tone’s republic. Adams continues to refer to Wolfe Tone and others as the starters of the unfinished business, as if the work of Wolfe Tone is to be found in the sectarian politics of 20th/21st century Sinn Fein/IRA. In the Sinn Fein document The Evolution of Sinn Fein (1995) this desired linkage to Wolfe Tone and others is made six times, this would not be so noticeable if this were not a one page document. This attempt by the Adams to claim linage to the old IRA is clearly seen in the re-write of the IRA’s Green Book in 1977. In the 1956 edition of the IRA’s Green Book the authors do not engage in any legitimisation of the armed struggle beyond its historical context of resistance to occupation. The 1977 edition which was written by Gerry Adams and other leading republicans claims direct legitimacy from the members of the second Dail, who transferred their authority to the IRA in 1938 after the takeover of the IRA Army Council by Sean Russell. Antony Mc Antyre a former republican prisoner, now an academic and scholar says that: The modern republican movement has persistently been the product of British State strategies rather than a body which has existed for the sole purpose of completing the unfinished business of uniting Ireland.[2] Contrary to what Imperialist type motives republicans attribute to the British State, it remains in Ireland in response to the Protestant/Unionist demands to remain British. This is a correct analysis and one that was supported in my own research as republicans admit to having recognised that Protestants were the real obstacle to a united Ireland as early as the 1970s. Tugwell states that; That campaign (IRA violence) would use the international, domestic and economic side effects of armed struggle on the British Government and ‘Public’ to cause the necessary shift from the British state viewing the North of Ireland as an asset to a liability. Following forty years of sectarian violence resulting in over three thousand deaths, the majority of whom were Northern Irish, the public can now be more clearly defined as being physically and psychologically the British Protestant people of Northern Ireland and psychologically and economically the British people of England, Scotland and Wales. All of whom would eventually see the benefits of a united Ireland unless the sectarian bankruptcy of the republican movement was first realised. Up until September 1973 an IRA bombing campaign had lasted several months with death and mutilation becoming part of the daily routine for the people of Belfast and Derry. Lynch’s Government had taken a tough line against the men of violence and had initiated a sustained program of anti-terrorist legislation as extreme and as tough as the British response to the men of violence. 1974 began with the Provisionals planting bombs all over the north and in Birmingham (England). The PIRA’s New Year message was; We look forward with confidence to 1974 as a year which the British rule in Ireland shall be destroyed and the curse of alien power banished from our land for all time. On the 28th of June the new Northern Ireland elections had returned Twenty-three Official Unionist candidates, twenty-seven loyalist candidates, nineteen SDLP (Catholic), eight Alliance (cross-community) and DUP (loyalist). On Tuesday the 14th of May 1974 at six o’clock in the evening, the Assembly voted forty-four to twenty-eight in favour of Faulkner’s amendment supporting the Sunningdale agreement for reform. The Ulster Workers Council (Protestant/loyalist) announced a province wide strike. The north came to a standstill as Protestants held key positions in all of the utility control centres in the north including electricity and water. Loyalists sent death squads back into the Republic of Ireland once again and on the 17th of May 1974 they exploded bombs in Dublin and Monaghan killing dozens of innocent civilians and injuring hundreds more. The British Government under Labour Prime Minister, Harold Wilson were not prepared to break the loyalist strike. Intimidation, food shortages, water shortages and electrical shortages continued, Wilson’s inaction had simply made matters worse. Wilson defending the new Northern Ireland Assembly called the loyalists, “Spongers on the British public”. The strength of the loyalist strike proved too much for the constitutional politicians and when Faulkner asked Secretary of State, Rees to talk with the UWC and Rees refused Faulkner and his loyalist colleagues resigned and Sunningdale fell. Meanwhile the republican movement was again at war within its own ranks. In 1974 the Official IRA lead by Goulding called the PIRA “Fascists” as more splits began to unfold. Republican uncertainty manifested itself into yet another split; on the 8th of December 1974 Seamus Costello and other uncompromising Official IRA members created the IRSP (INLA) yet another republican splinter group. In 1975 members of the INLA killed a number of their former Official IRA comrades. The INLA while small in number would prove to be a ruthless sectarian killing machine, only out done in number and deed by the PIRA. In 1974 the Official IRA dropped abstentionism to Westminster and the Northern Ireland convention and were now out of the business of violence, at least on any political level. From the 22nd of December 1974 until the 2nd of January 1975 the PIRA called a cease-fire as they were told that if they showed good will talks with the British could take place. Merlyn Rees, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland said on the 20th of December, no specific undertakings had been given. The IRA extended the cease-fire for two weeks, this writer remembers that cease-fire well, but that hope was not to last. Rees refused to talk directly to the IRA and on the 16th of January the IRA returned to violence, having used the cease-fire to get organised and rearmed. On the 9th of February 1975 the IRA Army Council announced an indefinite cease-fire following discussions with British officials. Loyalists however continued to kill innocent Catholics and the INLA and Official IRA continued to kill each other. The British Government would not or could not give a declaration of intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland and the PIRA continued to use the threat of violence. The loyalists believed that the IRA cease-fire was simply a ploy by the PIRA to get regrouped and rearmed and that a return to full scale violence was only a matter of time. The PIRA wanted the British Government to become persuaders of the Protestant people of Northern Ireland of the benefits of a united Ireland; this was not going to happen in the short term. The first four chapters of this book have focused on the regression of the republican movement who were constantly falling back into a politico-sectarian blindness coupled by internal feud and disagreement. Their central focus to this point has been the physical and psychological brutality of the Protestant people of Northern Ireland in order to coerce them into a united Ireland. Loyalists are not faultless; however, a clear distinction must be made between ordinary decent hard working Protestants and the small number of criminals who made up the loyalist murder squads. [1] Page 44 Adams, 1988 [2] Page 98 Irish Political Studies, 1995 A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 5 Terrorism – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 5 – Prisons and Hunger-strikes In order to try and understand the direction taken by the republican movement (Sinn Fein/PIRA) particularly the Northern Command from the late 1970s early 1980s it is essential to try and understand the role played by republican prisoners and in particular their Hunger Strikes of 1980 and 1981. Prior to the 1st Day of March 1976 IRA prisoners were accorded the rights of political prisoners, however, once again the British Government showed their lack of understanding of the northern conflict when they removed that political status from IRA and other republican prisoners who were housed in Crumlin Road Jail (remand), Long Kesh Jail (sentenced) and Armagh (women’s jail). It was inevitable that the removal of political status from republican prisoners would bring about a campaign of protest as those republican prisoners believed their own actions to be political rather than criminal. In their book The Provisional IRA Bishop and Mallie believe that republican prisoners played a pivotal role in relation to the future direction of Sinn Fein/IRA when they say: In the late seventies and early eighties events inside the prison (The Maze/Long Kesh) were as important as events outside and the evolution of the republican movement into its current shape is a result of a sequence of actions and reactions that reverberated back and forth over the prison walls. Following the removal of political status from republican prisoners the British authorities tried to force Irish republicans to wear prison uniforms rather than their own clothes. Kieran Nuggent (RIP) was the first republican prisoner to refuse to wear the prison uniform and so the blanket/dirty protest began. Republican prisoners were left naked in their cells and only had a blanket to cover them. This then developed into a dirty protest where prisoners refused to leave their cells and human excrement, urine and waste food were left on the cell floors or rubbed on to the walls. The conditions were filthy and inhuman. The best account I have ever read from inside Long Kesh relating to this period was a book by IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands entitled One Day in my Life.[2] This short book by Sands highlights the inhumanity of what was a totally unnecessary set of circumstances created by a distant and uninterested British Government. The blanket/dirty protest went almost unnoticed for four years by those in authority. There was a great deal of brutality in the prisons and as a result dozens of prison officers were killed by the IRA on the outside. By the end of 1980 the republican prisoners decided to go on hunger strike to try and draw international attention to their plight. Several weeks into the first hunger strike and on the night that IRA hunger striker Sean Mc Kenna was expected to die a senior British Civil servant offered a deal to the republican prisoners. The IRA leadership in Long Kesh Prison accepted the deal and called off the hunger strike. However, the British withdrew the deal and a second hunger strike was inevitable. There are many republicans who believe that the British would have quietly granted the prisoners demands if given time and that a second hunger strike was simply a waste of human life. However, it is widely believed that the political leadership of the republican movement wanted the second hunger strike as they had seen how people were starting to react to the first hunger strike. The political leadership believed that they could make political gain from the hunger strikes. So it was then that on the 1st of March 1981, Bobby Sands began a second hunger strike in Long Kesh. On the first day of his hunger strike Sands stated: I am dying not just to end the barbarity of the H. Blocks (Long Kesh), or to gain rightful recognition as a political prisoner, but primarily because what is lost in here is lost for the republic and those wretched oppressed, whom I am proud to know as the risen people. Bobby Sands would lead a hunger strike that would see ten young Irish men die. The hunger strike in terms of its political demands was a failure although the British would eventually return political status to the prisoners. However, outside the prisons Sinn Fein would find a new political life line as a result of the wave of public sympathy for the hunger strikers. People who had never supported Sinn Fein or the IRA were out raged that Prime Minister, Thatcher had allowed ten young men die for a few simple demands. Shortly following Bobby Sands commencing his hunger strike the MP (Member of Parliament) for the electoral constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, Frank Maguire died. The death of the very popular Frank Maguire presented an opportunity for Sinn Fein to put Bobby Sands forward as a hunger strike candidate for the Fermanagh/South Tyrone seat. Sinn Fein both politically and economically suckled on the corpses of the hunger strikers like vampirian demons. They had and have a voracious appetite for individual material gain. When the Hunger Strikers died they had nothing, they left this world as they entered it, the same cannot be said of the Sinners Coven now seated in Leinster House, Stormont and the deep piled carpeted offices in New York. Outside the prisons the republican leadership debated about whom Sands would be representing and under what banner he would run for election. The republican movement wanted to maximise the vote for Sands which in turn they believed would show the world outside the north that their cause was just. Eventually at a meeting in County Monaghan in the Irish Republic it was decided that Sands should stand for election simply as an H-Blocks candidate rather than for Sinn Fein, republicans believed this could maximise the vote as people could vote on the single prisons issue rather than anything more closely associated with militant republicanism. The politicos within the republican leadership knew that they could capitalise on any significant vote achieved by Sands in subsequent elections whether Sands lived or died. John Hume (Nobel Peace Prize Winner) and leader of the SDLP (constitutional nationalist/Catholic) withdrew his party from the Fermanagh and South Tyrone election when he stated: “We will not do the British Government’s dirty work for them”. However, behind John Hume’s publicly stated position lay the reality of the situation at that time which was that the public’s sympathy with a young Irish Catholic dying from hunger would have wiped the SDLP out in one of its strongholds. Bobby Sands was elected with a majority beyond the imagination of even the greatest enthusiasts of his election campaign including myself. The unionist candidate who was defeated by Sands was devastated when he publicly stated: “I never thought the decent Catholics of Fermanagh would vote for the gunman” These comments by the defeated unionist candidate show clearly that unionists had failed to grasp the fact that the Catholic community were not voting for a gunman, but were voting for a young Irish Catholic who was being starved to death by an uncaring British Government. On a visit to Belfast on the 28th of May 1981, British Prime Minister, Thatcher showed her ignorance of militant republicanism and Catholic sympathy for the hunger strikers when she said: “Faced with the failure of their discredited cause, the men of violence have chosen in recent months to play what may well be their last card”. The IRA responded to Thatcher’s statement by killing a police officer. Thatcher in her ignorance of the Irish problem had given the republican leadership the credibility and sympathy they had craved for so long. Brendan O’Leary supports this view when he states: “Thatcher certainly miscalculated the consequences of her obstinacy: Sinn Fein was able to ‘widen the battlefields’ and become an electoral force”. This new surge of ‘popularity’ for the republican movement did not go un-noticed by loyalist terrorists. Up until the hunger strikes the loyalist death squads were reactive. The loyalist gangs were made up of mainly criminal elements some of whom had been moulded and guided by the British Secret Services. The heightening of the republican campaign through the hunger strikes with demonstrations, rioting and murder brought about a change in the style of loyalist terrorist activity. Loyalist terrorists in the form of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) were no longer prepared to be simply reactive to republican violence. As the older members of the loyalist terrorists were removed through the use of Super-grasses (terrorists who turn State evidence) they were quickly replaced by younger ‘more’ ruthless activists, who began a pro-active campaign of murder against the Catholic community. It is important to understand the role and nature of the loyalist terrorists within the northern conflict. While republicans had access to a pool of Catholics all over the Island of Ireland and had within their ranks people from many walks of life, loyalist terrorist groups were mainly made up of what was left over when Protestants who wanted to be active in the conflict had joined the British Army, RUC, Prison Service, Secret Service and so on and so forth. So in effect loyalist terrorist groupings were made up of the left overs. This meant that loyalist terrorists had many criminal and unsavoury elements within their ranks from the very outset. Some of the death squads they established such as The Shankill Butchers show clearly that many loyalists belong in the hall of fame with child sex killers Myra Hindley and Ian Brady. Many ‘republicans’ would later fall into the same category. The 1981 Sinn Fein Ard Fheis (national conference) would provide the platform for Danny Morrison, a leading republican at that time, was to put the theoretical nail in the coffin of the IRAs southern command lead by O’Bradaigh when he asked the delegates: “Will anyone here object if with a ballot paper in this hand and an armalite in this hand we take power in Ireland?” The northern command of the republican movement were not stepping back from militant republicanism because they realised the futility of violence, but wanted to adopt a twin track approach because they believed that an electoral mandate could be just as useful as a weapon of coercion against the Protestant people in the north as the armalite. This twin track approach would also help the republican movement build on its international reputation particularly among Irish Americans who would be even more generous with their dollars without having to feel too guilty about the consequences of their naivety. The policy was fully endorsed and it was time for the southern leadership to step aside as the northern leadership under Mc Guinness and Adams were preparing to take the republican movement to the next level. The first opportunity for the northern politicos to test out their electoral mandate with the sympathies of the hunger strikes still fresh in people’s minds was in October 1982. I was still only a young teenager during this period but had already been in the republican movement for two years. We were excited about the possibility of having people elected and gaining recognition for our cause, of course I was only listening to what I was being told. The elections were for the new Assembly in Northern Ireland which had been established by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, James Prior. The new Assembly was the culmination of many months of hard work by Prior and some of the North’s constitutional politicians. It was the chance that everyone was waiting for. Many believed that Sinn Fein would be unable to poll anything like the hunger strikers; however, Sinn Fein won five seats. Sinn Fein got 64, 191 votes for the new Assembly. The northern domination of the republican movement was reflected in the makeup of the Ard Chomhairle (ruling body of Sinn Fein), presided over by Gerry Adams. By 1986 only six of its members were from the south of Ireland. Only one woman had a place at leadership level of the republican movement. Gerry Adams and Martin Mc Guinness had a seat at both the table of the Ard Chomhairle of Sinn Fein and the IRA Army Council. By 1985 Sinn Fein had become well established, yet there is no doubt that the IRA were still in control of Sinn Fein, in terms of leadership personnel. In 1986 there were eight members of the Ard Chomhairle in the IRA, clearly being controlled by the IRA. This control was summed up by the IRA Chief of Staff, Kevin Mc Kenna in 1994 when during an interview he was commenting on the talks between the British Government and the Republican leadership, he said: “As long as the boys with the balaclavas are there to watch what is going on we will be alright”. Kevin Mc Kenna was and is a man of few words and on occasion when I was being interrogated by the British, Kevin Mc Kenna was referred to by my interrogators as the executioner. In 1983 Sinn Fein, President, Gerry Adams was elected MP for West Belfast. The politico/militarist leadership of the republican movement in the north were pushing ahead with their dual strategy. Violence in the north was nowhere near as high as it had been in the early seventies and so in order to take more control of IRA activity the northern command reduced the number of its active IRA members from 1000 down to 250. The IRA campaign while demanding much in terms of weapons, safe houses and so forth only needed a relatively small number of actual killers to keep their campaign going. Mc Guinness and Adams retained their seats at the table of the IRA Army Council. The IRA Army Council remained the supreme Governing body of the republican movement, its irregular meetings determining IRA policy and the way forward for the republican movement. So it was that some within the republican leadership such as Mc Guinness and Adams believed that the best way forward was through the twin track approach of the ballot box in the one hand and the armalite in the other, this strategy meant that IRA leaders such as Kevin Mc Kenna could continue with his single minded military campaign. So it was that the twin track approach could keep everyone happy, however, that could not last forever as republicans knew from their history. [1] Page 346 Bishop and Mallie, 1994 [2] http://www.amazon.com/One-Day-Life-Bobby-Sands/dp/1856353494 [3] Page 120 Irish Political Studies The IRA – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 6 – Sectarianism – Super-grasses – Division Following the Hunger-strikes the Provisional IRA Army Council under the leadership of Gerry Adams and Martin Mc Guinness ordered a number of high profile sectarian killings. The justification for this overt sectarianism was due to the triumphant attitude of some Protestant leaders during the republican Hunger-strikes. The most notable target of these overt sectarian attacks were the Official Unionist MP for South Belfast the Reverend Robert Bradford. These high profile sectarian murders showed the true core of the PIRA sectarian philosophy. This elitist attitude of the PIRA leadership meant that ordinary Catholics living in South Belfast would bare the brunt of loyalist retaliation for such murders. Since 1976, the republican leadership had shown, more clearly, its sectarianism by breaking with tradition and overtly rather than covertly killing Protestants. Traditionally the PIRA would kill Protestants who were members of the security forces and this could be justified to their own community, however the killing of democratically elected members of the British Parliament simply because they were Protestant was a break with tradition. Although this was the sectarianism that Goulding had warned the PIRA were capable of when he was leader of the Official IRA. The PIRA stated that their new overt sectarianism was due to the fact that the British Government had pulled British soldiers off the front line and were attempting to impose a policy of Ulsterisation by placing RUC (Police) and UDR (NI based British Army Regiment) in the front line against the PIRA. The truth was that the IRA could have attacked British Army personnel and installations at any time but it was easier and more in keeping with the PIRA thinking to gather intelligence about working class Protestants and small farmers who worked as part-time RUC or UDR men to supplement an uneconomic income from a small farm or low wage. These targets were known as soft targets, they provided limited risk to PIRA personnel and they inflicted a heavy psychological blow on the Protestant community (see, http://hubpages.com/hub/Sinn-Fein-Councillors-Husband-Denies-Role-In-Attempting-to-Murder-Postman). The Provisional IRA had come to view the Protestant people as the real obstacle to achieving a united Ireland. One senior IRA member in Belfast highlighted the sectarianism of the republican movement when he stated in an interview with Finnola O’Connor: I would like to see those orange bastards just wiped out. 1976 would also be the year in which the British Government decided to send the SAS into Northern Ireland. Before 1976 the SAS had been an Imperial police force in foreign lands that were used to impose the will of the British Empire on those who challenged their authority. The SAS had not been engaged as an urban policing unit, however, the British Government determined to show the Protestant people of the north that they could protect them sent in the SAS. The SAS were never consulted about their new appointment to the north and this caused many problems for an army unit that had lived in the desserts and had a licence to kill. The British also employed the Super-grass system in the north. This was a system where members of the various terrorist organisations turned State’s evidence on their former comrades. The Super-grass system was nothing more than selective internment and yet again many innocent people found themselves imprisoned on the word of well-paid touts. This type of system had no place in a democracy where people of limited intellectual ability and other social dysfunctionality had their egos massaged by their Brit handlers in order to name and identify ‘terrorists’. Many of these touts were housed in a special annex at Crumlin Road jail where they were furnished with fine wines, foods and prostitutes. These touts were further promised a new life in a different country where their every need would be meet. Of course most of these touts had come from underclass, dysfunctional back grounds and had never known any life other than living on social welfare. These touts were easy to buy as were many thousands more within the ranks of the republican movement. Eventually the Super-grass system collapsed and the secret services such as M15, M16 and RUC Special Branch focused on maintaining touts within the ranks of the terrorist groups. While the prisons were being filled with those identified by touts/Super-grasses, outside the prisons the secret services were busy recruiting and placing more touts within the terrorist groupings. Even at the highest level within the PIRA touts were recruited and remained in key positions for many years some even for decades. However, over the years many touts were discovered within the ranks of the PIRA and they were executed, some who came forward and admitted they were touts were spared, indeed somewhere even allowed to run for Sinn Fein in various elections. This was important in psychological terms, it allowed people to realise that if they came forward and told that they had worked for the security services their lives would be spared. If the republican movement had killed every informer this would have been counterproductive in electoral terms, the republican movement was and remains a hot bed for British agents. One example of the numbers of informers/touts within the ranks of the PIRA is evident in the arrest of an IRA informer, Peter Valente in 1981. When interrogated by the IRA before they killed him he named six other RUC Special Branch informers he knew in his own area, all of whom were later executed by the IRA. It is believed that individual teams of two RUC Special Branch officers had anything up to forty informers each to handle in any given large urban area at any one time, some of these informers were placed well within the republican movement in those areas, and other informers provided lower grade intelligence. Senior PIRA men have in fact on many occasions had IRA volunteers of lesser rank killed in order to cover their own double existence. Super-grasses such as John Grimley and Raymond Gilmore were actually Special Branch agents rather than people who had simply been bought for the Queen’s shilling. Dennis Donaldson who sat at the same table as Gerry Adams and Martin Mc Guinness at leadership level was only exposed in recent times as a British agent who had operated within their ranks for over two decades; he has since been executed in County Donegal. British and Irish Government agents within the republican movement have throughout its history been a thread of British and Irish Government counter-insurgency. One senior member of the PIRA Derry Brigade who commanded dozens of IRA volunteers with Martin Mc Guinness, had three IRA men executed accusing them of being informers, including Paddy Flood, whose family and people who knew him still protest his innocence. It has since transpired that the person directing these executions was himself the British agent, the killings of innocent men had been done in order that the real informer could cover his own tracks. However, when one considers that PIRA leader Martin Mc Guinness was having secret talks with M16 agent Michael Oakley during this period the world of touts/informer and traitors is a grey rather than black and white area within Irish Republicanism. Danny Morrision, who was a leading member of the republican movement was put forward for the 1984 European Election and as had been anticipated by many, the republican movement electoral base was returned to its ghettoised infrastructure with 10,000 votes less than the year before when the memory of the hunger strikes had not completely faded away. As I write it is the twenty-ninth anniversary of the death of IRA hunger striker Bobby Sands and it is as if it never happened as the republican leadership try and sell themselves as pragmatic democrats rather than sectarian bigots. It would be this ghettoised constituency that would yet again cause a feud of ideological consciousness at leadership level in the republican movement. As the republican leadership realised the limits of their insular sectarian ideology and their inability to become a real alternative with real political direction in comparison with constitutional nationalists such as the SDLP. To maintain what little momentum that had been created by the elections, the republican leadership had decided in 1984 to allow its elected members to local authorities in Northern Ireland to take their seats, just as their elected colleagues had already done in the Irish Republic. These councillors, north and south, fast became the political middle management at regional level of the republican movement and front line political management at local level. It is very important to remember as I have alluded to earlier that the lower ranks of Sinn Fein are made of a myriad of people, some were former IRA who had turned tout under interrogation had come clean and were allowed back into the republican movement, some were allowed to run in elections for Sinn Fein as they came from lower middle class back grounds and were viewed as being able to secure new votes for Sinn Fein. There were many reasons why people joined and were wanted in Sinn Fein, most of them would not be trusted with confidential information. Things were different at the top of the republican movement where Sinn Fein and the IRA were as one. These new breed of politico-councillors mainly from underclass/working class back grounds soon discovered the benefits of democracy as they collected their salaries and expenses cheques. Many of these people had never known anything other than living on social security now they were able to buy houses, cars, holiday homes they were soon bit with the gravy train bug. In 1995 for example Belfast City Council had ten Sinn Fein councillors and the expenses claims were in the hundreds of thousands. Sinn Fein were supplied with state of the art offices and facilities, facilities visited by this writer, and facilities that would be the envy of any constitutional political party, all paid for by the tax payer. The republican leadership under Mc Guinness and Adams continued down the political road and as the leadership tightened their control on an ever evolving political machine the leadership began to follow British political parties in terms of vetting all candidates going forward. If a potential candidate was not fully in support of the leadership they were not allowed to run for the Party, even one word out of place in a public house could see a potential candidate side stepped for a more silent and loyal follower. This also applied in the Republic of Ireland, as I have stated earlier some of these lower ranking members of Sinn Fein would do business with anyone to keep their new salaries and expenses claims. For example an article published in a regional paper in County Monaghan, The Northern Standard, shows how Sinn Fein voted with the pro-treaty pro-Brit Fine Gael party: Sinn Fein and Fine Gael combined together to reject the proposed Fianna Fail council estimates for 1995, at the council’s meeting on Tuesday the 30th November, 1994, Fianna Fail were defeated by the combined weight of Fine Gael and Sinn Fein.[2] However, not everyone was happy with this process of politicisation and de-militarization. It appeared to many that touts and want-to-bes were being rewarded while republicans who had sacrificed everything were now surplus to requirement. In 1985 the militarists launched their most serious challenge so far. Ivor Bell, one of the most senior members of the PIRA Northern Command and close friend of Gerry Adams, indeed Bell had co-authored the reconstruction of the PIRA with Gerry Adams in the late 1970s. Bell’s grievance was that the republican movement’s resources were being concentrated on the Sinn Fein political machine and that there was not enough money to pay volunteers to fund operations or to support the families of republican prisoners. Bell’s supporters claimed that Adams’ brother Paddy had been imposed on the Belfast IRA in order to stifle military activity in Belfast. Adams made quite sure that Bell would no longer serve the republican movement when he heard of his decent. The republican movement in its history has always been more efficient at silencing those who question its leadership from within through death or threat of death than swaying public opinion into their insular sectarian malaise. Adams and the northern command of the PIRA had viewed politics as a weapon of long term coercion and one that he could control. As long as he could place family and friends in key positions in the PIRA he could use it and control it as well. The long war strategy was still very much the central thesis of the Provisional ideology. In the communities where Sinn Fein/IRA had a power base they imposed their will on the ordinary people, Catholic children in PIRA controlled areas who dared to tell ‘out-siders’ (i.e. Social Workers) that they had been raped or sexually assaulted by members of Sinn Fein/IRA were beaten or shot in the knees by groups of IRA members, families were forced from republican areas under threat of death if they reported anything to the ‘out-siders’. Later I will explain how even Gerry Adams concealed the fact that his own father Gerry Snr and his Brother Liam were both child molesters who used the republican movement to protect them from criminal prosecution (see, http://hubpages.com/hub/Political-Rape). [1] Page 140 O’Connor, 1994 [2] The Northern Standard, December, 1994 The IRA – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 7 – Shoot to Kill – Anglo Irish Agreement – Republican Duplicity The 1980s seen a decline in the activities of the IRA whether this was a direct result of the republican movements new direction under Adams or a new aggressive policy by the security forces, or a combination of both is difficult to tell, I have given this some analysis below in relation to Loughgall. However, this period will be remembered for the high numbers of IRA members who were specifically targeted and summarily executed by the security forces and in particular the SAS. The RUC had also developed a special unit to tackle the IRA and other republican groupings. The RUC’s E4A unit which operated out of one of the RUC’s main interrogation centres Geough Barracks in Armagh City was working closely with the SAS. While the IRA and other terrorist groupings had been clearly operating a shoot and bomb to kill policy for decades, the republican leadership cried foul when the security forces responded in kind. Sir Patrick Mayhew, then British Attorney General summed up an investigation into the allegations as follows to the House of Commons on the 25th of January 1988: After studying the evidence dug up by Sampson and Stalker, Sir Barry Shaw had concluded that there had been no ‘shoot-to-kill policy’ and no incitement to murder. However, even the most objective observer would have to agree that there was a shoot-to-kill policy in operation in Northern Ireland during this period and as a former member of the PIRA I would have to say so what. While I understood the propaganda value of such claims by the republican movement, it is clear that no IRA volunteer is going to complain about being shot while on active service, that’s the nature of the beast as it were. Sir Patrick’s words offered little to quell public disquiet about the shoot-to-kill policy many nationalist and republicans remained unconvinced particularly as the body count mounted. The republican leadership were always careful not to include the Irish Intelligence services in their accusations of shoot-to-kill. However, in the killings of Roddy Carroll and Seamus Grew the two INLA men killed at this time, there is no doubt that the southern Irish intelligence services through its agents and informers helped their northern Intelligence counterparts to track Carroll and Grew on the night of their final journey as they crossed the border from County Monaghan in to County Armagh where the British security services had an ambush in place. The most notable of the shoot-to-kill instances at this time was the summary execution of eight IRA volunteers and an innocent civilian at Loughgall, I will cover that incident here in detail before returning to further developments in Sinn Fein/IRA. In the aftermath of the restructuring of the East Tyrone Brigade of the Provisional IRA by leading PIRA volunteer Kevin Mc Kenna. The East Tyrone Brigade of the provisional IRA became one of the most active and feared instruments of the republican movement. The East Tyrone Brigade drew its membership from several counties and had a fearless leader in Kevin Mc Kenna. Mc Kenna who lived and lives in County Monaghan had originated from Augnacloy in County Tyrone. Mc Kenna was well known to the security services both in Northern Ireland and the Republic. Militant Republicanism in East Tyrone has a long history dating back to Tom Clarke and beyond. In modern day militant republican folklore East Tyrone is at the core of most conversations. IRA Hunger striker Martin Hurson was from East Tyrone and the many tens of thousands of people who attended his funeral paid testament to the high regard in which militant republicanism was held in the County of Tyrone. Yet it would be East Tyrone and the ‘border’ counties in general that would become the murderous focus of the British security services once they noted the weakness of the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership in the mid-1980s. The East Tyrone Brigade of the Provisional IRA would pay a heavy price for the wheeling and dealing that Adams and Mc Guinness were engaged in with M16. We now know with certainty that even while Gerry Adams was speaking his weasel words at the grave side of IRA volunteer Jim Lynagh, Mc Guinness was already engaged in clandestine meetings with M16 agent Michael Oakley. Yet Adams told the mourners at Jim Lynagh’s grave side that, “Anyone who does business with the British, the SDLP or the Freestate establishment are fools as they have all sold out on the Irish people”. Yet that is exactly what Adams and Mc Guinness were already doing, they were engaging with the British in a secret and under hand manner. On the 8th of May 1987 the East Tyrone Brigade of the Provisional IRA sent their ‘A Team’ to blow up an unmanned RUC station in Loughgall. However, on this occasion the ‘A Team’ would not return. On the 8th of May 1987 the East Tyrone Brigade lost eight IRA volunteers when they were ambushed by the British Army’s SAS. Any objective observer may ask, why attack an unmanned RUC station? This I will now explain. The 1980s seen a sea change within Sinn Fein and the IRA. The IRA had become a well-oiled paramilitary organisation. New weapons, explosives and methodology had been acquired and developed by the Provisional IRA. Colonel Gaddafi of Libya had sent significant amounts of weapons, ammunition and semtex (explosives) to the IRA. The IRA and in particular the East Tyrone Brigade were relentless in their militant campaign against the British establishment. IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh and other senior members of the Provisional IRA while housed in Portloaise Prison had read and adopted a Maoist Military Strategy/tactic for their campaign. Lynagh explained to those capable of understanding that the intention was to create Green or Liberated zones in the North of Ireland that remained under British rule. This tactic meant not only killing members of the British security services but also killing anyone who assisted or helped maintain the British presence in Ireland. It is fair to say that Protestants would bare the brunt of this new and intentional tactic. Lynagh made no apology for this aspect of the campaign. This campaign was in effect a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Protestant community. It happened that Lynagh’s new strategy would be partnered with a new British Government policy of Ulsterisation or normalisation. This new British policy meant that the British Army would be less visible on the streets and the local RUC and UDR would be in the front line against the IRA campaign. This new British policy simply placed more soft Protestant targets in the IRA shooting gallery. The British Government wanted the Northern Ireland conflict to be viewed as something criminal that could be dealt with by ordinary policing methods. However, behind the scenes M15 would direct the war against the IRA, while MI6 would nurture and develope its relationship with IRA leaders such as Martin Mc Guinness. The Maoist strategy would be viewed as having been at its most successful for the IRA in areas such as South Armagh. However, large urban areas in Belfast and Derry were also viewed as being success stories. For example, in the 1960s, the Ormeau Road, in Belfast was over 80% Protestant, following constant attacks against the Protestant community by the IRA that number is today halved. Even in the aftermath of the IRA cease-fire in 1994, republicans continued to burn out Protestant businesses on the Ormeau Road and even burned down the cricket club. Lynagh intended liberating large geographical areas of Tyrone, Fermanagh and County Derry. He intended blowing up British military infrastructure and then attacking anyone who attempted to rebuild that infrastructure. Hence Loughgall was one such target, the idea was to simply blow up the unmanned RUC station and send a clear message to the loyalist people in that area. It would leave the Protestants feeling vulnerable and isolated, as it would appear that even the police could not protect themselves. This type of attack would be viewed by Lynagh and his fellow commander Patrick Kelly as a spectacular, they had carried out similar attacks and so Loughgall was expected to be a soft yet important target. However, unknown to Lynagh and his comrades their plan was already known to the British security services. I can exclusively reveal that three weeks before the IRA attacked Loughgall, SAS members had used the firing range at the RUC forensic lab in Belfast to test fire weapons similar to those that would be used by the IRA unit at Loughgall. The reason the SAS test fired such weapons was so that they could identify and distinguish friendly fire from hostile fire on the night. These weapons that were test fired at the firing range in Belfast were signed in and out in a normal fashion, so records do exist. There has been much speculation about who set the IRA unit up for execution however; much of that speculation has come from those who wish to conceal the truth, I will deal with this aspect in a moment. Jim Lynagh had travelled from Monaghan the evening before the Loughgall attack and he had went to a safe house in Coalisland in County Tyrone. Extra members of the SAS had been specially drafted into the North in preparation for the Loughgall executions. This SAS team and its back up units from the RUC and other British Army Regiments had very clear orders; nobody was to get out of the kill zone that had been set. The SAS armed with good information and state of the art machine guns just had to sit and wait for their quarry. At approximately 7pm on the 8th of May 1987 the IRA unit drove their digger loaded with explosives through the front gates of what was supposed to be an unmanned RUC station. However, in order for the SAS to stay within their Yellow Card rules, they had placed some of their men at the back of the RUC station so that they could later claim that lives were in danger and that is why they had to open fire. The van containing Jim Lynagh and the other members of the Unit was rained upon with SAS gun fire. All eight IRA volunteers were executed. However, the SAS could not stop the bomb from exploding and much of the RUC station was demolished by the blast. What I can reveal exclusively is that when the bomb exploded a large piece of the steel digger bucket ripped open the side of the van in which the IRA volunteers lay dead. Indeed had the operation went ahead as planned it is certain that at least some of the IRA volunteers may well have been injured or killed by the shrapnel from the digger bucket. However, no accident was needed, the eight IRA volunteers were executed. In keeping with their orders to execute everyone in the kill zone the SAS further executed an innocent passer-by Anthony Hughes and left his innocent brother for dead. The morning following the executions at Loughgall I was amazed that some republicans were already offering explanations as to how the eight IRA men had ended up dead. One active member of the East Tyrone IRA said, “The SAS were lying in wait around several RUC stations in Tyrone, it was just bad luck”. This was said only hours after the executions at Loughgall, surely anyone with an ounce of common sense would know that this was nonsense. The SAS did not have the man power in the north at that time or at any other time to lie about for weeks on end around remote RUC stations. I think that these words spoken by an active member of the East Tyrone Brigade of the PIRA only hours after the Loughgall executions are telling. While I have absolutely no suspicions in relation to the IRA volunteer who spoke these words, I do have suspicions about the more intellectually able person who put those words and ideas into his head. The person who was pushing this information about ‘Bad luck’ only hours after the SAS executions at Loughgall, had been arrested by the RUC in 1981 and had turned informer. When this individual entered Crumlin Road Jail’s, A Wing, he told the IRA’s Intelligence Officer that he had simply stayed silent during his detention in Geough Barracks. However as this individual’s trial approached, he was finally forced to admit that he had in fact signed dozens of statements against republicans including Jim Lynagh. However, as he was not prepared to give States evidence against IRA personnel Lynagh ensured that he was allowed to live, this for Lynagh may well have been a mistake. That individual while now removed from the republican movement continues to live, some within the republican movement wanted to shoot him, while others believed that such a shooting would have an impact on Sinn Fein votes in one of their few strong holds in the Republic. Following the Loughgall executions the SAS gathered up all of the IRA weapons used in the attack. The weapons included three Heckler and Kock rifles, one FN rifle, two FNC rifles, a Ruger revolver and a Spas-12 Shot gun. Forensic examination of the weapons later revealed that they had been used to kill 7 people and used in the attempted killing of 12 others. One of the guns recovered had actually been taken two years earlier from an RUC man. These weapons were familiar to the SAS soldiers who recovered them as they had test fired similar weapons only three weeks before the executions. It is fair to say that anyone thinking out side of the box on the Loughgall executions knew well that this was a well-planned British attack that was only possible with good forward intelligence. Sometime after the Loughgall executions a young Loughgall woman was kidnapped by the IRA and it was being whispered that she was the Loughgall informer; however, for this writer such a suggestion is at best perverse. Setting aside specific intelligence that brought about the executions at Loughgall, the Key to the slaughter at Loughgall and the border counties in general during this period is twofold. The British viewed the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership as being in a state of weakness due to the fact that the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership had approached the Brits with a view to making a deal. The clandestine meetings between Mc Guinness and M16 agent Michael Oakley had simply strengthened the British view that the IRA could be brought to heel. The British then adopted a twin track approach to the IRA. The British would engage in clandestine dialogue with the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership, while at the same time directing large security resource at those aspects of the IRA that would not be so easily tamed. This twin track approach by the British meant that M15 and the SAS would focus on the men under the control of Kevin Mc Kenna (East Tyrone) (IRA Chief of Staff) and Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy in south Armagh. This campaign against the ‘Hawks’ in the IRA continued into the 1990s, while Mc Guinness and Adams were engaged in talks with, “the British, Freestate establishment and the SDLP”. In 2001 the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the eight IRA members who were executed at Loughgall had their Human Rights violated by the failure of the British Government to conduct a proper investigation into the circumstances of their deaths. However, these trivial declarations do little or nothing by way of establishing the truth into what happened in Loughgall on the night of the 8th May 1987. New information disclosed here show why the truth about Loughgall will never be told. The Loughgall informer did not die in Loughgall on the night of the 8th of May 1987 as suggested by some who have vested interests. The Loughgall informer like so many before him continues to live a life full of lies and deceit, just as did Dennis Donaldson and so many others. The Loughgall informer may well not have realised what the end result of his clandestine meeting would be, however, he should come forward now and tell the truth in the knowledge that we now live in a new political dispensation. The families of the eight men executed in Loughgall deserve to know the truth, so look deep within and find the strength to come forward. This writer is certain that the first indicator the British got in relation to Loughgall was three weeks before the Loughgall executions when Patrick ‘Paddy’ Kelly went to Monaghan Town to meet Jim Lynagh. However, Lynagh was not about when Kelly went to look for him and Kelly made the fatal mistake of making inquiries about Lynagh’s where abouts with another Monaghan ‘republican’. What is for certain is that Patrick Kelly, Jim Lynagh, Padraig Mc Kearney, Declan Arthurs, Seamus Donnelly, Eugene Kelly, Gerry O Callaghan and Tony Gormley were clinically executed. However, these men would have sought no apology from the Brits in relation to the way they were killed; they died as they would have expected to die, fighting the Brits. What they would want however, is for the truth to be established in relation to the Loughgall informer. Why that has not happened, holds little mystery. There is only so many Dennis Donaldsons that the republican leadership can handle, and particularly if dealing with the Loughgall informer would mean up setting some solid republican voting trends in any particular area. In the period 1987-1992 the East Tyrone Brigade had 28 members executed by the British security forces, compare this to the number of IRA volunteers killed in areas such as Belfast and Derry where the leadership were in clandestine talks with the British. The age old British trick of using smoke and mirrors to protect their informers has been truly put to work in relation to Loughgall. One former ‘SAS’ member wrote that on the night of the Loughgall executions one of the IRA volunteers was supposed to be wearing a red hat or scarf so that he would not be killed. Only someone of the lowest mental capacity would believe such nonsense, particularly when all the IRA volunteers on the night of the 8th May 1987 were not visible to the soldiers when they opened fire. Furthermore, seasoned writers such as Henry Mc Donald who writes for the British Observer newspaper makes childlike mistakes when writing about Loughgall. In an article written by Henry Mc Donald for the British Observer 29/Sept/2002, Mc Donald says that Jim Lynagh was a Sinn Fein councillor at the time of his death at Loughgall, this is nonsense. Mc Donald also says that Lynagh was opposed to Sinn Fein dropping abstentianism as a tactic, this is also untrue, Lynagh took to the stage at a Sinn Fein function in Clontibret in Monaghan in 1986 and gave the IRA’s backing to the Sinn Fein move. However, Lynagh had made it very clear that there could never be a six county settlement and he was certain that the Brits could be forced from the north in what he seen as the final phase of the war for independence. This writer is also bemused at the comments made by some ‘republican’ commentators who appear on internet video clips relating to Jim Lynagh and the Loughgall executions. These commentators barely able to write their own names dare to speculate that Jim Lynagh would have supported Sinn Fein’s participation in the British partitionist Stormont Assembly. One only has to look at how little sacrifice these commentators made to realise that their words are nothing more than the utterances of Sinn Fein glove puppets. There was a constant struggle going on within the republican leadership, Adams and Mc Guinness were now in constant contact with the British while key IRA leaders such as Kevin Mc Kenna who was committed to a militant campaign had to get second hand information from a politico who travelled north regularly to leadership meetings. Mc Kenna lived and lives at the time of writing in County Monaghan and he was on the run from the north as he was wanted by the British in relation to a number of IRA attacks in County Tyrone. Mc Kenna was for many years convinced that the political aspect of the campaign would remain nothing more than a tactic and so he could continue with his militant campaign. This constant battle between ‘hawks’ and ‘doves’ or hybrids of both meant that in the 1980s the PIRA leadership decided to return its campaign to England, this was done for a number of reasons including helping to focus the minds of the British negotiators and an uninterested Prime Minister, Mrs Thatcher. It was also a morale boast among republican supporters, especially in Derry and Belfast where Adams and Mc Guinness had slowed down IRA activity and where the Brits had agreed a hands-off approach. The majority of IRA activity was taking place in rural parts of the north and in particular Tyrone, Fermanagh and South Armagh. At 2.54am on the 12 Day of October 1984, republicans got a morale boost that was not expected by many when a bomb exploded at the Conservative Party Conference in Brighton, almost killing British Prime Minister, Mrs Thatcher. It was a joyous day for those republicans including myself who hated Thatcher for the fact that she had sat ideally by and allowed ten young Irish men starve to death in Long Kesh. However, as so often before, it was innocent civilians who died and were seriously injured, it was however an exceptional attack in terms of planning and the use of new yet simple technologies. The Brighton bombers were later arrested on the basis of information supplied by an informer. One of those arrested was a senior member of Sinn Fein, again showing the duality of personnel in Sinn Fein/IRA. Margaret Thatcher, in response to the IRA attack stepped up her efforts to have IRA men extradited from the Irish Republic and also to talk with the constitutional parties in the north, in order to defame and marginalise further ‘the men of violence’. On the 15th of November 1985 at Hillsborough Castle, Mrs Thatcher and the Irish Prime Minister Garrett Fitzgerald signed the Anglo Irish Agreement. Unionists said No to the agreement as it contained a role for the Dublin Government in Northern Ireland affairs, however eventually the Unionists decided that: In the end if we stick together and play ball with the British we will remain as British citizens in control of our own destiny. Constitutionalists said, yes, as they believed it would undermine the republican movements’ mandate. Captain James Kelly who had been implicated in the arms trials in the early 1970s and as set out earlier in this book described the Hillsborough Agreement as a grievous error when he stated: That prior to 1970, nationalist in Northern Ireland were treated as second class citizens. Kelly suggested that as this was the immediate cause of the conflict in the north, many had ‘wrongly’ jumped to the conclusion that if full Human and Civil Rights were granted to nationalists they would accept being designated British. Sunningdale was based on such a premise. So also in the Anglo Irish Agreement, it is a grievous error in that, like Marxism it underestimated the importance of national identity. Professor Paul Bew at Queens University Belfast disputed this notion of the importance of reunification to northern nationalists when he stated that: Nationalists want an end to perceived oppressive policies under a unionist regime, and the national question in comparison is of little more than sentimental significance. This view by Bew is quite in keeping with the broad body of nationalist thinking in the north of Ireland and indeed the Irish nation as a whole. The majority of Irish Catholics on the Island of Ireland simply want to live in peace and that is why Sinn Fein and other parties that are viewed as being extreme have a small percentage share of the vote on the Island of Ireland. The unionist reaction to the Anglo Irish Agreement was hardened by the fact that constitutional nationalist were over selling the Irish Government role in the future of the north. Loyalists/Unionists/Protestants where now in open violent confrontation with the RUC as the RUC was left in the front line against unionist protests and anger. Chief Constable of the RUC Sir jack Herman was credited during this period with keeping the RUC from committing mutiny. It is no surprise that the general population and political establishment in the Irish Republic accepted the Anglo Irish Agreement. This open acceptance of the Anglo Irish Agreement angered Gerry Adams and caused him once again to state: We cannot hope to build a thirty-two county alternative if we do not build a thirty-two county struggle. The northern command under Adams and Mc Guinness had become so insular that they were in danger of being unable to hold any ground in the Irish Republic. There was little or no political organisation in the south. Monaghan, Meath, Louth, Donegal and Dublin were the few places in the Republic where Sinn Fein could realistically point to organisation and political success. The republican leadership continued to fail in adopting real political strategy across the whole Island of Ireland. The northern leadership had become insular and paranoid as they tried to keep iron fist control of the organisation. While the republican movement in the north had sectarian violence to herd ghettoised nationalists behind them they had no such coercive device in the Republic. Tom King, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in 1985 said of the Anglo Irish Agreement: We have signed an Agreement in which the Prime Minister of Ireland has in fact accepted that for all practical purposes…..there will never be a united Ireland. Adams and his followers knew that while abstentianism in Northern Ireland was ‘acceptable’ it was not acceptable in the Republic of Ireland. The majority of people in the Irish Republic expected their elected representatives to attend the Dail (Irish Parliament) even if they never actually achieve very much. The debate on abstentianism was raging through the republican movement; it was clear long before the 1986 Ard Fheis that the republican movement was about to rip itself apart once more. People such as me who were in both Sinn Fein and the IRA were under specific orders not to discuss the topic of abstentianism outside the various meetings that were taking place up to the Ard Fheis. The 1986 Ard Fheis was to set the scene for the confrontation on abstentianism that was inevitable, the motion put forward by the Ard Chomhairle (Sinn Fein leadership) read: That this Ard Fheis drops abstentionist attitude to Leinster House. That successful Sinn Fein candidates in the twenty-six counties elections shall attend Leinster House as directed by the Ard Chomhairle and shall not draw their salaries for personal use. In the months running up to the 1986 Ard Fheis, Adams supporters North and South, including this writer, worked tirelessly in counties Monaghan, Cavan, Louth and Donegal to get new Cummans (local Sinn Fein committees) into operation and to have as many Adams votes as possible on the floor of the Ard Fheis. It was a repeat of the pre-1970 Ard Fheis which had seen the split of the Official IRA, to the breakaway Provisionals, although this time the guns remained with the PIRA. For weeks after the 1986 Ard Fheis delegates told of how they had voted on behalf of Cummans that existed on paper only, in order to over throw the old southern leadership. Adams in his address to the Ard Fheis made it clear that the PIRA was in support of the change in abstentianism from a policy to a tactic, Adams’ dual role on the IRA Army Council and Sinn Fein Ard Chomhairle had given him the opportunity to sway the army general convention to his way of thinking three weeks earlier. He told anyone thinking of causing a split that they would also be abandoning the IRA. The provisionals had realised that they needed to change if they were going to extract concessions from the British Government and further try to undermine the will of the Protestant people. The Adams’ motion was passed by the two-thirds majority necessary and as expected O’Bradaigh and O’Connell walked out with others and shortly afterwards formed Republican Sinn Fein with Continuity IRA being their ‘military’ wing. The PIRA under Adams and Mc Guinness carried out a number of operations shortly after the split to show that they had not been affected by the policy change, this show of military strength helped to keep the pure militants on board. There were many confrontations among republicans however it never escalated into anything like the split in 1970. An internal document circulated among those of us in Sinn Fein/IRA in 1986 following the Ard Fheis showed that Adams and Mc Guinness were firmly in control of the republican movement which was now almost exclusively made up of Adams yes men. This did not mean that pure militarists were excluded people like Kevin Mc Kenna and his under study Jim Lynagh could continue with business as normal as Adams and Mc Guinness knew that if they lost senior IRA figures they would be in real difficulty to carry their plan to the next level. A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 8 Terrorism – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 8 – The Politics of Murdering Protestants The republican movement under the leadership of Mc Guinness and Adams continued to fail in terms of producing a coherent and clear political strategy for the way a head. They had now off loaded the old guard of O’ Bradaigh and O’Connell, yet there remained within Sinn Fein/IRA a schizophrenic view of the world. Adams and Mc Guinness while adopting the twin track approach of the armalite in one hand and the ballot box in the other, they continued to be the political tail being wagged by the military dog that was the IRA. Adams and Mc Guinness had a Janus-face to their leadership, to the world they were trying to sell themselves as pragmatic political leaders yet at their core and on the streets they were driven by the sectarian murder of their Protestant neighbours. Adams had said that he would prefer to see a situation where the armed struggle was unnecessary, yet Adams by his drift towards politics had already accepted that militant republicanism had failed. Adams was now accepting the fact, like Goulding before him, that militant republicanism had no long term future and was nothing more than an obstacle to any political settlement in the north. Adams and Mc Guinness were allowing their heart to rule their mind as they continued to revel in the IRA’s campaign against the Protestant community. They knew deep down that the ‘war’ was over but they also knew that the Protestants had to be unnerved if Sinn Fein were going to get a place at any political discussions. On the 30th of January, 1915, IRA leader, James Connolly writing to The Worker stated: We will fight for our cause with words when words are useful, and with arms when arms are needed. However, James Connolly was talking about an IRA who was in open combat with the British Military, the IRA of 1986 was an IRA overtly targeting and murdering innocent Protestants. Adams and Mc Guinness now had control of the republican movement yet it remained anchored in sectarian violence. The leadership of Sinn Fein in its Ard Chomhairle in 1987 had thirty-one members who were almost exclusively from the north. Yet when one read the list of names on the Ard Chomhairle at that time one could be forgiven for believing that the leadership were being less than honest about the geographical makeup of the Ard Chomhairle, IRA veteran, Joe Cahill (RIP) is represented on the official listing as being from County Louth in the Republic, when Joe was most certainly from Belfast. The republican leadership continued to try and be all things to all people, if they moved too quickly in any one direction they could further split the organisation, this meant that pure militarists such as Kevin Mc Kenna and Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy continued with business as usual. The June 1987 Westminster elections would see Sinn Fein offer the banner of ‘freedom, justice and peace’ to the people of Northern Ireland. However, such banner headlines could hardly disguise the on-going campaign of murder against the Protestant community by the IRA. The Catholic community were losing patience with the republican leadership; it was the ordinary Catholic people who were at the brunt of loyalist reprisals for IRA attacks. The Catholic community were not carried by banner headlines that meant nothing, the Sinn Fein vote went down from 13.4% in 1983 to 11.3% in 1987. This was a significant blow to the leadership especially as they had dropped abstentianism. Adams got re-elected in West Belfast, however even this measured success could not cover the reality of Sinn Fein’s failure to make further political gains. Catholics were turning to constitutional nationalism as opposed to what they seen as sectarian republicanism. The SDLP made significant gains and got three MPs elected to Westminster. It is worth mentioning here that Sinn Fein had one of the most sophisticated vote rigging systems in the modern democratised world. The Sinn Fein electoral mantra was, ‘Vote Early, Vote Often’, it was no exaggeration to say that people who had died and were still on the electoral register had their vote cast. People who had left Ireland many years before had their vote cast for them; in areas controlled by the IRA they maintained tight controls on voting. Each political party is allowed to have one personating agent in the voting centres. This means that someone from Sinn Fein will sit in the voting centre all day with a list of the names of people who are to vote in that area, about an hour before the voting centres close Sinn Fein/IRA members will be told who has not voted and they will call to those houses. People will be taken to the voting centres in black taxis and if they can’t go for any reason a Sinn Fein/IRA member would take their voting card and vote for them. To my shame, I witnessed it, I participated in it and I accepted it. The Anglo Irish Conference had been established and this had allowed all the constitutional parties to participate in something that appeared pragmatic, the SDLP and John Hume were giving Catholics in the north hope of a new beginning whereas the republican movement appeared stuck in their old ways. While sectarian murder was something glorified by so called republicans in the segregated ghettoes of Belfast and Derry, in the country side Catholics were much less sectarian in their outlook and were inter-dependent on each other in daily life. Catholics and Protestants in small towns and villages had to work and live side by side, each had their own traditions but those traditions were mainly silent in the interest of community living. Yet the republican sectarian murder machine rumbled on. On the 8th of November 1987, as Adams and Mc Guinness talked about ‘peace and justice’ the IRA planted a bomb in Enniskillen in County Fermanagh, where a war memorial service was being held at the Cenotaph in the town centre. This was a traditional gathering place for the family and friends of men and women who had fallen in the first and second world wars while fighting tyranny. The IRA bomb planted to maximise casualties killed 11 Protestants and seriously injured another 63 Protestants. The republican movement had once again shown its dark core, the republican movement just seemed unable or unwilling to move forward. It was alleged that this attack was revenge for the killing of eight IRA members at Loughgall in May that year; however, the mass murder of innocent men, women and children cannot be retaliation for the killing of armed IRA members. The republican leadership quickly recognised that this overt attack on the Protestant community was a serious public relations mistake. Usually when the IRA committed an act of violence they claimed responsibility immediately through their pen name, ‘P. O’Neil’, however for thirty hours following the Enniskillen attack the republican movement fell silent. When the republican movement were finally forced to admit responsibility for this mass murder, their words were hollow among the words of the Father of one of the bomb victims. Gordon Wilson (now deceased) lost his young daughter, a nurse. His words of forgiveness and compassion were flashed across the world when he said: I bear no ill will. That sort of talk is not going to bring her back to life. She was a great wee lassie. She loved her profession. She was a pet and she is dead. She is in heaven and we will meet again. Don’t ask me please for a purpose. I don’t have a purpose. I don’t have an answer but I know there has to be a plan. If I did not think that, I would commit suicide. It is part of a greater plan and God is good and we shall meet again. Gerry Adams had little to offer in response when he said: I do not think there can be more Enniskillens and I think the IRA in accepting responsibility for what happened and its explanation, signalled that they are going to ensure that there are no more Enniskillens. These weasel words were for the cameras and the world audience, behind the scenes republicans including myself were jubilant about the Enniskillen bomb. It is widely believed that the Enniskillen bomb was at least constructed by an IRA bomb maker from Monaghan who was a close friend of IRA commander Jim Lynagh who was killed at Loughgall by the SAS. This bomb maker was close to IRA Chief of Staff, Kevin Mc Kenna and therefore this IRA bomb maker would face no sanction in relation to the civilian deaths incurred at Enniskillen even if the Janus-faced leadership wanted to try and distance itself from the atrocity at a politically sensitive time. Adams’ duality as Army Council member and Ard Chomhairle member meant that responsibility for the massacre at Enniskillen lay at his door step. The media continued to speculate about hawks and doves within the republican movement, however, this was somewhat dishonest. I lived, eat, and was imprisoned with republicans; I knew the most prolific IRA killers and the most politically motivated members of Sinn Fein. In all my time in the republican movement I did not meet one republican who did not champion an IRA action and particularly when that IRA action was overtly directed at the Protestant community. The media in Northern Ireland is a small community and the republican movement like any other enterprise have their trolls in the media. It was a useful myth to suggest that there were doves and hawks in the republican movement. However, even in the aftermath of the Enniskillen massacre and the loss of tons of explosives and weapons on the ship The Eksund the republican movement was determined to continue with sectarian violence. In 1988 John Hume, the SDLP leader began a process of secret talks with the republican leadership through Adams and Mc Guinness. The republican movement’s mandate faltering as it was, had found a level of support that seemed consistent and so Hume believed rightly or wrongly that engaging with Adams would not hurt the SDLP. It was clear to everyone that if there was to be some kind of settlement in the north it would have to be a settlement that included Sinn Fein. This certainty is summed up by Bishop and Mallie when they say: At the end of the day, despite all the good intentions, politics in Ireland, as Adams discerned, was still a matter of tribalism. Whatever happened, the IRA and Sinn Fein had grown too permanent a feature of the political landscape of Ireland to be left out of any serious discussions about its future. The discussions between John Hume and Gerry Adams lasted from March until September, of 1988 and would become known as the Hume/Adams initiative. The secrecy that surrounded the Hume/Adams talks caused suspicion from both loyalist and nationalists. Talk began to emerge of a Pan-Nationalist-Front and this left Unionists/loyalists very un-easy. It is also worth noting that there are Catholic Nationalists in Northern Ireland who are as fundamentally opposed to Sinn Fein/IRA as are loyalists, so Hume was taking a real risk. Loyalist paramilitaries now began to target members of the SDLP as they seen them as giving legitimacy to the murderous activities of the republican movement. Loyalists wanted to insure that a Pan-Nationalist-Front would not emerge from the Hume/Adams initiative. At the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis in 1989 Gerry Adams in his hypocritical duality criticised the IRA for its continued failure to ensure that civilians were not killed. We now know from Ed Moloney’s new book Voices from the Grave that Gerry Adams did himself allegedly order the murder of innocent civilians. As I explained when talking about Loughgall, from 1986 Protestants whether civilian or military were the undisputed targets of the IRA. Sinn Fein were facing into another election in May 1989 and so Adams was trying to cosmetically distance himself from on-going IRA atrocities. Sinn Fein believed that they could poll well in the local government elections in Northern Ireland in May 1989 as a result of the Hume/Adams initiative. However, IRA atrocities continued to hold the Sinn Fein mandate almost static. Sinn Fein polled 11.3%, a fall from the previous local elections in 1985. Sinn Fein was to find no favour with the electorate in The Irish Republic either. The Irish Republic was in yet another economic recession and the public mood was to shift to a protest vote for left wing parties. The 1989 General Election in the Republic seen The Workers Party (this was official Sinn Fein from whom Adams split in 1970) win 5% of the national vote and giving them seven seats in the Irish Parliament, Dail Eireann. The Labour Party won 9.5% of the national vote and fifteen seats in the Dail. Sinn Fein’s vote was reduced to 1.2% of the national vote and they won no seats. The Sinn Fein vote was concentrated in small pockets such as Monaghan/Cavan, Donegal, Louth, Meath, Kerry and Dublin. Much of the Sinn Fein organisation in the Republic had been built by the efforts of Monaghan republican, Caoimhghin O’Caolain, who had been a traditional Fianna Fail supporter but had joined Sinn Fein in 1980 in support of the Hunger Strikers. However, even in the midst of such a political vacuum in The Irish Republic the people did not view Sinn Fein as offering any real alternative or political strategy. The European Elections in 1989 were to be another barometer of Sinn Fein’s political fortunes, in The Irish Republic Sinn Fein’s vote was slashed from 5.2% in the previous European Elections to 2.9%. In Northern Ireland the Sinn Fein vote also slumped to 9.2% of the total, in 1984 Sinn Fein had received 13.4% of the total vote. The republican leadership continued to try and explain away their electoral failures with complaints about censorship and the elections coming too soon after the change in the abstentianism policy. But reality was staring the republican movement in the face; they had no coherent political alternative to offer the people. Sinn Fein’s brand of sectarian militant republicanism had no place in the democratic politics of The Irish Republic. Sinn Fein’s former comrades in Official Sinn Fein (Workers Party) had taken seven seats in the Dail. Goulding’s decision to go political in 1970 had paid dividends and Adams knew that only too well. 1990 would see the much hated Mrs Thatcher resign as British Prime Minister, she had over seen British policy in Northern Ireland for almost twelve years and she had earned herself number one spot on the IRA’s hit list of most wanted persons. Thatcher would never be forgotten for her role during the Hunger strikes. Adams and the northern leadership could only sit back and watch as their former comrades in Official Sinn Fein took seven seats in the Dail. Goulding had mixed views on his decision to go political in 1970 and the Provisional IRA/Sinn Fein to delay going political when he said: We were definitely right, but right too soon. Adams may be right in pushing the provos towards politics, but he is too late and Ruari O’Bradaigh (Republican S/F) will never be right. As Thatcher left office there was some hope of political change in the north. However, within a few short months the IRA reasserted their campaign of economic and psychological coercion against the British Cabinet and British public when they welcomed Prime Minister, John Major to Number 10 with a mortar attack. None of the Ministers or the Prime Minister was injured as they meet in Number 10 but the attack reminded the British that Saddam Hussein was not their only enemy. The IRA campaign against the British Government and public was an attempt to convince them to become persuaders of the Protestant people to enter a united Ireland or a transition towards a united Ireland. On the ground in Northern Ireland far away from the media spotlight, the IRA continued with their criminality, children were being shot in the legs and beaten by IRA gangs because they had dared to tell a social worker that they had been raped or sexually assaulted by a Sinn Fein or IRA member. Armed robberies, smuggling, counterfeit goods, and licensing drug dealers were all part of what was now an IRA Mafia organisation. Peter Brooke was the new Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and he set about arranging a set of talks about talks. The terrorists continued to murder at will, loyalists were now pro-active rather than reactive and in 1991 seventy-five civilians were murdered in cold blood in almost equal numbers by loyalist and republican murder squads. The republican movement could no longer claim that Protestant civilians were accidental casualties of ‘war’ as in 1991 there were only 19 military casualties. Loyalists were now matching the IRA sectarian body count almost death for death. The lie of ‘war’ was buried beneath the bodies of the innocent and Adams claim to have Protestant interests at heart were nothing more than a self-deluding myth. Indeed as extensive survey was carried out by Livingston and Morison into party preference in Northern Ireland in 1991, they found that although there was a cross fertilisation between unionist and nationalist parties, not one Protestant said they would vote Sinn Fein. One of the most cowardly tactics used by the republican leadership and one which cost them a great deal of support at this time was the tactic of using Human Bombs (proxy). This tactic had been developed by a close associate of IRA leader, Martin Mc Guinness. Mc Guinness felt that he needed to take back some of the street power that had shifted in the IRA leadership to Mc Kenna and Murphy as they had taken a significant hit from the British and appeared to ordinary republicans to be fighting the ‘war’ on their own. The tactic was used for a short time during the 1990s, however, was eventually abandoned after public outrage. This Human Bomb tactic involved taking an innocent civilian and tying that civilian into a car or van and forcing them to drive that car or van packed with explosives into a British military installation, when that person arrived at the military installation the IRA would explode the bomb by remote control, killing the civilian and any one in the vicinity of the bomb. The person forced to drive the bomb to its destination was normally told that his family would be killed if he did not drive the bomb to its destination. Unlike the modern day Muslim terrorist who will volunteer to blow himself up in a suicide bomb attack, the IRA were too cowardly to carry out such attacks themselves. The Human Bomb attacks had been sanctioned by the IRA Army Council who were continuing to pursue a policy of ethnic cleansing against the Protestant people by both physical and psychological coercion. On the 24th of October 1990, an IRA active service unit lead by someone very close to Martin Mc Guinness, took the family of Patrick Gillespie hostage, warning Mr Gillespie that his wife and children would be murdered if he did not co-operate. Mr Gillespie was tied into a car that was packed with 1,000lb of explosives and told under threat of death to drive to the British Army installation at Coshquin. As he reached the British installation the IRA cowards detonated the bomb by remote control, Mr Gillespie and five others were murdered. Also on the 24th of October 1990, the IRA forced a pensioner to drive a bomb into a British Army checkpoint outside Newry. The brave pensioner managed to jump free at the last minute but one person was murdered and over a dozen injured as the bomb was exploded by remote control. In Omagh on the same day in 1990 the IRA held a man’s wife and little children hostage, while they strapped him into a car that was filled with explosives, on this occasion the bomb failed to explode. The IRA exported this cowardly tactic and on the 24th of April, 1993, the IRA forced two London Taxi drivers to drive bombs to Downing Street and New Scotland Yard, the two taxi men were able to abandon their vehicles in safe places and issue warnings to the public. This was the last time that the proxy bomb was used as it showed the IRA on a world stage for the cowards they were. The car bomb, van bomb, lorry bomb, mortar bomb, proxy bomb were all developed by the IRA and are today used in terrorist campaigns all over the world. The close association between the republican movement and international/narco terrorism is often lost in the spin doctoring surrounding the peace process in the north, this is particularly so in the so-called Irish/American media who make their bread and butter from republican mythology. The reality is that the tactics used by groups such as ETA, FARC and Al-Qaida are tactics that were taught to them by the IRA operatives who were sent to those countries in exchange for weapons or in the case of FARC drug money. The Irish Prime Minister, Mr Charles Haughey, was to be replaced by Mr Albert Reynolds, a man who had little political baggage and seemed ready and willing to do anything to help find a formula to the warring tribalism in Northern Ireland. Reynolds and the British Prime Minister, John Major, appeared able to talk easily with each other and they seemed able and willing to do business. However, the dark shadow cast by the republican movement would soon bring another dark day in Northern Ireland’s history. On the 17th of January 1992 it was proved once again, if proof were needed, that Protestants were the legitimate target of the republican movement when on that date seven Protestants were murdered and seven more injured by an IRA bomb that deliberately targeted the men as they travelled to work in Treebane, County Tyrone. The hawk and dove theory was a nonsense, the central thesis of the republican campaign was to physically and psychologically coerce the Protestant people into a united Ireland, if that meant using a combination of murder and politics then that is what would be used. In London talks about talks continued among the constitutional parties, Sinn Fein continued to exclude themselves from the talks due to continued republican violence. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) wanted the Irish Government to erase Articles 2 and 3 from the Irish Constitution (Bunreacht na hEireann), that had laid claim to Northern Ireland as part of the national territory. These meetings were being used by the British to tell Irish Americans that a process was in place to bring some type of settlement to the northern problem. In America, the 1992 Presidential elections were in full swing and the Irish American lobby were flexing their muscles, offering full support to Bill Clinton if he would agree to send a peace envoy to Northern Ireland. Bill Clinton played a pivotal role in the peace process and his peace envoy George Mitchell was a very able man. The British Government continued to guarantee unionists that their constitutional right to remain British citizens would not be under mined by any deal. This position being maintained by the British continued to be a problem for those trying to remove the Unionist Veto on the North’s affairs. At the end of 1992 a General Election was called in The Irish Republic, and Albert Reynolds and his Fianna Fail Party were returned to office as coalition partners with the Labour Party. In March 1993 Albert Reynolds meet with American President, Bill Clinton and briefed him on developments in the north. Reynolds was leading a strong Government and was prepared to take risks to secure peace in the north. The Pan-Nationalism spoken of by unionists had now been strengthened by a strong and willing Irish Prime Minister who was supported by an interested and popular American President, Bill Clinton. Adams and Hume had inclusive talks in 1988 and these talks would begin again in 1993 as a political momentum appeared thanks to Reynolds. Unionists were out raged as they could see that nationalism was taking on a new momentum, however, Reynolds and Hume were simply trying to submit Sinn Fein to constitutionalism. Sinn Fein was being offered the opportunity to be inside the political tent or outside it. Albert Reynolds had great faith in the abilities of John Hume in his handling of Adams and Sinn Fein when he said: Mr Hume is a very experienced politician. It is for Mr Hume to judge whether something useful can come out of those talks. The triangulation of Hume, Reynolds and Clinton would be the corner stone of what would become known as the peace process, Sinn Fein/IRA knew that this was the last stand saloon and they could either be in as constitutionalists or out as terrorists. [1] Page 464 Bishop and Mallie, 1994 [2] Page 324 Holland and Mac Donald, 1994 [3] Page 9 Livingston and Morison, 1991 A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 9 Terrorism – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 9 – Framing the Peace By 1992 the republican movement was on the rails, Martin Mc Guinness had been having secret talks with M16 agent Michael Oakley (the mountain climber) for years, Adams had been talking to John Hume, and even representatives of the Catholic Church had been working behind the scenes to try and bring Sinn Fein/IRA in from the cold. The republican leadership knew that they could either join the new political momentum or remain isolated and marginalised as a sectarian/criminal mafia. On the ground loyalist terrorists were matching the IRA murder rate body for body, the IRA was in real difficulty and Sinn Fein were making no political head way. Sinn Fein’s document, Towards a Lasting Peace in Ireland, was presented to the 1992 Sinn Fein Ard Fheis by the Ard Chomhairle as a discussion document. It is important to note that such a document would only be read by a small number of republicans due to the fact that the leadership were paranoid about creating disquiet in their ranks. The document stated that its main purpose was to inform the debate within the party and wider public debate about how best to develop a strategy for peace in Ireland. The republican leadership were desperate to capture the goodwill being offered behind the scenes by the Irish Government, The American Government, and The SDLP. However, that goodwill would not last forever and the political establishments were getting very tired of the on-going sectarian violence. Adams in his talks with Hume had come to realise that with support from the Irish Government, and the American Administration the time was coming close when political coercion could peak for the republican movement. At leadership level the evolving theory was one of high powered diplomacy. The introduction to Sinn Fein’s document, Towards a Lasting Peace in Ireland, states: A Peace Process if it is to be both meaningful and enduring must address the root causes of the conflict. While these sentiments could be noble, if scribed by people who did not go on in the same document to prove above all else their own lack of understanding of, “The root causes of the conflict”, when on page 14 of the document, the Sinn Fein leadership address the Protestant community. The document states that: Unionists represent around one fifth of the Irish people. That one fifth referred to in the document is a number many times greater than any support Sinn Fein will ever receive on the Island of Ireland. This feeble attempt at the marginalisation of the Protestant people shows quite clearly the republican leadership’s failure to realise the fact that their own ghettoised constituency represents only a small portion of the people of Ireland. It is their sectarian militant republicanism that was pushing the republican movement to the far reaches of the democratic political process both in Northern Ireland and The Irish Republic. In 1992 Sinn Fein only secured 1.6% of the entire votes cast in the European Elections in the Irish Republic. The majority of these votes went only to three Sinn Fein candidates, indicating that the militant republican tradition had no place in the politics of The Irish Republic. An interesting document produced at this time by the republican leadership was entitled, Members of Sinn Fein Killed, this document lists twenty-two members of Sinn Fein whom the document claims were killed by the British authorities and loyalist death squads. However, the list is in fact a fraudulent claim to Martyrdom, as for example, one of those listed as having been killed by the British, Jeff Mc Kenna, was in fact killed in a car accident in Dublin. And Jeff was most certainly an IRA volunteer before he was a Sinn Fein activist. The republican leadership used duplicity at every turn to try and present a picture that was at variance with the truth. This attempt by the republican leadership to create a Sinn Fein Role of Honour separate from that of the IRA was done in order to create the image that Sinn Fein and the IRA were separate entities and show that Sinn Fein had made great sacrifice on behalf of the Nationalist people. The document does not however mention the many dozens of Sinn Fein members who have been convicted of murder and other serious crimes. The republican leadership in another document entitled, The Evolution of Sinn Fein, make a single reference to the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland and use a single quote from the press at that time that states that the 1916 rising was, ‘The Sinn Fein Rebellion’. The republican leadership having been corralled in to a constitutional framework would have to create a self-image of sacrifice and historical martyrdom in order to maintain their core electoral base. Just as de Valera had done decades earlier, the fact that Gerry Adams’ grandfather was an agent for de Valera may be one of the reasons for this trans-epochal duplication. All eyes were now on the new Northern Ireland, Secretary of State, Sir Patrick Mayhew who promised new proposals for the way forward. As Sir Patrick’s proposals appeared to have no southern Irish dimension and only an internal Northern Ireland settlement at their core, they would be quickly scuttled. The Conservative Government in Britain was dependent on unionist votes at Westminster and so the Conservatives were not going to rock the unionist life boat. However, two torpedoes would strike the Conservative ship, the first would be the Bishop Gate bomb in London which was planted by the IRA and would cause millions of pounds worth of damage. The second would be a joint communiqué from the SDLP leader John Hume and Sinn Fein/IRA leader Gerry Adams which expressly ruled out an internal Northern Ireland settlement. On the proposition of national self-determination, Adams and Hume stated in their communiqué that, ‘the majority of people in Ireland supported their view’, the idea that Sinn Fein who polled 1.2% of the vote in the Irish Republic in the January 1989 General Election and the SDLP who did not have an electoral mandate in the Irish Republic, represented a view shared by a majority of the people of Ireland was a myth. The majority of people simply wanted peace, however, that support for peace should never be confused with support for terrorists. As shown time and time again by their actions the republican movement believed that a campaign of physical and psychological brutality against the Protestant people would bring about national self-determination, however, the republican movement were being afforded an opportunity to come in out of the political wilderness. Tim Pat Coogan’s view on the Hume/Adams communiqué was that, the statement was a realistic acceptance of the position in Northern Ireland as it was before in ‘1969’ in 1993 by two of the shrewdest political brains in the area. At this juncture it is necessary to evaluate Tim Pat Coogan’s book, The IRA, while recognising that Coogan had deep rooted contacts within the IRA, these contacts only sustained life as long as Coogan continued to give drip feed analysis of the romanticised version of republicanism fed to him by the intravenous mythology of Adams and his fellow travellers. Coogan’s lack of investigative journalism was proven on the 18th of September 1995, when The Irish News stated: The latest Edition of The IRA by Tim Pat Coogan was taken off the bookshelves because of its references to the New Consensus Group having grown out of the Official IRA. Nothing could have been further from the truth, the New Consensus Group had for many years challenged sectarian violence as having no place in a civil society. The publishers of Coogan’s book Harper/Collins made a public apology for Coogan’s grievous errors and the allegations were proven to have no foundation against New Consensus. Yet Coogan’s books continued to be a reference point for those ill-informed Irish/Americans who continued to support Sinn Fein/IRA. To sum up what had become known in unionist circles as the Pan-Nationalist-Front, Dick Spring, the leader of the Irish Labour Party in the Republic, gave a highly significant interview to John Palmer of the Guardian newspaper (7th July, 1993). In that interview Dick Spring who was in coalition Government in the Irish Republic, said flatly that the unionists could no longer have a veto on political progress. If the unionists would not agree to talks, then the London and Dublin Government would make an agreement over their head. The summer of 1993 continued with a public war of words between all the political parties in the north, however, behind the scenes the secret talks between the republican leadership and M16 continued, there were also secret talks between loyalist terrorists and the republican movement. Also in this myriad of cloak and dagger meetings the Roman Catholic Church acted as mediator between the republican leadership and the Dublin Government. Just as in 1921 Lloyd George had allowed his civil servants to meet with IRA leader Michael Collins, John Major was allowing his civil servants in the form of M16 to meet the IRA of the 1990s. While Martin Mc Guinness was having secret meetings with M16 lower ranking republicans were being executed by the IRA for being informers. Mc Guinness was knowingly or unknowingly showing weakness and had done so for many years due to his secret meetings with the British Secret Service while that same secret service was summarily executing IRA members. It was a murky business but then murkiness was the business of the republican leadership under Adams. The British had little or no interest in the deaths of a few Protestants in Northern Ireland, and if that is what it took to keep the republican movement engaged in secret talks, so be it. On the 22nd of October 1993, the IRA would carry out another mass murder of innocent Protestants, this time it was the Protestant heartland of the Shankill Road in Belfast where nine innocent men, women and children were to be blown to pieces by an IRA bomb. Loyalist terrorists retaliated by killing innocent Catholics all over Northern Ireland as the cowardly republican leadership knew they would. The IRA leadership said they had planted the bomb in the Shankill Road fish shop as they were trying to target loyalist terrorist/drug dealer, Johnny Adair, however, even if this explanation were true they had no explanation of how they could kill a select few with a large bomb in a busy shopping area on a Saturday afternoon. The reality was that the bombers had no intention of getting anyone out before the bomb exploded, these were IRA bombers in a large loyalist area they had no concern for the innocent Protestants that would die, and as far as the republican leadership were concerned the only good Protestant was a dead one. There was worldwide condemnation of the Shankill massacre however like so much before, the headlines had settled before the dust on the devastated Shankill Road. However, within weeks of the Shankill bomb the British and Irish Governments produced, The Downing Street Declaration, a discussion document to help find a way forward in the stalemate of Northern Ireland’s politics. In a speech to the Irish Association shortly after the publication of the, Downing Street Declaration, in Dublin Castle, The Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, observed, “The spirit of coercion”, as the great evil of modern Irish history. Mr Reynolds insisted that in future the democratic right of self-determination by the Irish people as whole must be exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority in Northern Ireland. Professor Paul Bew at Queens University believed that the concentration by the Taoiseach on the erosion of coercion is an echo from the days of John Redmond some seventy years earlier. The use of the word ‘coercion’ by Reynolds was recognition of what had been the central thesis of the republican movements failed strategy. A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 10 Terrorism – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 10 – Declarations and Cease-fires The Downing Street Declaration was viewed by Unionists as a sell-out. The most extreme comments coming from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), when it’s then Deputy Leader, Peter Robinson said: It is a blueprint for a United Ireland It is important to try and understand the reasons why different shades of Unionism react so differently to different proposals. The DUP which was born out of a fundamentalist Protestantism under the leadership of the fire and brimstone preacher the Reverend Ian Paisley is more driven by the defence of Protestantism from Rome Rule than simply the defence of Ulster Unionism. The Ulster Unionist Party has a more pragmatic and businesses like approach to its politics, not always, but, The Ulster Unionist Party has a more wait and see approach, to such matters as The Downing Street Declaration. This did not and does not exclude all shades of Unionism engaging in expressions of tribalism as once witnessed when the Reverend Ian Paisley and then Ulster Unionist Leader, David Trimble marched down the nationalist Garvaghy Road with their hands held high. This out pouring of tribalism related to the fact that an Orange Parade (Protestant) had been allowed by the then Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam, to proceed through the mainly Catholic area. In July of 1994 the leadership of the republican movement rejected The Downing Street Declaration, however, there was growing optimism that the republican leadership were bowing down to increased pressure from America, Europe, the SDLP, the Irish Government and more importantly the ordinary Irish people to renounce sectarian violence for good. Sinn Fein was not making any significant moves forward politically in any of the elections that it contended north or south. The IRA for the first time in the history of the conflict was being out done by loyalist terrorists in terms of the sectarian body count. The republican movement were on the ropes and constitutionalists were offering them the olive branch of peace if they took their seats at the table of constitutional politics. In a rare snap shot of the overwhelming feelings of the majority of people in Ireland in relation to on-going republican violence, a survey conducted by the Irish Marketing Surveys: 91% of ordinary people north and south expressed a view that the republican movement should permanently renounce sectarian violence. At the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis in Dublin at the weekend of the 26th February, 1994, the republican leadership were under intense pressure to deliver an end to terrorism. It was also interesting to note that a petition from 13,000 Students at Queens University was handed into the Ard Fheis calling for an end to IRA violence, this was significant as Queens University had been the birth place of the Civil Rights Movement in the late 1960s, now those same students were calling on the republican movement to end their human rights abuses of the very same oppressed people. The 1994 Ard Fheis was to be a key stone in the constitutionalisation of Sinn Fein/IRA, as Martin Mc Guinness the IRA leader who had been engaged in secret talks with MI6 for many years gave a hint that an IRA cease-fire was possible. It is also interesting to note at this time that while Mc Guinness was talking with MI6 and other British intermediaries the IRA were continuing to murder, mutilate and torture Irish citizens. While I had already left the IRA at this time I still had regular contact with active IRA members, and on one occasion when the IRA had carried out yet another atrocity, the murder of two community Police officers in Fivemiletown, December, 1993, I asked a well-placed IRA member in that area if he realised the futility of their campaign. He replied that, “The war must go on”. I explained to the IRA member that by the end of 1994 the IRA would have surrendered, he dismissed my analysis out of hand. It was this dichotomy of thinking at leadership and ground level that would create problems for the republican movement further down the line. At the 1994 Sinn Fein, Ard Fheis Martin Mc Guinness suggested that if the Unionist veto was removed from any talks then an IRA cease-fire was possible. Mc Guinness said he would personally ask the IRA for a cease-fire if his conditions were met, this was of course a rhetorical question as Mc Guinness remained a senior member of the IRA Army Council. Clarification now became the buzz word as the republican movement asked British Prime Minister, John Major to explain some perceived ambiguities in the Downing Street Declaration. John Major for his part was continuing to deny that his Government had any contacts with the IRA, however, when Secretary of State, Sir Patrick Mayhew attended an annual lecture at Queens University he was ambushed with a question about talks between the Conservative Government and the IRA. However, even in the face of indisputable evidence Sir Patrick denied that any such talks were taking place and Major went further when he told Parliament that he would be, “Sick in his stomach if he thought such talks were taking place”. So it was that all sides began to engage in verbal gymnastics as each jockeyed for position and tried not to isolate their constituencies. In an interview on the 27th February 1994, on RTE, Gerry Adams said: The Unionists obviously have a right to opt out of a united Ireland, but they cannot have the right to self-determination. In this statement Adams shows a clear lack of understanding of the majority of the people in the north who wished to remain British. Indications came from Adams at the 1994 Ard Fheis that a peaceful resolution could be found, however, it was not clear if this resolution was contained in The Downing Street Declaration. Constitutional nationalists both north and south felt that the republican movement was beginning to bend under the strain of domestic and world pressure, in particular pressure from the American administration, to end their sectarian campaign. In his 1994 Ard Fheis speech Adams also said: Unionists are an Irish national minority, a religio –political minority, with minority rights, not majority ones. Even in political mode Adams continued to play the sectarian card as political coercion came more to the fore of the republican strategy. Adams was never speaking from a point of strength above that of the Protestant people in Ireland as Sinn Fein could only muster a small percentage of votes on the Island of Ireland compared to the numbers of Protestants in the north. It was the sectarian campaign driven by the republican movement that was a religio – political minority on the Island of Ireland. The republican leadership who were being dragged kicking and screaming into a constitutional framework had one continued weakness, and that weakness was failing to deliver a credible political strategy in the absence of sectarian violence. Violence was so easy compared to the intrinsic choreography of political negotiation and possible settlement. On the 24th July 1994, the republican leadership rejected The Downing Street Declaration, and this was expected as they had not been part of the talks process that produced the Declaration, however, in that rejection Adams indicated that the conflict was entering its final phase. Unionists were furious as they believed that they were being sold down the river by The Downing Street Declaration. John Major and Albert Reynolds had little to say about the republican movement’s rejection of the Declaration as they knew from their secret contacts with the IRA that a deal was still possible. John Hume felt that the general thrust of the Hume/Adams initiative was contained in the Downing Street Declaration and therefore common ground had been established by all parties involved and that a framework for inclusive talks was being constructed. All of the literature and comment by the republican movement relating to the Declaration, including the Adams speech were taken to Washington and delivered to President Bill Clinton by diplomatic messenger from Dublin. Clinton would have a vital role to play if the ‘peace process’ was to get off the ground. Clinton had made promises to the Irish/American lobby to give Adams a visa if Clinton was elected President. However, the British provided the Americans with documentation, showing Adams to being involved in terrorism. However, Clinton knew what had to be done; people like Ted Kennedy knew that no deal was possible unless the republican leadership could bring their Irish/American backers with them. Clinton made the decision to allow Adams into America for forty-eight hours; Adams was treated like a statesman by the Irish/Americans. In the majority the Irish/American view of the conflict in the north has always been a simplistic one, they parted with their dollars out of a sense of guilt. Irish/Americans are not a homogeneous group and those supporting IRA violence in Ireland were mainly driven by guilt and a simplistic view of IRA violence. Irish/Americans did not see Catholic children having their legs broken by IRA gangs because those children dared to tell a social worker that they had been raped or sexually abused by a member of Sinn Fein/IRA. Irish/Americans did not see the bodies of innocent men, women and children lying broken on the streets after indiscriminate bombs were planted in high streets. Irish Americans were simply feed on a diet of old Civil Rights footage and republican ballads. The language of the republican leadership had changed from that of no British interference in Irish affairs to that of the necessity for both the London and Dublin Governments to help facilitate a settlement in the north through all inclusive talks. Adams had stressed this position on his first trip to America. Adams had recited the British position as stated in the Downing Street Declaration: Britain had no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland, their primary interest is to see peace, stability and reconciliation established by agreement among all the people who inhabit the Island. It was clear that the Hume/Adams initiative and the Irish Government had made their mark on the Downing Street Declaration and the republican leadership were being convinced that a way forward could be found without having to admit defeat. Clinton was central in encouraging the British Government to go along with the political momentum that was beginning to build. This view was supported by Dr Martin Mansergh, who had been a senior political advisor to the Irish Government, and Albert Reynolds was certain that without the Clinton input matters would not have moved forward with such a pace. Minds were focused by the IRA mass murder of innocent men, women and children on the Protestant Shankill Road in 1993, the innocent continued to pay a heavy price for the republican leadership’s foot dragging approach to the new political dispensation that was unfolding. The atrocity on the Shankill Road made it easier for Major to sign the Downing Street Declaration as he could be seen as acting in an attempt to try and stop further sectarian outrages. It also saved the British government possible embarrassment as the IRA’s secret talks with the British government had just ended in failure, with the IRA accusing the British of intransigence. John Hume came under increasing pressure because of his talks with Adams, many within his party felt Hume had legitimised Sinn Fein and Unionists had similar feelings. Hume persisted and eventually the strain took its toll on the man who had risked so much when he was admitted to hospital on the 8th of November suffering from exhaustion. The pressure was soon diverted away from Hume, when on the day after he was admitted to hospital, it was disclosed that the British Government had been having secret talks with the IRA. Sir Patrick Mayhew denied that the British Government had been having talks with the IRA when he stated: Nobody has been authorised to talk or negotiate on behalf of the British Government with Sinn Fein or any other terrorist organisation. As the British denied the talks had taken place and the republicans denied the British version of events it became clear that the talks had taken place and on the 26th February 1994, Sinn Fein had been informed that: The British Government had agreed to hold talks with republicans which if they went well could speedily be announced publicly. Suggested venues for the talks included the Scandinavian countries, Scotland and the Isle of Man. It would be necessary that there be peace for the period of the talks which were expected to last two to three weeks. The British asserted that the outcome of the talks would be an acceptance by republicans that there was no further need for armed struggle. Communication between the IRA and the British Government continued with a war of words as each tried to justify their position to their own constituency. The British used the IRA’s 1994 bombing campaign of provincial towns in the north as a reason not to talk with the IRA and the IRA used the failed Ree’s talks of 1975 to distrust the British. However, behind the megaphone diplomacy Martin Mc Guinness had been hooked by his contacts with M16, contacts that were not simply impersonal. In one communication between MI6 Agent Michael Oakley and Martin Mc Guinness, Oakley signs off by saying, “Tiocfaidh Ar La”, this translates into English as, “Our Day Will Come”, which was the rallying cry of the republican movement, and we can only assume that Oakley was expressing a view for an end to IRA violence. Eventually the republican movement agreed to a two week cease-fire, Sir Patrick Mayhew was not sure if this was now the right time to be discovered talking to the IRA as the local government elections were coming up on the 17th of May. Major ordered his staff to draw up new proposals including a longer cease-fire and in return the republicans could have logistical talks with the British. The one condition that was paramount to the republicans entering talks with the British was that the republican leadership would confirm that a lasting end to violence did not depend on their analysis being endorsed as the only way forward. The IRA response to these conditions caused them to state unequivocally that the change in tone from the British was due to: Expedient, internal and domestic party political reasons There is no doubt that Major’s Government was beholding to the Unionists as the Unionists had just helped support Major’s Government with an important vote on the European Maastricht Treaty. On the 29th of October Albert Reynolds and John Major issued a statement in Brussels which repudiated the Hume/Adams approach and the Sinn Fein talks. The two Prime Ministers made it very clear to the IRA that they must commit to exclusively peaceful means if they were to be involved in inclusive talks. The rejection of the Downing Street Declaration by the republican movement meant that Albert Reynolds had to work harder with the British Prime Minister, John Major to find a way forward. Clinton continued to follow Albert Reynolds lead in relation to the northern peace initiative and Clinton continued to impress upon Major the possibility of peace. The liaison committee of Irish and British Civil servants which was set up after the Downing Street Declaration was empowered to draft a Framework Document for an eventual Anglo Irish settlement. This settlement envisaged very far reaching changes, these included a revision of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution that laid claim to the whole Island of Ireland and also to be revised was the British Government’s Act of Ireland 1920 which laid claim to the north of Ireland. The fallout from the IRA massacre on the Shankill Road on the 22nd of October, 1993, left feelings running very high in the Protestant community and these feelings are best summed up by the words of a young man, Keith, whose little niece was butchered by the IRA on that day: It is really unbelievable to think that our government could contemplate making concessions to the IRA. When I seen Adams carrying the coffin of the IRA terrorist who murdered my little niece I was devastated and I looked to my government to respond to their murderous sectarian campaign with the law of the State. To realise that these murderers are given any say in how our country is or will be run is a disgrace of the highest order whether it be in the Framework Document or any other document. It was a big ask for the ordinary Protestant people to accept that Sinn Fein/IRA could renounce sectarian violence for good, especially when Adams continued to carry the coffins of murders who had more in common with Myra Hindley and Ian Brady (The Moores Murderers) than they had with the Republican leaders of 1916. While the Irish Government continued to state that they would never go into Government with Sinn Fein/IRA in the Irish Republic they were expecting Unionists to go into Government with Sinn Fein/IRA in the north. Even within their own ranks the IRA had and continues to have high ranking British agents operating. One of the most infamous British Agents operating within the ranks of the IRA was Frederick Scappaticci, who had the job of torturing and murdering alleged informers. When Freddie was finally exposed as a British agent the republican movement was numbed, Freddie was very closely associated with the republican leadership in Belfast. It was widely accepted within the republican movement that Freddie had killed several republicans for being Police informers, while he himself was a British agent. In one incident three IRA men were tortured and then murdered by Freddie as it had been discovered that these three IRA members were informers. The men in question Gregory Burns, John Dignam and Aidan Starrs had admitted that they had been informers; they also admitted that they had kidnapped, raped and murdered a young woman for their own amusement. The body of their young victim Margaret Perry (26) had been found in a shallow grave in Mullaghmore, County Sligo. It was not unusual for the IRA to kidnap murder and secretly bury their victims. In 2010 many victims of the IRA murder campaign remain undiscovered in unmarked graves. Children such as Columba Mc Veigh was kidnapped by the IRA in County Tyrone in the 1970s, taken to County Monaghan, tortured, murdered and secretly buried, his body has never been found. This is the type of activity that Irish/Americans were funding with their dollars. A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 11 The IRA – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 11 – All the President’s Men The political momentum began to pick up steam as the ‘Pan-Nationalist-Front’ as so described by unionist began to find some common ground. The Irish Government, The SDLP and the American administration under President Clinton were offering the republican movement a way out of the cul de sac of sectarian violence in which they had entrapped themselves. President Clinton appointed Jean Kennedy Smith as the new Ambassador to Ireland in 1993 and this gave a new confidence to the political process. Adams and the republican leadership were feeling the strain as constitutionalists offered real hope for change. The republican movement could either be inside the political tent looking out or on the outside looking in. The fact that The Act of Ireland was moving onto the negotiating table gave Adams something to go back to the leadership with, it wasn’t much after so much death and destruction but it was a start. Martin Mc Guinness continued with the same old rhetoric that the Brits would be leaving Ireland sooner rather than later, however, the reality painted a different picture. This rhetoric was simply to keep the foot soldiers of the IRA on board, it is important to remember that most IRA members came from poor educational back grounds and their view of the world was often black and white. The majority of IRA members were by their nature followers and so the words of their leadership lead them from one day to the next, the majority of republicans would not even today appreciate the complexity of the secret talks and double dealing that occurred between the republican leadership and the British. Adams knew this was the last chance saloon, the republican movement was on the ropes both politically and militarily and so it was that in August 1994 an Irish/American delegation arrived in Ireland to meet the republican leadership for discussions on what the republican movement could deliver. Adams was able to tell the delegation that the IRA would call a cease-fire if certain conditions were meet, Adams explained that it was important that the IRA were not seen to be surrendering as that could fracture the republican movement, Adams asked for the following: That two of the IRA’s top men be allowed to travel to America to explain to their supporters in NORAID why the cease-fire was being called. The two men who would travel to the US on behalf of the IRA would be Joe Cahill, a veteran from the IRA’s 1940s campaign who was credited with being one of the founders of NORAID in the US. Joe would be able to bring the old guard along with the political process. The other senior republican to travel to the US would be Pat Treanor, a former IRA prisoner and Sinn Fein County Councillor in County Monaghan. Treanor was being sent to the US as some of the IRA personnel who had been exiled to the USA, mainly to avoid imprisonment, would follow his lead. It was hoped that the duality of young rebel and old guard veteran would stifle any attempts at a split in the Irish/American dollars that were being poured into the IRA. After some objections to Treanor and Cahill being allowed into the US the Justice Department allowed them in. Again just to highlight the dichotomy between what the leadership were doing and what the foot soldiers on the ground were doing, weeks before Treanor went to America to sell the political process he was almost killed accidentally in an IRA gun attack. Treanor had taken some journalist to a border road that had been closed off by the British, the road leading from Monaghan in the Republic to Fermanagh in the north was in Treanor’s constituency and he was simply highlighting a local problem. However, when Treanor was spotted in Fermanagh by the Police he was arrested as he was known to them as being IRA. As the police car taking Treanor to the police station in Dungannon, County Tyrone, an IRA unit unaware that Treanor was in the police car opened fire as the police car passed near Cappagh in County Tyrone, Treanor was injured by the IRA gun fire and was later released by the police. This bizarre incident highlights the lack of communication that existed between the republican leadership and those on the ground, this elitism would cause further problems as the ‘peace-process’ developed. However, a Tape recording was passed by the IRA to RTE journalist Charlie Bird and that tape was played on the national airways on the morning of the 31st of August, 1994, announcing an IRA cease-fire as follows: Recognising the potential of the current situation and in order to enhance the democratic peace process and underline our definitive commitment to its success the leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann (IRA) have decided that as of mid-night, Wednesday 31st of August there will be a complete cessation of military operations. All our units have been instructed accordingly. At this historic cross-road, the leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann salutes and commends our volunteers; other activists; our supporters and the political prisoners who have sustained this struggle against all odds for the past twenty-five years. Your courage, determination and sacrifices have demonstrated that the spirit of freedom and the desire for peace based on a just and lasting settlement cannot be crushed. We remember all those who have died for Irish freedom and we reiterate our commitment to our republican objectives. We note that the Downing Street Declaration is not a solution nor was it presented as such by its authors. A solution will only be found as a result of inclusive negotiations. Others, not least, the British Government, have a duty to face up to their responsibilities. It is our desire to significantly contribute to the creation of a climate which will encourage this. We urge everyone to approach this new situation with energy, determination and patience. Such a statement after twenty-five years of death and destruction brought with it relief for many and hope to all. However, those who knew the IRA up close and personal knew that the IRA had become a mafia empire and whatever about the fancy words written by Adams and his fellow travellers, there were many within the republican movement who would not surrender their criminality to any political process. After the initial reactions from everyone the word ‘permanent’ became the buzz word for commentators. Unionists, The British and other sceptics continued to seek proof of the permanence of the cease-fire or ‘cessation of violence’. Loyalist terrorists were now also called upon to call a cease-fire and so it was that on the 13th of October 1994, the Combined Loyalist Military Command in the spokesman of Gusty Spence, who had murdered the first Catholic in the conflict in 1966, announced a loyalist cease-fire. However, like the republican movement many loyalist terrorists had built up criminal empires by means of extortion, robberies, drug dealing, prostitution and so forth. However, the political spin doctors were not going to be distracted by the low key murders and Human Rights violations in working class areas of Belfast or Derry. Indeed there would come a time when Northern Ireland Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam would describe such murders and Human Rights violations within the peace-process as ‘Internal House-keeping’. Both cease-fires had brought with them an air of optimism and this was encouraged by Irish Prime Minister, Albert Reynolds, the SDLP and the American administration. The British Conservative Government remained cautious as they were closer to the feelings of unionism. Reynolds as leader of the Fianna Fail Government welcomed Adams to Government Buildings in Dublin in 1994, this was the same Fianna Fail party that Adams had said time and again could not be trusted. The Forum for Peace and Reconciliation was opened on the 28th of October, which provided a platform to anyone who wanted to make a submission on the way forward. Unionists viewed the Forum as a nationalist talking shop but behind the scenes Unionist knew that a new political dispensation was unfolding. The loyalist terrorist constituency was a small insular one and their membership simply focused on criminality, some of the more able loyalists formed small political parties such as the PUP which represented the loyalist UVF. The PUP under the leadership of David Ervine made a worthwhile contribution to the peace process. For the republican movement the task was more difficult as their numbers were much greater, the republican leadership had to find distractions for their many activists and supporters who now found themselves in unfamiliar territory. Initially the republican movement came up with various campaigns to distract their foot soldiers; there were campaigns to open border roads that had been closed for many years due to the security situation, there was a campaign to release republican prisoners, there was a campaign for de-militarization and so forth. However, the one campaign that the republicans came up with and which continues to this very day was an organised and concerted campaign to stop Orange Order parades marching in certain areas of the North. This overtly sectarian campaign brought the republican movement full circle, local ‘residents’ groups were lead mainly by former IRA prisoners and the duplication of posters, banners, press releases and personnel exposed these ‘residents’ groups as nothing more than a cover for Sinn Fein/IRA activists. However, nobody was too bothered, the political elites were happy that the foot soldiers were being kept occupied. Core IRA members who had built up criminal empires while the conflict had raged now found themselves fully exposed, the IRA continued to murder drug dealers who would not pay a licence to the IRA unit in the area where they were dealing. Smuggling (fuel and cigarettes), counterfeiting, bank robberies, extortion could more clearly be seen as the sectarian murders subsided. In a debate in the House of Commons on the 27th of January, 1999, Mr Robert Mc Cartney (MP, North Down) stated that the Chief Constable had said that he had not the slightest doubt the Provisional IRA and Loyalist UVF were responsible for the beatings, shootings and mutilations that were being carried out in the communities that they dominate. Mr Seamus Mallon (MP) of the SDLP (Catholic/Nationalist) in the same debate in the Commons stated that, “People, especially the young, are put under different psychological pressures in a way that is devised to protect the turf, influence the corrosive power of paramilitary groups in their organisations”. People such as Seamus Mallon who were key supporters of the peace process were becoming sickened by the mafia brutality being used by the IRA criminals to maintain power, control and silence in the areas where they had dominance. However, the real pressure would come on the republican movement in March 1999 when CBS 60 Minutes dedicated a programme to the on-going brutality in the north. This 60 Minutes documentary highlighted the mafia activity of both loyalist and republican terrorists and it spurred President Clinton to address these Human Rights violations in his Saint Patrick’s Day speech in 1999. The CBS documentary and Bill Clinton’s speech saved many lives as the republican movement were further forced to face up to their responsibilities within the ‘peace process’. Whatever the reality of everyday life for the Catholic and Protestant people imprisoned in the Ghettoes that were controlled by the republican and loyalist terrorists, the political elites continue to sing from the ‘peace’ hymn sheet. Sinn Fein was invited to the international investment conference in the Europa Hotel in Belfast, the same Hotel that the IRA had blown up on a dozen occasions. Calls for talks with the British were the next demand by the republican movement and this was initially granted at Northern Ireland Office level and eventually to Secretary of State Level. What both Unionists and British officials quickly learned was that the republican leadership in either Mc Guinness or Adams had a very limited vocabulary. The republican leadership had a narrow insular view of the world and they could not allow themselves to deviate from their well-prepared scripts, in case they should be exposed. Even journalists on occasion were only allowed to ask questions that had been first read and sanctioned by Adams or Mc Guinness. However, the political spin could not conceal the fact that the republican movement was continuing to murder, torture and mutilate those within their own community as they took iron fist control of their criminal empires. Children were being taken out by IRA gangs and beaten and shot for telling social workers that they had been raped or sexually assaulted by members of Sinn Fein/IRA. The republican movement did not want its dirty laundry washed in front of the world’s media who were now camped in Northern Ireland as the ‘peace process’ unfolded. When I challenged one senior IRA member, Brendan ‘Darkie’ Hughes, about the on-going Human Rights violations against Catholic children by the IRA he said, “When they are breaking legs, they are not thinking about breaking away”, in other words the republican leadership were allowing republican criminals to do as they pleased as long as they were not breaking away from the main body of the republican movement. Irish/Americans continued to close their eyes and ears to the daily brutality that was now being meted out to the Catholic community on a daily basis by the republican movement, a movement that had went from myth to mafia as the political elites fell silent. As everyone concerned with the peace-process waited for the publication of the Framework Document which had been promised by the British and Irish Governments the London Times published a leaked version of the document. The leaked version caused outrage among unionists as it appeared that a secret deal had been done with republicans. This leak was the work of a highly placed unionist sympathiser in John Major’s civil service; this unionist was also a member of a group at Westminster calling themselves ‘Friends of the Union’. By publishing the leaked document The Times opened up debate and unionist reaction could be gauged. When the dust settled in relation to the leaked document debate had begun about what the real document might contain. It is unlikely that the person leaking the document had such positive intentions as initiating public debate, it was more probable that the leak was something being used by Unionists to warn the British Government not to go too far when offering concessions to terrorists. On Wednesday 22nd February the Framework Document was finally published, it was greeted with optimism by nationalists and scepticism by unionists. The Reactions can be best summed up by this report on the only major public debate to take place on the document: The Framework document could become deadlocked by flaws in its make-up a leading law Professor said yesterday. Professor Simon Lee, of Queen’s University, Belfast told students political society, ‘Justice 95’, Queens University that the joint British and Irish initiative is “Far from perfect”. The Professor believes the document will ultimately fail because it contains a series of “checks and balances”. “It will end up where everybody is vetoing everybody else”, he told a packed meeting of students in Nelson Mandela Hall at Queens yesterday. Professor Lee suggested that the proposals might better work with a system of legal checks and balances rather than political safe guards. He said he was also concerned that the authors of the document approach Northern Ireland as a society of “Two Teams” which are separate, but expect them to meet on common ground. The Professor added that the students should not ask themselves whether they like the document but whether it is “Just”. Professor Lee was speaking at one of the first public debates to be held by ‘Justice 95’. Michael Ritchie of the Committee of the Administration of Justice said he was encouraged that individual and minority rights were addressed in the Framework Document. Ulster Unionist, Stephen King said the document, ‘caged’ unionist politicians by expecting them to co-operate within tight parameters. SDLP representative, Peter Coll, told the meeting that the document is proof that, “Partition has failed”. Queens University that had been the birth place of the Civil Rights movement was once again centre stage in terms of trying to move the peace-process forward in opened, honest and transparent debate about the import issues of the day. The document helped by such public discussion while not having any far reaching constitutional significance, in that any decision to be taken on the constitutional questions would remain in the hands of the people of both Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic in separate referendums. The Framework Document coupled with public debate stabilised a fragile peace-process, while the republican movement had not endorsed the document they had most certainly recognised opportunity within its ambiguity. The peace-process would encounter many hurdles for all sorts of reasons, all constitutional parties including the American administration wanted to see a real commitment to peace by the republican movement and this included a demand for de-commissioning of IRA weapons. This for republicans was the symbol of surrender that they could not at that point sell to their own constituency. The republican leadership argued that de-commissioning had not been a pre-condition to the IRA cease-fire; however, this claim by the IRA was disputed by Professor Paul Bew at Queens University. In a comprehensive study of all the available literature that was exchanged between the British Government and the Republican leadership, this included memos between Martin Mc Guinness and his MI6 contact Michael Oakley, Professor Bew stated that de-commissioning was most certainly on the table before the IRA cease-fire of 1994. It was clear that the republican leadership had agreed to surrender the IRA however the time was not right for the republican leadership to sell such surrender to its own membership who were still using violence on the streets of Northern Ireland. The republican leadership continued to speak out both sides of their mouth in relation to peace, on the streets of Belfast and Derry republicans were continuing to murder and mutilate people within the own community at will as they maintained Iron fist control of those areas. Republicans murdered at will as the great and the good turned a blind eye in the interest of the ‘greater good’. Drug dealers who would not pay protection money to the IRA were shot dead; children and women who reported being raped by members of Sinn Fein/IRA were taken out and shot or beaten to maintain their silence. A 16 year old girl was taken out of her house in Armagh City, stripped and assaulted by an IRA gang who were using their position to quench their paedophile thirst. The republican movement continued to use the threat of Macro violence if they did not get their way in the political process. In early September, 1995, while the IRA had been on ‘cease-fire’ for over a year, the republican movement warmed that an Anglo-Irish meeting between the British Prime Minister, John Major and the Irish Prime Minister, John Bruton should be cancelled or there would be, “Bodies on the Streets”. This threat had been preceded in August, 1995, when Gerry Adams, addressing a rally at Belfast City Hall, said, “The IRA have not gone away you know”. Adams knew that he was struggling to keep IRA activists on board a process that appeared to offer IRA surrender for nothing more than a seat in the much hated Stormont Buildings. Adams in a detailed interview with The Irish Times in 1995 said that the IRA would never surrender and that if de-commissioning had been a pre-condition, there would probably never have been a cease-fire. The British Government asked the republican movement to a settlement of the de-commissioning problem which would commit the IRA to giving up its weapons to an International Decommissioning Body as all-party talks got under way. This was a compromise between the British demand that some IRA arms be given up as a pre-condition to the republican leadership entering talks (the so called Washington Three requirement) and the IRA pledge to its supporters that IRA weapons could only be handed over after a political settlement had been reached. In effect the IRA would be able to surrender its weapons out of public view within these new accepted terms for de-commissioning. Loyalist terrorists believed that de-commissioning was not a pre-requisite to talks as Gary Mc Michael stated: I do not believe that the physical handing over of weapons should be necessary for dialogue to take place. President Bill Clinton would add further momentum to the peace-process with a visit to the north in November, 1995, and after the euphoria of the President’s visit the focus shifted to former US Senator, George Mitchell’s three man Commission, which had been set up to look at proposals for de-commissioning. Before the Commission’s report was published in January 1996, the British Government and the Unionists had decided that elections in Northern Ireland were the best way forward. The British and Unionists believed that through a democratic assembly such issues as de-commissioning could be dealt with. Nationalists automatically rejected this proposal believing it to be a return to the old Unionist dominated Stormont rule. The Commission’s report in its many paragraphs suggested amongst other things that de-commissioning was not necessary before all-party talks. The republican leadership had decided upon a tactical strategy of high powered diplomacy that would be a diversion from their inability to develop a real political strategy, it would also keep the world’s media focus away from the many dark secrets that lay buried in those areas controlled by the republican movement. Many of those dark secrets continue to be exposed in the 21st Century as many victims of rape and other crimes at the hands of Sinn Fein/IRA members find the courage to come forward with the details of their years of enforced silence. The IRA – A Fairly Secret Army – Chapter 12 – Consociational Democracy Punctuated by Murderous Out-Rage So it was that the little people who had been subjected to so many Human Rights violations at the hands of republican and loyalist terrorists since their declared cease-fires had that abuse recognised and acknowledge by the President of the United States of America, Mr Bill Clinton. The pressure continued on the republican movement to end its mutilations and barbarity against the ghettoised Catholic community over whom it wielded so much Mafia power. The republican leadership were being pushed and pulled in the right direction by the constitutionalists both at home and abroad. Senator George Mitchell was central to brokering the Good Friday Agreement; this agreement afforded all sides the opportunity to focus on the day to day bread and butter issues in the new Northern Ireland Assembly, while allowing the larger Constitutional issues to take a back seat following referendum in both Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. This concept is known as Consociational Democracy or in street language, agreeing to disagree. The concept while used in various forms in other jurisdictions was presented to all political parties in the north by a post graduate student at Queens University, Belfast, and its core threads were quickly accepted. The Good Friday Agreement which was signed by all the parties including Sinn Fein on Good Friday, 1998, set out very specific responsibilities for all the signatories to that agreement including a commitment to exclusively peaceful means. All terrorist prisoners were released and a process of demilitarisation/normalisation continued with the British withdrawing troops and dismantling military installations. In June 1998 elections were held for the new Northern Ireland Assembly and in order to facilitate as many sections of the community as possible the Assembly would have a massive 108 seats. The election allowed the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) which represented the loyalist terror group the UVF to win two seats and this was useful. Other fringe groups such as the Women’s Coalition won two seats but soon evaporated. The reality was that the new Northern Ireland Assembly was up and running and power was now shared between Catholic and Protestant. Many commentators suggested that such power sharing had been available in the 1970s and that over 3,500 people did not need to die for a simple return to Stormont rule. Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble became First Minister and Sinn Fein’s, Martin Mc Guinness became Deputy First Minister. The very Stormont that Gerry Adams said was propping up Imperial rule in Ireland was now being administered in part by Sinn Fein. However, all was not well in the republican movement, in their attempts to be all things to all people the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership had allowed criminals within their own ranks to do as they pleased. This manifested itself in November 1997 when the PIRA, Quarter Master, Michael Mc Kevitt left the IRA Army Council and took with him weapons, explosives and personnel. Mc Kevitt alleged that he was not happy with the republican leadership doing business with the Brits, yet he had been on the Army Council at all times when Martin Mc Guinness was having secret meetings with MI6 Agent Michael Oakley. It is worth noting that at all times during this process Oakley was being advised by Sean O’ Callaghan. O’Callaghan had been on the IRA Army Council but had been exposed as a British agent, O’Callaghan moved to England where he became a senior advisor to the British Secret Service, O’Callaghan was also involved with a think-tank on Northern Ireland, New Dialogue. The IRA operate under the rules contained in what is known as the Green Book, I had read this book when I was in prison and it is a very simple book with a deadly set of rules. It clearly states that anyone misusing or misappropriating IRA weapons or personnel shall face Court Martial and will if found guilty of a serious offence be executed. However, Michael Mc Kevitt neither faced Court Martial or death, the reason for this is that the republican leadership believed that a few bombs and killings by ‘dissidents’ would help focus the minds of the Unionists, The British, The Irish Government and all other interested parties. This tactic had been used on many occasions by the republican movement, and while on this occasion the Real IRA were not operating under direct orders from the republican leadership they had the tacit support of the IRA Army Council. The PIRA had on many occasions used flags of convenience to carry out murders at politically sensitive times. For example in the Kingsmill massacre in 1976, when the IRA stopped a bus load of work men in South Armagh and murdered ten of the eleven Protestant work men on board, the eleventh was left for dead, and told the only Catholic on the bus to walk away from the scene, the IRA used the cover name South Armagh Republican Action Group, indeed Michael Mc Kevitt was one of the IRA members involved in that massacre in 1976. On Sunday, the 20th of November, 1983, republicans entered the Mountain Lodge Pentecostal Church, in Darkley, near Keady, in County Armagh and murdered in cold blood three of the Protestant people who were praying there, seven other Church goers were injured in the cowardly attack. The terrorists used the cover name ‘Catholic Reaction Force’. Following the IRA cease-fire of 1994 the IRA used the cover name Direct Action Against Drugs (DAAD) in order to murder and mutilate drug dealers who would not pay protection money to the IRA. In 1996 the IRA murdered Garda Jerry Mc Cabe, Garda Mc Cabe was murdered by an IRA gang who were carrying out an armed robbery under the direct orders of the PIRA Army Council some of whom were now sitting in the Government of Northern Ireland.[1] On the 19th of July 1998 eight members of the PIRA in north Belfast smashed their way into the apartment of 33 year old Catholic, Andrew Kearney, and shot him dead in front of his partner and two week old baby. The criminal gang then ripped out the phone and jammed the lift so that help could not be summoned. This cowardly murder had been carried out as Andrew, a well-known sports man, had stopped an IRA rapist from north Belfast attacking a child on the Falls Road in Belfast. The IRA wanted to keep their dark secrets and they would kill anyone who tried to expose them. Nobody would ever be charged with Andrew’s murder as such crime was viewed as ‘Internal House Keeping’ by the British to whom the IRA was now surrendering. The peace process can therefore be seen on occasion to be a direct impediment to justice. However, the republican leadership’s tacit support for the ‘dissidents’ would soon back fire or at least be regretted, momentarily at least. On the 15th of August 1998 the Real IRA planted a car bomb in the town of Omagh in County Tyrone. The bomb exploded in a busy shopping street and 29 innocent men, women and children were slaughtered. This was a staggering blow for the ordinary people of Ireland who were left shell shocked. After so much hope being offered by the fledgling peace process the blood of the innocent once again flowed on the streets. The Real IRA had teamed up with members of the Continuity IRA in order to deliver mass murder to the people of Omagh. The republican leadership in the form of Adams and Mc Guinness were now forced to condemn the Omagh bomb, their hypocrisy not missed by many seasoned commentators who had remembered the many recent massacres under the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership. For example, three weeks prior to the Omagh bomb the ‘dissidents’ had planted a bomb in the mainly Protestant town of Banbridge where they injured 35 innocent men, women and children and the republican leadership failed to condemn that outrage, the Banbridge victims were Protestants while the Omagh victims were both Catholic and Protestant. The Omagh bomb was a milestone in the peace process, minds became focused and the business of politics continued. Much was promised by both the British and Irish Governments in relation to the catching and imprisonment of the Omagh murderers however as so often the case once the dust settled nobody was convicted of the Omagh bombing. The families of the Omagh victims would bring successful civil actions against some of those involved in the Omagh massacre but that would have no real impact on the activities of the ‘dissidents’. In December 1999 the new Northern Ireland Assembly had power devolved to it by Westminster and direct rule finally ended after twenty-seven years. However, de-commissioning remained a serious problem, while ‘dissidents’ had been virtually inactive for a significant period after the Omagh bomb, the IRA continued to carry out murders and other forms of criminality. In February 2000 the British Government suspended the Northern Ireland Assembly as Unionists felt unable to continue in Government with Sinn Fein while the IRA continued with business as usual. The republican leadership was under continued pressure to stop allowing its members to continue with criminal activity. If the leadership could not control the criminality within its own ranks then it could not deliver its responsibilities within the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy who had been the IRA’s Chief of Staff for many years appeared before Courts in the Irish Republic facing criminal charges relating to tax evasion, Ireland’s Criminal Assets Bureau had used FBI tactics to take down one of the Mafia Godfathers (http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/breaking/2010/0326/breaking41.html). Murphy typified how so called republicans had made personal fortunes of the back of the conflict in the north. In May 2000 the republican leadership agreed to surrender IRA weapons. This of course was like bolting the stable door after the horse had bolted as the ‘dissident’ bombs had contained PIRA semtex. The British responded in kind and power was restored to the Assembly on the basis that the IRA would surrender its arms. However, the IRA continued to dish out death and destruction, and while many friends of the terrorists in certain sections of the media and in particular in the USA continued to point at Unionist failures, the same media ignored the broken bodies of rape victims and other victims of IRA crime who were beaten into silence in the areas controlled by the republican and loyalist criminals. Eventually in the face of over whelming evidence that the IRA continued to murder, First Minister, David Trimble resigned as he could not tell his people that he had delivered peace when murder was continuing on the streets, indeed some prisoners released under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement had returned to criminality and some would end up serving fresh life sentences. The pressure mounted on the republican leadership and in particular from America where so much had been invested by the Clinton administration. In October 2000 the IRA were finally forced to surrender their weapons to a decommissioning body. Constitutionalists continued to push forward with the peace process and Sinn Fein followed behind with IRA criminality clutching at their coat tails. In 2001 three senior republicans were captured while training narco-terrorists (FARC) in Columbia and this was a significant embarrassment for those who had worked so hard for peace and in particular the American administration. In October 2002 the Sinn Fein offices at Stormont were raided by the police investigating an alleged IRA spy operation at Stormont, the Assembly was suspended and direct rule imposed. The reality was that some of Sinn Fein’s most senior people in Stormont were British agents, Dennis Donaldson to name but one, so it was hard to tell the good guys from the bad. In Belfast in December 2004 the IRA robbed the Northern Bank and stole twenty-six-million pounds sterling. In the ghettoes where the republican Mafia wielded control it continued to dish out death, mutilation and torture to anyone who stood in its way. One of the IRA’s most high profile murders, while on cease-fire, was in January 2005, when senior members of the IRA murdered an innocent Catholic, father of two Robert Mc Cartney. However, Mr Mc Cartney’s sisters pursued Robert’s terrorist killers with vigour and brought their call for justice to America (http://www.independent.ie/national-news/ira-role-in-mccartney-tragedy-laid-bare-in-court-1393808.html). During the first ten year period of republican and loyalist ‘cease-fires’ 1994 to 2004 there were: 179 terrorist murders 1,129 terrorist explosive devices uncovered 2,313 terrorist – mutilations and beatings mainly against children and young adults, many of whom had tried to report their rape or sexual abuse at the hands of terrorists to the authorities 5,650 terrorist weapons found 5, 908 criminal charges brought against terrorists 11, 307 people injured by terrorist related activities Only twelve weeks after the IRA declared their cease-fire in 1994 the IRA murdered 54 year old Catholic Frank Kerr while the IRA carried out a robbery in Newry County Down. On the 9th of February 1996 the IRA exploded a bomb in London’s Canary Wharf murdering two innocent shop workers and injuring over one hundred innocent people. Republican and loyalist terrorists continued to murder at will and this murder would eventually be described by British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Mo Mowlam as “internal housekeeping”, in other words the terrorists were not breaching their agreed ceasefires if they were simply murdering and torturing people within their own communities. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) which was led by the Rev Ian Paisley had played hard ball throughout the talks process and this had left them in good stead with the Protestant people who had suffered so much at the hands of republican terrorists. In the election of November 2003 the DUP would steal the UUP clothes and become the largest Unionist party in the north, this would now leave the DUP in the driving seat. In July 2005 the IRA said that it had ordered its membership to surrender their weapons and to pursue their goals through peaceful means. The talking continued and the political choreography continued to be played out on an ever decreasing world stage as the world’s media moved on to more important matters. By the end of 2006 British Prime Minister, Tony Blair and Irish Prime Minister, Bertie Ahern had talks with the northern Ireland parties to see if devolution could again be achieved. Most now involved in the peace process were tired of the continued failure of the republican movement to stay within the parameters of the Good Friday Agreement. In January 2007 the republican leadership agreed to support the new Police Service of Northern Ireland, PSNI, this had been a precondition of republicans being allowed back into the Assembly. Adams and Ian Paisley continued to work together in the Assembly after devolution was restored on the 8th of May and both the Ulster Unionist Party and the SDLP who had initially been seen as the champions of the peace process were left sitting on the side lines while the extremes of unionism and nationalism worked together. Ian Paisley Snr who once championed the Ulster Resistance (loyalist paramilitaries) was First Minister and IRA leader Martin Mc Guinness was Deputy First Minister. On the ground the IRA continued to engage in criminality, in October 2007 the IRA murdered 21 year old Catholic, Paul Quinn in County Monaghan, in the Irish Republic, this brutal and cowardly murder of an innocent young man showed again that the IRA had more in common with the Moore’s murderers than they had with republicanism. However, the republican movement had seriously weakened its position as the ‘dissidents’ it had initially armed were now taking on a new momentum. On September 8th 2008 The Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC) stated that the IRA’s ruling Army Council was no longer operational and that the IRA did not pose a threat to the peace process. So it appeared that the (IMC) was happy to turn a blind eye to the on-going Human Rights abuses being dished out by the IRA in areas where they had control. It appeared that everyone now accepted Mo Mowlam’s view that the murder, mutilation and torture of Catholics at the hands of the republican Mafia was nothing more than ‘internal housekeeping’. The on-going Human Rights violations by the IRA would soon again be out done by ‘dissident’ republicans. On March 7th 2009 the Real IRA murdered two British Soldiers and wounded four other people at Massereene army base close to Antrim. Two days later a PSNI officer was shot dead by the Continuity IRA in Craigavon. So who are the dissidents and have they any legitimacy. In 1986 when Ruiri O Bradaigh lead a splinter group of republicans away from the main body of Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA, he done so not because of policy shift in relation to abstentionism but rather in relation to power shift. Adams and Mc Guinness made no secret of their intention to take the power base of the republican movement to the north and shift the old guard lead by O Bradaigh out of power. O Bradaigh set up Republican Sinn Fein which is nothing more than a talking shop for old men who have lived in relative comfort far from the northern conflict for decades. O Bradaigh also masterminded the creation of Continuity IRA, however, it is only in recent times that Continuity have begun to cut their paramilitary teeth as their ranks have been swelled by former members of the Provisional IRA. In 1996 the CIRA exploded a 1,200lb bomb at a hotel in Fermanagh however this was the work of a small team based in rural Monaghan, in the Irish Republic. O’ Bradiagh’s bluff about walking away from the main stream Sinn Fein/IRA organisation over abstentionism is easily exposed as Republican Sinn Fein have taken seats in the Republic when they can get someone elected to an urban or county council. In November 1997 both Kevin Mc Kenna and Michael Mc Kevitt resigned their positions on the Provisional IRA Army Council. Kevin Mc Kenna who said in 1994, “As long as the lads with the balaclavas are there to keep an eye on things I am happy to go along with it”, Mc Kenna was talking about the talks between Mc Guinness/Adams and the British Government. However, in 1997 Mc Kenna decided he could no longer be part of the Sinn Fein/IRA organisation. There is no evidence to suggest that Mc Kenna went with the dissidents but that he has simply settled into retirement in County Monaghan. Michael Mc Kevitt on the other hand who had been the Provisional IRA’s, Quarter Master General would form the Real IRA. Mc Kevitt was in a position to take personnel, weapons and explosives with him. While the Provisional IRA has a long standing policy of executing anyone who misuses their personnel or weapons Mc Kevitt was given a free hand. The political mouth-piece for the Real IRA would be the, 32 County Sovereignty Committee. From a republican perspective neither the Continuity IRA nor the Real IRA has any legitimacy. O’ Bradaigh for his part was happy to engage with the British Government when it suited his egotistical journey; he further split the republican movement over personal rather than long term political motivations. Michael Mc Kevitt was on the IRA Army Council while Martin Mc Guinness was having secret meetings with M16, Mc Kevitt was party to the surrender of militant republicanism and he was further party to the mass executions of Irish Republicans in the border counties due to the IRA leadership’s duplicity (http://theirishobserver.blogspot.com/2010/04/loughgall-murdered-by-republicans.html). Mc Kevitt’s lack of intelligence would eventually see him serving a twenty-year sentence in the Republic’s Portlaoise Prison after Mc Kevitt did be-friend an FBI Agent who would later turn States evidence against him. The journey of the Adams/Mc Guinness leadership is no different; however, Provisional Sinn Fein/IRA has now openly accepted their role as constitutional politicians in both the partitionist Assembly at Stormont and Dail Eireann in the Republic. The many failures of the Mc Guinness/Adams leadership, including their dishonesty and duplicity leave them with some burden in relation to the creation of the modern day ‘dissidents’. There is a very clear school of thought within Irish republicanism which suggests that Michael Mc Kevitt was given a free hand by the Provisonal IRA leadership as that leadership believed that low key dissident shootings and bombings would help focus the minds of the Unionists, The British Government and the Irish Government. The Omagh bomb in August 1998 left the Provisional IRA leadership red faced as they realised the futility and recklessness of allowing Mc Kevitt to walk away with their semtex. However, it was too late, already Slab Murphy and others who may have had influence at one time, had lost that influence on the ‘dissident’ groupings. Even Martin Mc Guinness was given short shrift when he went to south Armagh to try and gain some influence. However, while Omagh was a spectacular own goal for both the ‘dissidents’ and the PIRA leadership who had let them walk away with their semtex, the dissidents simply regrouped and lived to fight another day. Recent dissident attacks on the home of Sinn Fein MP Conor Murphy and other Sinn Fein/IRA members shows that the dissidents have taken on a new life form. The Real IRA (now split but focused), Continuity IRA, INLA and many former members of the PIRA now make up the ranks of the ‘dissident’ threat. The recent killings of two soldiers at Massereene army base in 2009, the killing of PSNI officer Stephen Carroll in March 2009 shows clearly that the ‘dissident’ threat whatever its origins is prepared to continue with a futile, flawed and mainly egotistically driven campaign of cowardly attacks. The ‘dissident’ threat is driven in most instances by self-serving and criminal enterprise. The recent emergence of the Irish Republican Liberation Army is described by the International Monitoring Committee as, “essentially a group of criminals taking a republican banner in order give supposed status to their activities”. Many dissidents have been imprisoned on the Island of Ireland for criminal activities ranging from extortion from lap dancing clubs to drug dealing. However, like the Provisional IRA/Sinn Fein before them these criminal dissidents will use the smoke screen of attacking anti-social elements to hide their own criminal intent. There is no doubt that the dissident threat is presently higher in 2010 than it has been for many years, all of the various parts making up the whole of the dissident threat are now working closely together. In the working/underclass areas where these bandits operate little or nothing has changed for the ordinary people as a result of the ‘peace dividend’ and so the waters in which sectarian/criminality swims have never gone away. The security services lead by M15 have disrupted many dissident operations in recent months, however, they only have to get lucky once. The recent car bomb attack on Palace Barracks, in Hollywood which is also the HQ of M15 on the 12th of April to coincide with the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont show that the dissident threat is one that is coordinated and determined, whatever its motivation. This bomb made up of approximately 100/20 lbs of homemade explosives was brought to Belfast and then placed in a hi-jacked taxi. The dissidents have not strayed far from the path of their PIRA counterparts, the bomb makers are based in small rural locations mainly in counties, Louth, Armagh and Fermanagh. The personnel may have a different name tag now but they were mainly born out of the PIRA, some new blood has and is being recruited and this accounts for a number of botched operations. The ‘dissidents’ have also recently murdered 31 year old Kieran Doherty who was a member of their organisation in Derry, Doherty had been found operating a major drug dealing operation in County Donegal. It is not clear if Doherty was killed because he was operating an enterprise outside of the control of the Real IRA in Derry or because he was an actual drug dealer, the latter is unlikely. Doherty had been running a drug dealing operation from a house belonging to another senior dissident Seamus Mc Greevy, who was based in Meath. Seamus Mc Creevy hanged himself on January 31st 2010. In October 2009 another senior dissident John Brady took his own life while being held at Strand Road PSNI station. So it is that there is much confusion and uncertainty within the dissident family. Their present tactic of causing discomfort to Sinn Fein and uncertainty for the Assembly at Stormont appears short sighted and counterproductive. However, short sightedness is something the republican movement have never been short off. The political process continued in 2009 and progress was being made. On the 27th of June 2009 the loyalist terrorists in the form of the UVF said they had completed de-commissioning and the UDA said it had started the process of de-commissioning, however, the loyalist terrorists like their republican counter parts remain fully engaged in Mafia type crime. Another republican splinter group the INLA said on the 10th of October 2009 that it will bring its campaign of violence to an end, the reality is that the INLA has been consistently torn apart by internal feuds and the main focus of its member ship continues to be criminality with some INLA joining the ranks of the Real and Continuity IRA. The Northern Ireland Assembly got a much needed boost on the 12th of October 2009 when Hillary Clinton, the US Secretary of State addressed its members and talked with the political leaders in the north. Attention then shifted to the devolution of policing and justice powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the combating of terrorism however would remain with MI5. On the 25th of January 2010 the British and Irish Premiers, Gordon Brown and Brian Cowen, meet in Belfast to iron out any problems with the devolution of policing and justice. It was interesting to note that neither premier was having photo opportunities with Peter Robinson or Gerry Adams both of whom were reeling from personal scandals. Finally, in early February an Agreement on policing and justice was reached at Hillsborough Castle and this deal was signed off by the two premiers. On the 9th of March the Assembly voted in favour of the new arrangements for devolving policing and justice. David Ford of the non-sectarian Alliance Party would be the North’s Justice Minister in April 2010. Now in May 2010 a new British Government has been formed out of coalition between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats and the Northern Ireland Assembly is functioning well. Unionism is in difficulty as the Ulster Unionists failed to get any MPs elected to the House of Commons and the Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey has been forced to resign. The DUP remain strong although their leader Peter Robinson failed to get re-elected to MP seat for East Belfast which he represented as an MP for thirty-one years. Peter Robinson appears to have suffered due to the fallout from the scandal surrounding his wife Iris. Sinn Fein again out polled the nationalist SDLP, however, Sinn Fein remains in melt down in the Irish Republic. The problems for Sinn Fein in the Irish Republic are that they have tried too hard to reach out to the middle classes. Republican veterans who should have been catered for in terms of nominations for elections have been cast aside and people who played no part in the conflict have been parachuted in. The traditional working class Sinn Fein representatives have been replaced by well-groomed and articulate middle class newbie’s. A person like Mary Lou Mc Donald in Dublin, who is known within republican circles as Mary Who, was put forward as Sinn Fein’s Candidate for the European Elections while veteran republicans were ignored. Mary Lou is perceived a being middle-class, educated and the type of candidate that Sinn Fein now want to present to the electorate. However, in deciding to cast aside traditional republicans for newbie’s they are losing core supporters. While people like Sinn Fein’s Caoimhghin O’ Caolain TD could be viewed as middle-class, the fact is that he has street credit as he was there during the hunger strikes and gave up his good job in the Bank of Ireland to work full time as a Sinn Fein community activist. It is this type of credibility that is lacking in so many of the newbie’s now being hand-picked by the republican leadership as they try to reach out to middle Ireland. Yet another high profile member of Sinn Fein in Dublin has resigned from the party. Killian Forde said that he was leaving Sinn Fein because it was “Staid and unresponsive”. Killian Forde joins three other high profile members of Sinn Fein who have left the party over the past year including Sinn Fein’s bed rock in Dublin, Christy Burke. Christy Burke, Louise Minihan, John Dwyer and now Killian Forde have all decided to leave Sinn Fein at a time when the party should be enjoying the fruits of its role in the peace process. Why then have the RA supporters club become the “RA -Ts” abandoning a sinking ship. It is not enough for Sinn Fein to issue mealy mouthed statements attacking each individual on a personal level every time one of them jumps ship. The Green Book tactic of “the best form of defence is attack” holds little water in a modern day democracy, Sinn Fein simply show themselves to be even more isolationist and insular when they attack individuals who feel the party has lost its way. Sinn Fein to survive in a modern day democracy must ask serious questions of them-selves, why are so many dedicated activists jumping ship when they should be riding high on the wave of all that has been achieved in the north. What is it that has left a once vibrant and vocal opposition party in such a shambles? In my day as a Sinn Fein activist I worked long and hard for many election campaigns, I never once took as much as one cent for my many years of committed work for Sinn Fein. When I needed lads to put up posters for Sinn Fein I could call upon an army of volunteers, when I needed lads to go round the pubs on a Saturday night to sell An Phoblacht I could pick and choose who I wanted, today however, Sinn Fein is a party of paid activists and semi-professional spin doctors. People like Christy Burke have been side stepped so that educated woolly jumpers like ‘Mary Who’ can woe the middle class vote, this is where Sinn Fein went wrong. From my own observations I see few in the ranks of Sinn Fein now prepared to make the commitment of people like Christy Burke, the hard working activist has been set aside. Now in Sinn Fein the activist expects to get paid, they want to know what’s in it for them, of course there will always be the fools that will do it all for the ’cause’ but they are getting fewer by the day. Sinn Fein if it is to survive and I doubt that it will, particularly in the south, needs to get back to basics, it needs to ask why are the men who were once so ready and willing to volunteer their services no longer doing so, why are people like Christy walking away ashamed of what Sinn Fein has become. It’s not enough that Sinn Fein know they will get votes in the north because there is no credible alternative in communities long since forgotten by the State and its cheer leaders; it’s not enough to pay spin doctors to present a virtual reality when their own supporters are living in the real world. Sinn Fein in the Irish Republic will eventually be attracted to join the ranks of one of the mainstream political parties as did Official Sinn Fein before them. While Sinn Fein fortunes were boasted during the 2011 General Election in the Irish Republic when they increased their Dail representation from 4 – 14 TDs, this a reflection of the public’s anger with the criminality of Fianna Fail and their bedfellows rather than any legitimisation of the sectarian politics of Sinn Fein. The Sinn Fein vote will mature/peak and decline over time in the Irish Republic. A significant number of leading republicans are heading towards their old age pensions and over the next twenty years Sinn Fein will have lost many of its key personalities, this in turn will lead to a north/south split. Sinn Fein will remain active in the north only, where its continued association with those engaged in criminality will be its down fall and an alternative politics will be found. End Chapter 12
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Sinn Féin, IRA Sealadach, Real IRA, Gerry Adams TD, Martin McGuinness MP, Rialtas na Breataine, Stormont, síocháin próiseas Shinn Féin Stair ag Vincent McKenna, 1916/2016 An IRA – A Arm Rúnda Cóir Phoblachtachas Gaeilge sa haois 20th/21st Cad é a d’fhéadfadh a bheith teibí é, Fágtha an deis ann suthain, Ach amháin i saol na tuairimíocht TS Elliot Réamhrá Beidh an leabhar unravel an Taipéis de 20th/21st Phoblachtachas hAois Gaeilge atá i seilbh le chéile ag snáitheanna miotaseolaíochta, mar shampla poblachtas shóisialach agus náisiúnta na hÉireann saoirse. Beidh sé teacht ar an céannacht dhílis de Phoblachtachas Éireannach mar atá corpraithe i Sinn Féin / IRA mar ghluaiseacht seicteach a bhfuil cuspóir a bhí coerce na daoine Protastúnach Thuaisceart Éireann isteach i Éire Aontaithe, trí fheachtas de brutality fisiciúil agus síceolaíoch. Beidh an leabhar a thaispeáint freisin go raibh sé i gceist cibé an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a bheith ina céimeanna suthach, tháinig sé chun solais mar Impireacht seicteach / coiriúil, i gcás ina mbeadh rapists leanbh sraitheach, mar shampla Gerry Adams Snr go dtabharfaí sochraid stíl lán-IRA a mhac Gerry Adams TD (Sinn Féin Uachtarán) ionas go bhféadfaí Gerry Adams TD ar aghaidh ag déanamh gnó brabúsaí, mar shampla ag díol a chuid leabhar, ag tarraingt síos tuarastail millionaire, agus parading féin ar an stáitse an domhain mar náisiúnaithe chois. Beidh an leabhar a thaispeáint freisin go ag an am a síníodh ‘Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta’ agus an tabhairt suas éifeachtach an IRA Sealadach, 7 de na deich baill den IRA Sealadach Arm na Comhairle lena n-áirítear Martin McGuinness FP bhí an pá na Breataine Bhí Stát, Mac Aonghusa earcaithe ag M16 i 1985. Beidh an leabhar ar stair gairid ar Phoblachtachas Éireannach a thabhairt 1916-1960, lena n-áirítear caidreamh dlúth an IRA leis na Naitsithe. Beidh sé ag féachaint ar a bunaíodh an Saorstát Éireann agus faoi thiomáint cé mhéad na mílte de Phrotastúnaigh ón Stát trí dúnmharú, imeaglú agus idirdhealú ag na lámha na bpoblachtach cathach. Clúdóidh sé ansin imeachtaí a thug sna 1960í déanacha le feachtas Chearta Sibhialta, a sheol an mionlach Chaitliceach i dTuaisceart Éireann (ó thuaidh) in aghaidh a bhí le feiceáil cad mar idirdhealú seicteach institiúideach a fhorchuirtear ar an phobal Caitliceach ag an Aontachtach (Protastúnach) is mó Stormont Rialtas i dTuaisceart Éireann. Beidh an leabhar ansin breathnú ar theacht chun cinn ath-Phoblacht na hÉireann Arm (IRA) sna 1960í déanacha agus na coimhlintí idé-eolaíocha go dtiocfadh deireadh thiar chun an scoilt laistigh den IRA i 1970, ón deighilt tháinig an IRA Sealadach. Beidh an ról atá ag an Rialtas a toghadh go daonlathach na hÉireann i mBaile Átha Cliath ag an am seo a anailísiú. Beidh sé a thaispeáint go amach chomh luath agus is 1970 an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach go raibh an chonstaic fíor a n-inmhianaithe Éire Aontaithe na daoine Protastúnach i dTuaisceart Éireann. Mar sin féin, beidh sé a thaispeáint nach straitéis ar leith go díreach agus d’aonghnó Protastúnaigh ag díriú ar ghlac Sinn Féin / IRA go dtí lár na 1980í. Beidh an leabhar scrúdú ansin ar fhorbairt an IRA Sealadach agus a sciathán Sinn Féin Polaitiúil. Beidh sé anailís na róil a bhíonn ag príosúnaigh phoblachtacha agus na stailceanna ocrais a cailleadh deich fir óga Gaeilge a saol. Beidh sé ansin breathnú ar an stádas polaitiúil agus móiminteam polaitiúil a aimsítear na ocras a ghintear ar an IRA Sealadach agus Sinn Féin. Beidh an leabhar seo ag féachaint ar post comhartha eochair go dtiocfadh eile scoilt i IRA i 1986 a bunaíodh as a Poblachtach Sinn Féin IRA / Leanúnachas. Beidh an Sealadach Sinn Féin / IRA straitéis an bosca ballóide i lámh amháin beidh an Armalite sa chás eile a scrúdú mar an Angla-Éireannach-Chomhaontaithe a shínigh Príomh Aire na Breataine, Margaret Thatcher agus Taoiseach na hÉireann, Garret Fitzgerald, ar an 15 ú Samhain 1985. Beidh an scoilt a tharla i Sinn Féin / IRA sa bhliain 1986 a scrúdú go mion, ag cur béime ar an tábhacht a scoilt sin i dtaca le treo na gluaiseachta poblachtach. Beidh sé a thaispeáint go bhfuil an IRA Sealadach / Shinn Féin ceannaireachta chreid go bhféadfadh cur chuige rian cúpla de comhéigean polaitiúil agus fisiciúil a úsáid i gcoinne na daoine Protastúnach i dTuaisceart Éireann go fisiciúil agus psychologically bhfeidhm iad i ‘Éire Aontaithe. Bheadh an cur chuige céanna a rian cúpla a úsáid chun go heacnamaíoch agus go síceolaíoch i bhfeidhm Rialtas na Breataine agus poiblí a bheith persuaders de na daoine Protastúnach na buntáistí a bhaineann Éire Aontaithe. Beidh an leabhar a thaispeáint conas a laghdú ar líon an IRA mar an Ordú Thuaisceart Gluaiseacht na Poblachta faoi cheannas Gerry Adams agus Martin McGuinness ghlac rialú an dá Sinn Féin agus an IRA ag cur leanúna dílis i bpoist lárnacha. Beidh sé feidhmíocht a mheas toghcháin Sinn Féin agus imscrúdú a dhéanamh ar cén fáth a bhí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach páirteach i gcainteanna rúnda le Rialtas na Breataine, Rialtas na hÉireann agus an SDLP (Caitliceach / Pháirtí Náisiúnaigh sa tuaisceart). Bheadh na cainteanna rúnda a thabhairt ar deireadh thiar mar gheall ar an tionscnamh Hume / Adams. Beidh an leabhar a scrúdú ar an tionchar ar an riarachán Mheiriceá ar an méid a tháinig chun bheith ar a dtugtar an próiseas na síochána. Agus cén fáth gur cheannaigh an Uachtarán Shinn Féin, Gerry Adams i an smaoineamh comhéigean pholaitiúil chun aidhmeanna na gluaiseachta poblachtach. Beidh an leabhar a scrúdú go criticiúil ar an mbóthar ar a ndearnadh an Sealadach IRA / Sinn Féin ar aghaidh ag taisteal tar éis 1986. Tabharfar an scrúdú tá: 1992 Sinn Féin doiciméad polasaí ‘I dTreo Síochána buan in Éirinn’, na cainteanna rúnda idir idirghabhálaithe Rialtas na Breataine agus ceannaireacht Sinn Féin / IRA, an bPróiseas Síochána a chuir an 1993 ‘Downing Street Dearbhú’, an ‘Creatdoiciméad’ 1995 agus chríochnaigh an 1998 ‘Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta’ go léir ina chúis le Cineachadh agus Feidhmeannacht Roinnt Power ag Tithe Stormont i mBéal Feirste, an uile-tábhachtach ach níos lú ná foirfe Poblachtach agus Dílseoir scoirfidh-tinte. Beidh an leabhar sinn suas go dtí 2012, tráth a bhfuil an próiseas síochána a tháirgtear Fheidhmeannacht Roinnte Cumhachta ag Stormont lena n-áirítear an chineachadh Póilíniú agus Ceartas ó Westminster. Beidh an bhagairt faoi láthair ó poblachtaigh ‘easaontacha’ a scrúdú agus tar éis chliseadh na hAontachtaithe i 2010 Toghcháin Westminster Beidh an leabhar seo a iarraidh ar cad is féidir leis an shealbhú sa todhchaí do Thuaisceart Éireann agus tá Éire Aontaithe aon lá atá inniu ann níos dlúithe ná mar a bhí sé roimh a bhí na mílte daoine agus leanúint ar aghaidh a mharú ina ainm. Caibidil 1 An IRA – A Arm Rúnda Cóir Aischéimnithí Stairiúil Gaeilge Poblachtánachas, tá i ngach Aga dá saol ann, leanúnach agus meted amach bás trí mheascán de rómánsaíocht mairtíreachta agus fuath thar barr amach ar an oppressor mór na Breataine. Is féidir an dá bheith le feiceáil anseo i litir ó cheann de na laochra poblachtánacha na réabhlóide 1916-1923 Gaeilge i gcoinne riail na Breataine, Terence Mac Suibhne, ag scríobh as Príosún Brixton i 1920: Oh mo Dhia, is mian liom mo phian d’Éirinn. Tá sí ar an raca … is mian liom mo sufferings anseo le haghaidh ár ndaoine martyred beseeching Thee, O mo Dhia, a dheonú dóibh ar an nerve agus neart agus cairde a sheasamh ar an terror i láthair in Éirinn … go trí chúnamh Thy gach cumhachtach is féidir leis an ghéarleanúint deireadh i ár gcuid ama agus Éire chun cinn ag triumphant seo caite. [1] Tá poblachtachas cathach Comhaimseartha chorprófar i Sinn Féin / IRA, Sinn Fein / IRA ag ag gach céim theip ar a bheith ina aonad aonchineálach idé-eolaíocha mar gheall ar an éagsúlacht a pearsanra. Chuntaois Markievicz scríobh i gceann de na h litreacha príosúin (17 Lúnasa, 1919): Ní Sinn Féin a soladach, rud iarann teilgthe cosúil le páirtithe Béarla. Tá sé ach jumble de na daoine de gach aicme, creeds, agus tuairimí, atá cheana féin ag fulaingt agus bás in Éirinn. [2] Tar éis 1916 Poblachtach na hÉireann suas ag ardú agus ón tús an-an cruthú de chríoch nua liberated ar a dtugtar ansin mar Saorstát na hÉireann (Gaeilge Poblacht / Éire), an Ghaeilge poblachtachas i mearbhaill. Bhí tarraingíodh siar Bhreatain 20-6 de tríocha a dó contae in Éirinn ag fágáil taobh thiar de gluaiseacht roinnte poblachtach. Ullmhaíodh iad siúd a bhí tacaíocht a agus síníodh an conradh leis an mBreatain a mharú lena gcomhghleacaithe IRA iar-chur chun cinn a bhfís d’Éirinn. Iad siúd a gcoinne an conradh leis na Breataine a bhí sásta a chosaint chun an bás do mhuintir na hÉireann le héileamh dlisteanach náisiúnta féin-cinneadh ar an chríoch náisiúnta iomlán na hÉireann. Roinnt poblachtánaigh cathach Lean dúnmharú, imeaglú agus idirdhealú in aghaidh na Protastúnaigh ar mhian leo leanúint ag maireachtáil i Saorstát na hÉireann ina raibh siad ina gcónaí do na glúnta. Cuireadh iachall ar na mílte agus na mílte de Phrotastúnaigh as a dtithe agus a chuaigh isteach chuig an cruthaíodh as an nua i dTuaisceart Éireann nó i Sasana as a sábháilteacht féin. I coimhlintí ar fud an domhain a dhéantar i gcás nach antoisceach a tasted an chumhacht na beatha dictating agus bás níos mó ná saoránaigh eile, ar mian leo a ligean dul cumhachta sin. I ndiaidh an Cogadh Cathartha na hÉireann (throid pro agus frith-Chonartha poblachtaigh chéile) poblachtachas Éireannach a bhí idé-eolaíocht ilroinnte a bhí ann fosta go féin isteach bpolaitíocht bunreachtúil. Mar a thosaigh poblachtánaigh chun regroup raibh difríochtaí idé-eolaíocha soiléir. Iad siúd a shínigh suas go dtí 26 chreat contae bunreachtúla saor ó chur isteach na Breataine a bhí ábhar chun go bhféadfaidh an sé chontae thuaidh Thír Eoghain, Ard Mhacha, Aontroim, An Dún, Doire agus Fear Manach a bheith ina Stát Protastúnach atá fágtha faoin riail na Breataine. Daoine eile ag tabhairt faoi Éire aontaithe trí pholaitíocht bunreachtúil. Daoine eile a d’fhan laistigh de na céimeanna de Poblachtánach cathach agus ní bheadh siad glacadh leis go raibh an tSaorstáit rud ar bith níos mó ná stát nua-coilíneach na Breataine. Níl ort ach a chur, iad siúd a bheadh ag tacú leis an gConradh agus glacadh leis an tSaorstáit a bheith ar a dtugtar Fine Gael (páirtí polaitíochta), go mbeadh na daoine ag iarraidh dul sa tóir ar an idéalach Éire aontaithe trí pholaitíocht bunreachtúla tar éis an 1926 urghnách Sinn Féin Ard Fheis [3] a bheith ar a dtugtar Fianna Fail (páirtí polaitíochta). Bheadh Iad siúd a bheadh ag leanúint ar aghaidh chun tacú leis an Arm an IRA Comhairle meascán de O’Donnellites agus daoine eile sóisialaí de shraith aigne amháin militaristic raibh tacaíocht a briseadh an IRA le Sinn Féin agus an Dail an dara i 1925 chun dul le polasaí agitation sóisialta. [4] Caithfidh sé a bheith luaite anseo go sa bhliain 1922, nuair a d’fhág an opponents den Chonradh an Dáil (Parlaimint na hÉireann) agus deasctha an Chogaidh Chathartha, chuir an Páirtí an Lucht Oibre an fhreasúra ar dtús, agus a rugadh pholaitíocht bunreachtúla in Éirinn. Cé go bhfuil an leabhar seo dírithe ar poblachtas cathach, ní mór a thabhairt faoi deara go mbeadh an Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre a bheith ar an guth ach fíor ar an rang faoi chois ag obair i gcríoch nua liberated agus leanann sé ar aghaidh sa ról sin sa 21ú hAois. I suirbhé a foilsíodh san Irish Times Irish 12 Meitheamh, 2010, fuarthas amach Páirtí an Lucht Oibre a bheith ar an páirtí is mó i bPoblacht na hÉireann. Ba é seo an chéad uair ina stair gur chosúil Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre a bheith déanta pholaitíocht na hÉireann trí chomórtas páirtí. Tar éis Olltoghchán 2011 Ginearálta bheadh Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre isteach i Comhrialtas le Fine Gael agus ceann de Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre bhaill is sinsearaí, Michael D. Higgins, a bheadh tofa ina Uachtarán ar Éirinn sa bhliain 2011. Sa an Rialtas 1920í lárnach i mBaile Átha Cliath isteach an Coimisiún um Cheapacháin Áitiúla agus an Státseirbhísigh gCoimisiún d’fhonn stop a éilliú agus nepotism ag leibhéal an Rialtais áitiúil. Mar sin féin, bhí idirdhealú agus jobbery forleathan i gcomhairlí áitiúla; Leagadh béim ar an idirdhealú i gcoinne Protastúnaigh go háirithe le ceapachán Iarchéime na Tríonóide agus Protastúnacha le post an Leabharlannaí Contae i gContae Mhaigh Eo sa bhliain 1930. Ceapadh Bean Natasha Dunbarr-Harrison ag an gCoimisiún um Cheapacháin Áitiúla ar bhonn fiúntais, áfach, ní ceapachán Bean Dunbarr-Harrison cuireadh i formhuinithe ag an gCoiste Leabharlann Chomhairle Contae Mhaigh Eo. An coiste le fios ar dtús nach raibh Mrs Dunbarr-Harrision fuair tuiscint maith go leor na Gaeilge, áfach, bhí le feiceáil ar an gcúis fíor as a dhiúltú i tuairimí ball Fianna Fail Chomhairle Contae Mhaigh Eo mar atá tuairiscithe sa Telegraph Chonnacht ar an 29 Nollaig, 1930: Tá mé i gcoinne a cheapadh a táirge na Tríonóide, nach bhfuil an cultúr na nGael ach gás nimhe ar stair na daoine Ceilteach …… bigoted frith-na hÉireann amach-post Shasana in Éirinn …. go Fothaí cosúil le parasite ar an flesh agus fola ár ndaoine Ceilteach kindly … ní mór dúinn a sheiceáil ar dhul chun cinn na lotnaidí má táimid a chaomhnú Chultúr Dúchais. Ba iad seo na focail a bhunreachtúil ‘poblachtach’ agus cé go Comhairle Contae Mhaigh Eo a bhí sacked a dhiúltú a fhormhuiniú a cheapadh Mrs Dunbarr-Harrisson, bheadh Protastúnaigh leanúint de bheith idirdhealú i ngach réimse den saol sa Stát nua saor in aisce. Nuair a tháinig Sinn Féin nó cad a d’fhan de Shinn Féin, amach as an bhruscar na 1920í bhí sé ina pháirtí i mearbhall iomlán. Aistarraingt na Breataine, yes, ach bhí Sinn Féin amháin páirtí náisiúnach nó go raibh sé an fhuil sóisialaí de James Connolly ina veins, bhí an chuma sóisialachas uncompromising trom as láthair. Richard Béarla, Ollamh le Polaitíocht in Ollscoil na Banríona, Béal Feirste le fios go bhfuil poblachtánaigh sóisialacha leanúnach a dtionscadal trí féin-deluding miotais: Ba shóisialaí James Connolly poblachtach teoiric a pointe intleachtúil tagartha, ach theip orthu a fheiceáil gur léirigh fiú Connolly gairme féin neamhdhóthanacht a thráchtas lárnach. Idir cogadh poblachtas shóisialach a thairiscint léamh incoherent de na tréimhsí 1916-1923 réabhlóideach; ar bhonn na misconstructions chothabháil siad an ficsean go poblachtas thuiscint i gceart, bhí rang coimhlint a fhréamh. [5] Peadar O’Donnell, ar cheann de na leanúna an chuid is mó ardent Connolly i nginiúint ina dhiaidh sin leis go raibh sé indéanta don sóisialachas Connolly a bheith báite i Tears náisiúnaithe. Scríobh i 1933, d’éiligh Donnell O ‘nach Connolly i láthair a bheith le feiceáil, go gcaithfidh an talamh cath deiridh do Saoirse na hÉireann a bheith ar an streachailt réabhlóideach na n-oibrithe na hÉireann i gcoinne capitalism na hÉireann. [6] Má tá sóisialachas Connolly luaite riamh, tá sé a ligean isteach locht a mbealach a bháis fhuascailt. Sna 1940í agus na 1950í, lean an Airm an IRA Comhairle dul sa tóir ar feachtas amháin militaristic. É sin ráite, cumas míleata an IRA fiú ag an chuid is airde raibh aon rud níos mó ná blot ar an tírdhreach mar a raged an Dara Cogadh Domhanda, áfach, bhí roinnt eisceachtaí: Ag 14:30 ar an 25 Lúnasa, 1939, Broadgate i lár a bhí plódaithe Coventry le lucht siopadóireachta agus daoine ag filleadh ar a n-ionaid oibre. Bhí sé grianmhar thráthnóna, agus réamhaisnéis na haimsire don deireadh seachtaine Gheall dhá lá gréine. Cad é nach raibh na daoine ag súil leis go raibh le haghaidh buama an IRA a sracadh trí na sráideanna plódaithe. Nuair a bheidh an deataigh glanta, leagan caoga is dhá, fir, mná agus leanaí marbh, ag fáil bháis nó gortaithe. [7] Cad a bhí níos mó scanrúil agus i gcodarsnacht stark a reitric um Shaoráil Ba naisc an IRA le Hitler agus na Naitsithe sa Ghearmáin. Amháin a d’fhéadfadh dócha go breathnú ar an IRA an namhaid a namhaid mar chara. I mí Feabhra 1939 tháinig a Intelligence gníomhaire Pfaus Oskar Gearmáinis baint úsáide as an ailias, Eoin Ó Dufaigh, i mBaile Átha Cliath teagmháil a dhéanamh leis an IRA. Pfaus bualadh leis an bhfoireann IRA ag Ceanncheathrú Ginearálta, lena n-áirítear cuid de na bpoblachtach is sinsearaí ag an am, Seán Russell agus Seamus Ó Donnabháin. Na Natsaí bhí an IRA a bheith ag obair mar chúigiú colún taobh istigh Bhreatain agus an IRA a bhí sásta gnó a dhéanamh leo. O’Donovan thaisteal chun na Gearmáine go minic i fhonn a áirithiú gunnaí agus pléascán. Ar an 23ú lá de Lúnasa, tháinig naoi lá roimh na Gearmánaigh an Pholainn; O Donovan a bhí ar a thuras tríú Ghearmáin Naitsíoch, a bhí surely nach raibh aon ní comhleanúnach faoi Phoblachtachas cathach comhaimseartha. De bhun an IRA de chlár oibre amháin militaristic theip ar a tharraingt ar aon aird fíor ach amháin ó na reachtóirí i bPoblacht na hÉireann agus an Protastúnach sheanársa Stormont Rialtas Thuaisceart Éireann, beirt a tugadh isteach na bearta is gnách a rialú poblachtachas cathach, eadhon, imtheorannaithe, interrogation, ruathair, lámhach agus chinsireacht. Ó bunaíodh Saorstát na hÉireann / Poblacht tá i gcónaí go leor de bá an plight an phobail ar an mionlach Caitliceach tréigeadh sé seo don dictate an Aontachtach mó Stormont Rialtais. Mar sin féin, bá na Caitlicigh sa tuaisceart i measc na MAISEANNA i ndeisceart comhbhrón le haghaidh mionlach chois; nach féidir sin báidh acusan glacadh leis go gciallaíonn tacaíocht a thabhairt do Éire aontaithe. Sa Tuaisceart, tá an imní is mó den phobal Caitliceach a bhí ar deireadh an réimeas Aontachtach ag Stormont agus a leatromach frith-Chaitliceach polasaithe. I gcomparáid leis an gceist athaontú bhfuil beagán níos mó ná tábhacht sentimental. [8] Tar éis a chruthú ar an Saorstát na hÉireann go raibh an IRA cúpla cairde; thug allies iar n-dílseachta don de Valera agus a Rialtas nua i nDáil Éireann (Parlaimint na hÉireann). Sympathizers Meiriceánach le Gaeilge poblachtachas consoled féin i mBunreacht na hÉireann 1937 (Bunreacht Na hEireann), bunreacht cuireadh le chéile ag de Valera agus an Eaglais Chaitliceach , in Airteagail 2 agus 3 den Bhunreacht bunaidh atá leagtha sé éileamh ar an oileán ar fad Éirinn. Bheadh an t-éileamh a watered síos i reifreann bunreachta chun éascú le próiseas na síochána fledgling sna 1990í déanacha. An t-éileamh tosaigh go dtí an Oileán na hÉireann ar fad ag de Valera sa bhunreacht raibh bunaidh go leor chun a chur ina luí Meiriceánaigh Éireannacha a n-dollar a thuill crua a thabhairt do na pholaitíocht nua bunreachtúil de Valera agus Fianna Fáil seachas an pholaitíocht cathach de Sinn Féin / IRA. Is é an t-ionchur Mheiriceá fiú suas go dtí an lá atá inniu ina chuid thábhachtach de pholaitíocht na hÉireann. Bíonn an t-ionchur Mheiriceá ar go leor foirmeacha agus beidh siad a phlé ar fud an leabhar seo. [1] Page 46 Béarla, 1994 [2] Page 29 Béarla 1994 [3] Page 36 Patterson, 1989 [4] Page 44 Patterson, 1989 [5] Page 270 Béarla, 1994 [6] Page 28 Béarla, 1994 [7] Page 32 Dillon, 1994 [8] Page 160 Morgan, 1980 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 2 An Chearta Sibhialta Feachtas agus ról an IRA I dTuaisceart Éireann (ó thuaidh) sna 1960í lár cuireadh tús le feachtas ar son Chearta Sibhialta an mionlach Caitliceach in aghaidh an Rialtais Protastúnach rialaithe Stormont. An feachtasóirí Cearta Sibhialta a bhí ag éileamh athruithe ar na dlíthe toghcháin rialaithe, fostaíocht an leithdháileadh tithíochta poiblí, agus oideachas. Measadh go raibh an Gluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta na hAontachtaithe ag / Protastúnaigh mar bhagairt ar a staid phribhléide i dTuaisceart Éireann, beidh an Stát a bhí ar bun chun na Protastúnaigh seo a leanas a chruthú Stáit Saor Chaitliceach na hÉireann. Bhí dheighilt Tá Rialtais na Breataine agus na hÉireann in Éirinn ionas go bhféadfaí na Protastúnaigh i dTuaisceart Éireann fanacht mar chuid den Ríocht Aontaithe. Sa bhliain 1995 bhí an t-údar an taitneamh a labhairt le Sir Kenneth Bloomfield, sinsearach Thuaisceart Éireann sibhialta seirbhíseach i 1965. Sir Kenneth dúirt an t-údar go i 1965 bhfuair sé cumarsáid ó chara ag Westminster, a chuir in iúl dó an fógra sin beag a bhí á chur i gcuntas ar éilimh ó Básanna Saothair agus Liobrálach áirithe le haghaidh imscrúduithe ar ghnóthaí Thuaisceart Éireann. Bhí na héilimh a spreag polaiteoirí Náisiúnach / Caitliceach i dTuaisceart Éireann. Mar sin, bhí sé go raibh neamhaird ar an seó le haghaidh athchóiriú ó pholaiteoirí Caitliceach measartha ag Westminster. An Chearta Sibhialta feachtas i dTuaisceart Éireann Ghlac móiminteam nua mar a bhí Caitlicigh a thuilleadh ullmhaithe a bheidh le háireamh mar shaoránaigh rang a dó. Doiciméid a scaoileadh ag an Rialtas na Breataine ar an 27 Bealtaine, 2010, faoin riail tríocha bliain léargas insint ar conas breathnú ar na Breataine ó thuaidh agus ó Rialtas na hÉireann. Sa bhliain 1970 an Rúnaí Baile na Breataine ansin, dúradh James Callaghan ag taidhleoir sinsearach na Breataine go bhfuil an Príomh-Aire (Taoiseach) de Phoblacht na hÉireann, is gá Jack Lynch a thuiscint go mbeadh an bealach amháin chun aontú na hÉireann a bheith i bhfoirm an meabhlú “, nach bhfuil an éigniú Thuaisceart Éireann “. Bhí scríofa an tUasal Oliver Wright, taidhleoir sinsearach na Breataine a chuid tuairimí i litir chuig an Uasal Callaghan tar éis sheirbheáil an tUasal Wright mar taidhleoir ar feadh sé mhí ag Stormont i dTuaisceart Éireann. An tUasal Wright ar aghaidh, “Mar sin, fada agus a choinneáil ar an ciúin Thuaidh, beidh an Deisceart a thabhairt dúinn aon deacracht, don Uasal Lynch freisin Chuaigh mé go dtí an imeall tubaiste mí Lúnasa seo caite agus sheas ar ais in am [ina" Ní bheidh muid ag seasamh le "óráid ]. “Marcáilte a chuid cainte misniúil a chomhdháil páirtí i mí Eanáir athrú ó Fantasy go réalachas mar gheall ar an cheist na hÉireann,” “Má aithníonn sé, mar a dhéanann sé anois, nach féidir fórsa a úsáid chun an fhadhb a réiteach na críochdheighilte, ní mór dó teacht ar realize go luíonn an chosúlacht amháin aontú na hÉireann i seduction, nach bhfuil an éigniú an Tuaiscirt. Beidh an Deisceart, doigh liom, a bheith ina fad-am a-shúirí, má tá siad riamh tús a: an Irish claonadh chun pósadh déanach, creidim, “a scríobh sé. Bhí Wright chuig an tuaisceart i 1969 tar éis trúpaí na Breataine imscaradh mar coimeádaithe síochána. Wright cur síos Caitlicigh mar ‘Micks’ agus Protastúnaigh mar ‘Prods’, idir téarmaí dímheasúil a úsáidtear i parlance seicteach áitiúla sa tuaisceart. “Tá sé sochaí treibhe, agus an natives stranded críochdheighilte ar an taobh mícheart de na teorainneacha mhaith agus dá chéile muinín faoi chomh maith le madraí agus cat, Arabacha agus Giúdach, Cipire na Gréige agus na Tuirce.” An “Orange Protastúnach ghoid” Bhí mí-úsáid “go bhfuil na Breataine-na stíl an daonlathas” a ráthú agus an chuid is mó un-na Breataine-stíl éagóir bhuanú i dtreo an phobail Caitliceach “a dúirt an tUasal Wright. “Ach an mionlach, cé go níos mó sinned b’fhéidir i gcoinne ná sinning, tá i bhfad ó gan locht. I faisean Gaeilge fíor, tá na Micks taitneamh provoking an Prods an oiread agus is Prods an taitneamh as retaliating “. “Tá dearcadh Caitliceach a bhí sa chás is fearr doiléir agus sa chás ba mheasa fealltach. Déanann sé an Prods boil fola ‘- agus gach boils fola Gaeilge ag teocht an-íseal – a fheiceáil Micks taitneamh a bhaint as na buntáistí ábhar níos fearr ar an nasc na Breataine agus leanúint a tonn trí dhath orthu, “a dúirt an tUasal Wright i ton fíor impiriúlach. I an talamh ar ais go dtí an bhfeachtas Chearta Sibhialta lurked an IRA riamh i láthair agus ní go sámh. Bheadh 1969 a fheiceáil ar an gcuma chéad fíor an IRA ar na Sráideanna Bhéal Feirste ó na feachtais theip ar na 1940s/50s/60s. An IRA a bhí droch-fheistithe, ach go raibh fhreagair an glaoch rhetorical de na daoine i ngeiteo Chaitliceach a ghlacadh chun na sráideanna agus iad a chosaint ó tyranny de ndílseoirí (Protastúnaigh) dronganna, dronganna a bhí ar bhonn laethúil Caitlicigh a dhó as a gcuid tithe agus na Póilíní sheas go hidéalach. A bhí le feiceáil ar dtús ar an IRA mar chosantóirí an phobail Caitliceach mar chuma an Stát uninterested i staid na gCaitliceach. Ba é seo aiséirí i ngeiteo de poblachtas cathach an deis go raibh an ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann ag fanacht. An Chearta Sibhialta feachtas agus agitation sóisialta thug an IRA deis a fhuascailt agus a reinvent iad-selves tar éis a humiliating roimhe defeats ag na lámha na Breataine sna 1940s/50s. Cé go raibh an Chearta Sibhialta feachtas díreach agus ar dheis, ar an IRA go raibh sé ach feithicil chun iad a fháil ar ais ar an mbóthar. An Chearta Sibhialta feachtas agus na ndílseoirí (Protastúnaigh) imoibriú leis an bhfeachtas díobhálach chruthaigh na huiscí an-ina bhféadfadh poblachtachas Éireannach cathach arís ag snámh. Roinnt revisionists nua-aimseartha an lae hÉireann Poblachtánachas iarracht a thabharfadh le fios go raibh an IRA ach neamhchiontach ag-standers a cruthaíodh a trí na coinníollacha cos ar bolg Aontachtach / Protastúnach i 1960s/70s, áfach, ní raibh an IRA imithe ar shiúl ó bunaíodh na hÉireann tSaorstáit. Le daoine mar John Kelly i gceannas ar an ngeiteo Chaitliceach phobail tá sé soiléir nach raibh an IRA ag dul a chailleann an Chearta Sibhialta deis a fháil ar a gcuid feachtas cathach ar ais ar an mbóthar. Chun a mhalairt, go raibh an IRA an breochloiche an-a chruthaigh an Spark ar feadh na mblianta de foréigean seicteach. Cibé rud a mianta an IRA nach raibh aon acmhainn a imirt ar an ról Caitliceach gCosantóirí agus mar sin is gá a ceannaireacht airgead, airm agus oiliúint go han-tapa. Ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann i bpearsa IRA Ceann Foirne, chas Cathal Goulding le Rialtas báúil na hÉireann ag an am sin. An Rialtas i gcumhacht i bPoblacht na hÉireann i 1969 a bhí Fianna Fáil (poblachtaigh bunreachtúla) faoi Taoiseach (Príomh Aire), Jack Lynch. Bhí Neil Blaney ó Dhún na nGall, agus bhí sé go Blaney a tháinig an chuid is mó tuairiscí neamhoifigiúil ó Thuaisceart Éireann mar gheall ar a seasamh sa Rialtas – Ceann de na Teachtaí Dála Lynch (Ball den Pharlaimint TD). Bhí sé go Blaney gur thuairiscigh an Captaen James Kelly, Oifigeach Faisnéise na hÉireann Arm, a bhí le bheith cúisithe níos déanaí comhcheilge, ar an gcéad ar fhilleadh dó féin go Poblacht ó Thuaisceart Éireann ar 14 Meán Fómhair, 1969. Ar fhilleadh dó tuairiscíodh Captaen James Kelly; “Nuair a tháinig mé ar ais ó Thuaisceart Éireann ar an 14 Meán Fómhair, 1969 nó thart ar an dáta sin tháinig sé chun mo fógra go raibh coiste cheap an Rialtas, ainmnithe dom mar sin ceart nó mícheart, níl a fhios agam – ach ainmnithe go dom mar an tUasal Haughey, an tUasal Blaney, an tUasal Faulker agus an tUasal Brennan. I bhfianaise na faisnéise a bhí faighte agam chinn mé gur chóir dom a fheiceáil ar roinnt de na comhaltaí den Rialtas agus mé socruithe déanta a fheiceáil an tUasal Blaney ar tráthnóna go háirithe tar éis mo thuairisceán. Chuaigh mé agus rinne amhlaidh agus dúradh leis an toradh na faisnéise uile a bhí cnuasaithe mé i dTuaisceart Éireann agus i bhfeidhm bhí sé in ann cúnamh a thabhairt dom chomh maith. Chuaigh mé ansin a fheiceáil Uasal Haughey … mar sin a rá go raibh mé oifigeach idirchaidrimh / bhí sé ina oifigeach idirchaidrimh ar bhonn ad hoc “. [1] Cé go mbeadh an Captaen James Kelly a úsáid níos déanaí mar Guy titim-ag roinnt ar an affair ar fad, níl aon amhras go raibh Captaen Kelly tuairisciú na céimeanna is airde laistigh den Rialtas Lynch fiú mura raibh tuairisciú sé go díreach don Aire Cosanta, Jim Gibbons , a bheadh curtha ar a chuid níos fearr polaitiúla nádúrtha. Ba é príomhphointe teagmhála Captaen James Kelly sa tuaisceart John Kelly, John Kelly a bhí an t-eagraí is mó de na Saoránach Coistí Cosanta ar fud Thuaisceart Éireann ag an am sin. Bhí John Kelly, poblachtánach traidisiúnta cathach; go raibh sé oideachas na Bráithre Críostaí i mBéal Feirste agus bhí gníomhach i bhfeachtais theip ar an IRA sna 1950s/60s. I os comhair cúirte ina dhiaidh sin ar an 14 Deireadh Fómhair 1970, John Kelly, a bhfuil a bheith ina cheannaire ar an Saoránach Coistí Cosanta ó Lúnasa 1969, rinne Kelly sé soiléir don Chúirt agus gach éisteacht go raibh na Coistí Cosanta ach clúdach le haghaidh poblachtas cathach. Cibé an gceist Kelly a nochtadh ar an ról atá ag an IRA i bhealach den sórt sin a bpobal a fhanann doiléir. Rinne John Kelly sé soiléir go maith cad a bhí sé ó Rialtas na hÉireann, nuair a dúirt sé; “Ba mhaith liom a bheith emphatic a bhí ag teacht againn ó gach cuid den sé chontae gan indulge i páirtithe tae, gan a bheith aird, ach a mhealladh, sa mhéid go raibh muid ábalta an méid a bhí an tuairim an Rialtais i ndáil leis an sé chontae. Ní raibh muid a iarraidh blankets nó buidéil beathaithe, d’iarr muid le haghaidh gunnaí. Aon duine ó Taoiseach Lynch dhiúltaigh síos dúinn na hiarrata sin nó in iúl dúinn go raibh sé seo contrártha le beartas an Rialtais “. [2] Na cruinnithe ar aghaidh idir na poblachtaigh cathach ó Thuaisceart Éireann agus an Captaen James Kelly. Captaen Kelly Lean freisin chun freastal go díreach leis an bPríomh-IRA Foirne, Cathal Goulding. Nuair a cuireadh in iúl Peter Berry, an Rúnaí ag an Roinn Dlí agus Cirt, ag an mBrainse an Gharda Síochána na hÉireann Speisialta (Póilíní na hÉireann) faoi cruinniú amháin den sórt sin i gContae an Chabháin, agus cruinnithe Chaptaen Kelly le Ceann Foirne Óglaigh na hÉireann Goulding, chuir Berry Jack Lynch. Lynch dúirt Berry go gcaithfidh aon duine gafa in aon phlé neamhdhleathach a thabhairt ar an gceartas. Berry agóid, áfach, leis seo. Bhí an IRA infiltrated an leibhéal is airde agus ní raibh Berry ag iarraidh a nochtadh a chuid daoine sa IRA. Whoever eol dó, nó an méid a bhí díreach an méid na hoiliúna airgead, agus gunnaí a thabhairt don IRA ag Rialtas na hÉireann, is féidir riamh a bheith ar eolas. Cad tá imithe síos i stair áfach, tá an affair amháin atá inchomparáide leis Watergate Nixon nó Nicearagua Regan ar. Ba é an toradh deiridh Rialtas na hÉireann naisc chuig an IRA a mhuirearú dá Aire Rialtais le comhcheilg agus an triail ar cheann de na hAirí i bhfómhar na bliana 1970. IRA Ceann Foirne Goulding bhí ó 1962 curtha ar stiúradh an tIRA tsráid bealach amháin chorraí sóisialta trí feasacht pholaitiúil. Thuig sé nach mór aon treo nua ar an mbealach le gluaiseacht phoblachtach dúshlán Impiriúlachas na Breataine san áireamh ról don IRA, do más rud é nach raibh siad i gceannas ansin bheadh siad cinneadh a dhéanamh ar a son féin cad atá le déanamh seo chugainn. [3] An smaointeoireacht nua atá á saothrú ag Óglaigh na hÉireann Ceann Foirne Goulding cruthaíodh fadhbanna do na poblachtánaigh a chreid sa ról amháin militaristic traidisiúnta an IRA, mar sin bhí sé a chruthaigh teannas seicteach sna 1960í déanacha deis don IRA a ghlacadh arm i cad chuma a bheith ina ról cosanta i measc na daoine Caitliceach Thuaisceart Éireann. An distraction seicteach Thug spás análaithe do Goulding ath-smaoineamh ar Phoblachtachas Éireannach. Mar sin féin, bheadh Goulding go luath i gcoinne a chuid pleananna nua don IRA, bhí an IRA i mBéal Feirste faoi cheannas Billy Mc Millen níos mó ná ról cosanta don IRA. Billy ag iarraidh a bhaint amach ar ais ar a bhunú idir na Breataine agus a gceannairí cheer dílseoirí. Goulding amharc ar an IRA i mBéal Feirste mar “bigots seicteach” agus nach raibh sé ag iarraidh an IRA arís a bheith ina fhórsa saoirse amháin militaristic do na Caitlicigh i ngeiteo sa tuaisceart. [1] Leathanaigh 53-54 Arnold, 1984 [2] Page 55 Arnold, 1984 [3] Page 92 Patterson, 1989 [4] Page 95 Patterson, 1989 [5] Page 98 Patterson, 1989 Cearta Sibhialta agus an IRA Ó chomh luath agus is mar a bhí polasaithe 1966 Goulding ar aghaidh i gcoinne leanúnach. Mar thugann doiciméad IRA a gabhadh Bealtaine 1966 ag na Gardaí (póilíneachta na hÉireann) léiriú soiléir ar na fadhbanna a bhíonn ag Goulding a chruthú le haghaidh gníomhaíocht pholaitiúil mar an príomhról atá ag an IRA. Goulding ath-smaoineamh ar an ról atá ag an IRA agus an níos leithne poblachtach teaghlach a bhí ag cur an prionsabal ceannaireachta ón d’idéalachas míleataí de Fíníní traidisiúnta i cosán leath-Leninist. [4] I 1967 rinne Billy Mc Millen amach roinnt na n-ionsaithe buama tine ar bhoinn Arm na Breataine Críche i mhalairt thuaidh le beartas GHQ agus an dara ceann ar tacaíocht ach d’fheachtas Chearta Sibhialta cur isteach sibhialta. Goulding ar aghaidh chun féachaint ar an IRA i mBéal Feirste mar “bigots seicteach” mar a dhiúltaigh siad glacadh leis an smaoineamh nua ar an ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann. Bheadh súil ag Goulding i 1967 do threoir pholaitiúil nua don IRA go háirithe sa deisceart, forbairt a bheadh atreorú an IRA ar shiúl ó lucht scoite militaristic, déileálfar buille mór, mar foréigean seicteach i dtuaisceart formhéadú imithe ó smacht, an ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann bhí caillte i mBaile Átha Cliath a rialú beagnach trí bliana tar éis gur aontaigh an Airm an IRA Chomhairle feachtas gradualist um Chearta Sibhialta trí cur isteach sibhialta. An suthach, síochánta agus dlisteanach bunaidh Chearta Sibhialta Feachtas a caitheadh anois ag Phoblachtachas Éireannach cathach agus ar an bhfreagra na Breataine / nDílseoirí leis an militarism. An nua Príomh-Aire Thuaisceart Éireann (ó thuaidh), Terence O’Neill, aghaidh ar an gceist maidir le hidirdhealú i gcoinne na gCaitliceach i dTuaisceart Éireann agus ar fáil do lucht féachana domhanda le híomhá nua de Thuaisceart Éireann, mar shochaí forásach, trí pholasaithe nua i Maidir le tithíocht, oideachas, agus fostaíocht. Bhí an Chearta Sibhialta feachtas-jacked Hi ag Poblachtánach cathach agus daoine cosúil le IRA cheannaire Billy Mc Millen theastaigh seicteach gcioch-do-tat count ceann marú. An fhadhb le haghaidh Mc Millen agus a Béal Feirste IRA ordú a bhí go raibh clogáilte siad suas mileage intleachtúil beag agus bhí tiomáinte amháin ag seicteachas. Mar a mhíníonn Henry Patterson; “Míníodh an friotaíocht an cheannaireacht Bhéal Feirste go dtí an smaoineamh nua ag an bhfíric go bhfuil an ghluaiseacht a bhí chun tosaigh ann ag ‘Caitliceach bigots’”. [5] I 1969 d’fhág poblachtaigh as go leor le gluaiseacht mar cheap siad nach raibh an cheannaireacht Bhaile Átha Cliath a thuiscint ó thuaidh agus go bhfuil an cheannaireacht Bhaile Átha Cliath ag iarraidh go simplí chun dul i mbun pholaitíocht. Ba cheann de na éirí as, Kevin Mallon, go híorónach a bheith i 1986 ar cheann de na comhaltaí as Sealadach IRA ag tacú le deireadh a chur abstentionism mar fada ar siúl polasaí Shinn Féin / IRA agus dá bhrí sin pholaitiú na gluaiseachta poblachtach. Mallon a bhí ag 1,986 teacht ar realize na buntáistí a bhaineann an aghaidh Janus de comhéigean poblachtach i stíl a ghné pholaitiúil-militaristic. Ní mór a mheabhrú freisin gur léirigh an dearcadh na Breataine chun na héilimh Cearta Sibhialta ag Caitlicigh comhbhá beag lena n-plight, baineadh feidhm trúpaí na Breataine i gcoinne Chearta Sibhialta na marchers agus d’fhéadfadh sé seo mar thoradh ach amháin maidir le gortú tromchúiseach agus bás. In 2010 d’fhoilsigh an Tiarna Saville a thuarascáil isteach an lámhach marbh de cheithre daoine neamhchiontach ar a dtugtar anois mar Domhnach na Fola i nDoire i 1972. Na Breataine paratroopers fired babhtaí beo ag Chearta marchers Sibhialta agus murdered i fuar fola ceithre cinn déag sibhialtach neamharmtha ar an lá sin Bloody. Na teaghlaigh na n-íospartach a bhí ag fanacht 38 bliain go bhfuil an fhírinne isteach ag na Breataine. Mar sin féin, tá sé soiléir chomh maith ón bhfianaise a tugadh don Fhiosrú Saville go raibh an PIRA i nDoire ar Dhomhnach na Fola ag baint úsáide as na Cearta Sibhialta Márta chun bogadh gunnaí agus pléascáin i Cathrach Dhoire, cé nach bhfuil a ngníomhartha ar bhealach ar bith seasamh leis an rún marfach de na paratroopers, ról an PIRA ar Dhomhnach na Fola eile fós díotáil damning ar a n-intinn marfach agus meargánta faoi cheannaireacht Martin Mc Guinness MP. An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 3 Polaitíocht agus an Treoir an IRA Mar sin, bhí sé, i 1969, bhí na lasracha de foréigean seicteach scorching ar fud Thuaisceart Éireann (ó thuaidh), Caitlicigh ina gcónaí i mBéal Feirste á dóite amach as a gcuid tithe ag mobs dílseoirí. An Aontachtach (Protastúnach) is mó a bhí caillte Stormont Rialtas Thuaisceart Éireann aon dóchas regaining ordú, chinn an Rialtas na Breataine leis an Arm na Breataine a sheoladh chuig Tuaisceart Éireann mar ‘coimeádaithe síochána’. An Rialtas an Lucht Oibre na Breataine chuma a bheith ag gníomhú le hintinn mhaith, áfach, taobh thiar de na pictiúir de riail Mob seicteach an IRA a bhí ag faire agus pleanáil. Ní raibh an IRA Ceann Foirne Goulding agus a GHQ ag iarraidh feachtas míleata sa tuaisceart a bheadh roinnt tuilleadh Thuaisceart Éireann Protastúnach agus lucht oibre Caitliceach. Mar sin féin, ní raibh smaointe Goulding ar déileáil leis an réaltacht atá le sárú ag Caitlicigh go leor ar Bhóthar na bhFál i mBéal Feirste nó an Bhogaigh i nDoire. Goulding Bhunaigh naoi gcontae Ordú an Tuaiscirt chun appease na fir IRA sa tuaisceart a mheas go raibh siad in iúl síos ag GHQ mar nach thug siad gunnaí agus pléascáin ar an IRA i mBéal Feirste ar stailc ar ais i gcoinne na Dílseoirí. 1969 poblachtaigh freisin le feiceáil ar ais óg Chearta Sibhialta feachtasóir Bernadette Devlin a reáchtáil mar a n-iarrthóir sa toghlach Lár-Uladh do na toghcháin Westminster. Cé go raibh ar ais Devlin MP do Lár-Uladh ar an 17 Aibreán, 1969 a bhí nuair a toghadh aon tionchar fíor agus go raibh sé ag go leor mar aon ní níos mó ná stunt polaitiúil. I Nollaig 1969 bhuail an coinbhinsiún IRA i mBaile Átha Cliath agus vótáil, reportedly, 39-12 a aithint de-facto an Rialtas Aontachtach ag Stormont, Rialtas na hÉireann i mBaile Átha Cliath agus Rialtas na Breataine i Westminster. A fuair bás Maidir leis an abstentionism IRA ar na sráideanna flaming de Bhéal Feirste. Ceadaíodh an Tuaiscirt “polaitiúil” polasaí agus an cinneadh chun tosaigh saoirse glacadh leo. [1] Mar sin féin, theastaigh ní gach ceann de na IRA chun éisteacht le bog Goulding cur chuige agitation polaitiúla agus sóisialta leis an staid thuaidh, bhí reitric réabhlóideach agus polasaithe polaitiúla rud amháin ach ní raibh prionsabal na abstentionism amháin a thabhairt suas go héasca. Poblachtánachas, i gcás go leor a bhí bailí ach amháin fad a bhí phrionsabálta é agus abstentionism bhí prionsabal morálta gan a bheith a chaitheamh i leataobh le vóta sa choinbhinsiún IRA. Iad siúd nár aontaigh leis an Goulding agus a chur chuige bog ó thuaidh siar ón IRA Oifigiúil agus bhí an IRA Sealadach agus dúirt siad go poiblí; “Táimid ar ár allegiance a dhearbhú don tríocha a dó contae na hÉireann Poblacht na proclaimed um Cháisc 1916 bhunaigh an chéad Dáil Éireann i 1919, gcuifear le harm i 1922 agus faoi chois go dtí an lá ag an ann cheana féin stát a fhorchuirtear na Breataine sé laindéal contae”. Nuair a agallamh seo údar iar-bhall den IRA Oifigiúil bhí sé seo a rá faoi cheannaireacht Goulding ar; “Creidim mar a dhéanann poblachtaigh an chuid is mó in iarthar Bhéal Feirste, gur cheart an stickies (ainm Oifigiúil IRA) a chabhraigh linn amach nuair is gá dúinn iad, dá mba fhan siad go dtí go raibh subsided na n-ionsaithe tosaigh, d’fhéadfadh siad a dhéanamh go maith a lán níos mó daoine leo, ag an am ba mhaith linn a dhéanamh chun aon ní a fháil ar ais ag an Prods “. Poblachtánaigh go leor, bhí tagtha chun bheith disillusioned leis an GHQ, ar ais agus chuaigh an IRA Sealadach. Cruthaíodh nua sé contae thuaidh ordú agus atá bunaithe i mBéal Feirste. An coinbhinsiún IRA i Nollaig 1969 gur chinn a aitheantas a thabhairt do Rialtas Bhaile Átha Cliath, a bhí i mBéal Feirste agus i Londain a bheidh le leanúint ag Sinn Féin Ard Fheis seo ar an 10 Eanáir, 1970. Tá an IRA Sealadach a fhios nach bhféadfadh siad a fháil rialú na hArd Fheise ach chinneadh siad chun dul síos an bóthar unprincipled an bpolaitíocht ag am nuair a bhí deis a reinvent an IRA ar na Sráideanna i dTuaisceart Éireann. Tom Maguire, an comhalta is déanaí phoblachtach na Dála dara (Toghadh ar an Dáil dara, eagraíocht fhorordaithe, Bealtaine 1921 le Sinn Féin tromlaigh agus de Valera mar cheannaire; sé in ionad an Dáil den chéad uair a bhí Myth úsáideach poblachtaigh ag an am sin) a fógraíodh go raibh an coinbhinsiún IRA “Bhí nach bhfuil an ceart ná údarás”, chun rún a rith ag deireadh abstentionism, agus na easaontaigh aontaithe ó chroí. [2] Ar oíche Dé Domhnaigh, Ritheadh 11 Eanáir, 1970 an abstentionism rún dar críoch 19 vóta ach nach bhfuil an dhá thrian de dhíth chun pas a fháil le polasaí. Rinneadh glao ar toscairí chun tacú le beartas IRA. Bheadh sé seo a bheith ag teastáil le tromlach simplí chun pas a fháil. Thart ar aon trian de na toscairí shiúil amach agus chuaigh sé chun cruinniú réamhshocraithe ag ionad i gCearnóg Parnell. Tá a Ard Fheis féin a thug siad a gcuid dílseachta don Sealadach IRA Arm na Comhairle agus cúram glacadóir feidhmiúcháin Sinn Féin, a bhí ‘tiomnaithe’ chun abstentionism. Go leor i an IRA Oifigiúil chreid go raibh an scoilt spreagadh ag fórsaí ar an taobh amuigh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Fianna Fáil (Páirtí Poblachtach bunreachtúla i bPoblacht na hÉireann) a bhí déanta idirghabhálaithe teagmháil leis an stickies (Oifigiúil IRA) agus thairg airgead agus gunnaí chomh fada agus a d’fhan siad amach na polaitíochta i bPoblacht agus d’ordaigh oibríochtaí míleata sa tuaisceart amháin. Dhiúltaigh GHQ cibé tograí a bhí Goulding uaillmhianta polaitiúla sa Phoblacht. Mar sin féin, bhí sé Creidtear go forleathan go raibh an IRA Sealadach glacadh cheana féin airgead agus gunnaí ó Fianna Fáil. Cad is féidir a rá go cinnte gurb osclaíodh na céimeanna an FCA (cúlchiste arm i bPoblacht) ar bun chun oiliúint gníomhaithe an IRA in úsáid gunnaí agus pléascán. Ag deireadh 1970 bhí Seán Mac Stiofáin Cheann Foirne ar an IRA Sealadach agus Ruiri Ó Brádaigh a bhí ina Uachtarán ar Sealadach Sinn Féin. Mac Stiofáin ina stáit chuimhní cinn gur admhaigh chomh luath agus is 1972 Rialtas na Breataine ina Páipéar Glas an bhfíric go raibh Tuaisceart Éireann a thuilleadh ach ábhar do na aonar na Breataine. [3] Mac Stiofáin agus an Sealadach IRA a leagtar faoi iad féin a eagrú ó aon rud agus thosaigh chun breathnú ar fud an domhain le haghaidh tacaíochta. Meiriceánaigh Gaeilge mar i gcónaí a bhí flaithiúil i dtéarmaí a n-dollar a mhaoiniú Poblachtánach cathach agus a naivety mar gheall ar an spreagadh sin poblachtachas cathach. Mar a sheachaint Vincent Conlon (RIP) ar an bhfeachtas IRA 1950í, agus a ghabháil trí údaráis na Stát Aontaithe nuair a loingseoireachta trí chéad scarbháin agus 140,000 piléar a allmhairiú i mí na Nollag 1977, dúirt an t-údar; “Níl a fhios Meiriceánaigh Gaeilge ag iarraidh ar an eolas faoi fola agus inní, ach seamróga agus leipreacháin”. Sa bhliain 1995 roinnte Vincent Conlon céim i Meiriceá le Gerry Adams; Conlon ardaigh díreach os cionn aon-milliún dollar do Shinn Féin / IRA. Bhí Adams ligtear isteach Mheiriceá maidir le treoracha díreach Mheiriceá Uachtarán Bill Clinton; bhí Clinton tacaíocht mór ag Meiriceánaigh na hÉireann le linn a fheachtais Uachtaránachta. Sceimhlitheoirí cáil domhanda ar nós Colonel Gadhafi de Libia agus Columbian drugaí tiarnaí FARC bhí réidh agus toilteanach a gunnaí, armlón agus semtex (pléascach) a sholáthar don IRA Sealadach, mar atá cruthaithe ag an urghabháil go leor de na mílte arm Libyan ag Póilíní na hÉireann (An Garda Síochána) sna 1980í. Bheadh taidhleoirí Libyan i 1995 eolas mionsonraithe a thabhairt don Choimisiún Mitchell, ar an gcaoi a chabhraigh Libia traein, lámh agus an PIRA a mhaoiniú. Tá cuid de na comhaltaí PIRA an t-údar le chéile le linn a bhlianta ar an PIRA dúirt go raibh siad oilte i boinn Fedayeen sa Liobáin agus bhí teagmhálacha dlúth le FARC agus eile narco-sceimhlitheoireachta eagraíochtaí. Sean Mc Kenna (RIP) a rá IRA gníomhaí i rith na 1970í agus ina dhiaidh sin ar cheann de na ceannairí an stailc ocrais chéad IRA i Cheis Fhada i 1980, dúirt an t-údar gur i rith na laethanta tosaigh an PIRA; “Is cuimhin liom nua Sinn Fein Cumanns á chur ar bun ar fud an tuaiscirt agus na Cumanns cosúil leis an ceann in Iúr Cinn Trá a raibh baint agam a bhí in úsáid mar an núicléas a eagrú agus a oiliúint ar an PIRA”. Sean Mc Kenna fuair bás i 2009 agus tá sé curtha i nDún Dealgan Contae Lú, bhí a tAthair Seán Mc Kenna Snr cheann de na ‘Deich Men Hooded’ a céasadh a trí na Breataine le linn Imtheorannú sa tuaisceart, tugadh a gcás chun na hEorpa áit a raibh sé dhearbhú go raibh siad faoi réir cóir ná píonós mídhaonna linn a choinneáil go neamhdhleathach. Béal Feirste bhí eagraithe i dtrí luaidhe gcathlán le Billy McKee, bhí McKee ar an Sealadach IRA oifigeach ceannais i mBéal Feirste. Fágadh an taobh tíre sa tuaisceart le JB O’Hagan a eagrú, agus bhí ar ais an mac prodigal de abstentionism, Kevin Mallon, a fháil ar an IRA Sealadach athstruchtúrú. Ar an 7 Lúnasa, 1971 thug an Rialtas na Breataine imtheorannú i dTuaisceart Éireann. Níos mó ná trí chéad daoine a bhí i bpríosún láithreach gan aon triail. An fhreagairt go dona shíl na Breataine a cruthaíodh ach sáirsint earcú don PIRA mar a bhí i bpríosún ar an neamhchiontach taobh poblachtaigh gníomhach. Bhí tortured Mar a luadh thuas cuid de na imtheorannú agus brutalized. I mí an Mhárta Gearradh 1,972 Riail Dhíreach ar Thuaisceart Éireann mar a rinne na Breataine a thógáil ar ais a rialú ar an staid riamh in olcas. Bheadh William Whitelaw an Rúnaí Stáit do Thuaisceart Éireann. A bhí imithe Stormont agus go raibh an t-éileamh ar na feachtasóirí um Chearta Sibhialta, áfach, tá an chuma a bheith ar aon léarscáil bóthair ag dul ar aghaidh le haghaidh an dá thaobh. An PIRA Bhí anois blas na fola agus ní raibh siad ag dul amach ag am ar bith go luath. Theip ar an Rialtas Stormont miserably agus achoimriú seo suas ag an titim de Stormont an Captaen Terence O’Neill, Príomh-Aire Thuaisceart Éireann (1963-1969) nuair a dúirt sé; “Tá tú n-éireoidh ceachtar nó go mainneoidh siad, níor thuig mé”. Ar 10 Márta, 1972 dhearbhaigh an IRA Sealadach in aghaidh an lae trí scoirfidh-tine, scoirfidh-tinte a bheith in úsáid go stairiúil ag an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach mar dheis chun regroup, a thaispeáint go bhfuil an cheannaireacht i rialú agus lamháltais a fháil ó na Breataine. Breataine Baile Rúnaí, dúirt Maulding; “Ní bheadh an IRA a defeated, ní dhíchur go hiomlán, ach tá a n-foréigean laghdú go dtí leibhéal inghlactha”. [4] Ba é an ráiteas seo ag Rúnaí Baile na Breataine eile coup propaganda don IRA Sealadach. Ar an 29 Bealtaine, 1972 ar a dtugtar an IRA Oifigiúil a scoirfidh-tine tar éis catalóg dúnmharuithe sibhialta, agus smaointeoireacht nua Goulding ar glacadh ar deireadh ag na fanacht laistigh den IRA Oifigiúil. I mí an Mheithimh den bhliain chéanna, bhuail Dave O’Connell agus Gerry Adams faoi dhó le idirbheartaithe Whitelaw agus shocraigh sos cogaidh, ina mbeadh an Arm na Breataine céim siar as a ról tosaigh sa tuaisceart. Bheadh cruinniú PIRA agus Whitelaw tarlú má mhair an sos fada go leor, d’aontaigh PIRA ceannaire Mac Stiofáin. Ceannaireacht ó thuaidh den IRA Sealadach riamh ag iarraidh a scoirfidh-tine agus ar an Meitheamh rioting 9 1972 bhris amach i Léana Dúin i mBéal Feirste agus Arm na Breataine tháinig an fócas na bruigheanach ‘aird. Ceannaireacht PIRA sa tuaisceart brú a chur ar an ordú ó dheas agus an sos dar críoch sin. Tá an PIRA fhógair go raibh siad cainteanna le Whitelaw agus Whitelaw go raibh furious, go raibh sé gafa amach ag caint le sceimhlitheoirí agus bhí sé rud ar bith a thaispeáint as a chuid iarrachtaí. Mar a tharlaíonn go minic i stair na hÉireann dhá bhliain is fiche ina dhiaidh sin, Rúnaí Stáit Thuaisceart Éireann, bheadh Sir Patrick Mayhew fháil dó féin sa riocht céanna Whitelaw. Whitelaw i dTeach na dTeachtaí cinnte Captaen Willie Orr, ceannaire na hAontachtaithe i Westminster, nach bhfuil éinne ag ó Rialtas na Breataine go mbeadh labhairt riamh leis an PIRA arís. Freagra an IRA a bhí intuartha; mharaigh siad 11 agus gortaíodh 130 sibhialtaigh i mBéal Feirste. A iar-Béal Feirste IRA ball bhí seo a rá mar gheall ar an briseadh síos ar na cainteanna idir na Breataine agus an PIRA i 1972; “Sílim go pearsanta, mar a dhéanann go leor poblachtánaigh mar in iarthar Bhéal Feirste, gur chruthaigh an 1972 cainteanna rud amháin agus go raibh nach raibh an choimhlint an rud na Breataine agus na Poblachta, mar gheall ar ullmhaíodh na Brits chun labhairt linn faoi shocraíocht, thuig an PIRA go raibh sé na daoine Protastúnach i dTuaisceart Éireann a bhí le bheith ann fosta i aighneacht más rud é go raibh an coincheap Éire Aontaithe le teacht faoi “. [1] Page 366 Bowyer Bell, 1990 [2] Page 28 Bowyer Bell, 1990 [3] Page 330 Mac Stiofáin, 1975 [4] Page 68 Arnold, 1984 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 4 Gerry Adams ina cheannaire IRA Beidh roinnt fhios ag an ainm Gerry Adams ní bheidh roinnt. In Éirinn tá Gerry Adams breathnú go forleathan mar an aghaidh na gluaiseachta poblachtach. Is é Gerry Adams Uachtarán Shinn Féin a bhfuil an sciathán polaitiúil an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Is é an IRA an ‘dhíchoimisiúnú’ anois eite míleata de ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Gerry Adams Tá ar chúis éigin aisteach i gcónaí luaite go poiblí go riamh a bhí sé ina bhall den IRA. Mar sin de dúinn a bhí ina gcomhaltaí den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach tá sé ar eolas go maith go raibh Gerry Adams ina bhall sinsearach den IRA i mBéal Feirste agus go raibh suíochán ag an tábla an Airm an IRA Comhairle. Go deimhin is féidir an t-údar a chur ar a lámh ar a chroí agus a rá go i 1984 bhí an t-údar i láthair nuair a tháinig Gerry Adams ag ionad do chruinniú de roinnt de na baill is sinsearaí den IRA. Ní raibh an t-údar ina bhall sinsearach den IRA ach bhí i láthair go simplí sular thosaigh an gcruinniú. Ní raibh Gerry Adams agus ‘Darkie’ Brendan Hughes fhágáil nuair a thosaigh an gcruinniú agus an chruinnithe sin a bhí faoi chathaoirleacht an Phríomh-IRA Sealadach Foirne ag an am sin Kevin McKenna. Beidh an chaibidil seo amach an réaltacht Gerry Adams seasamh Janus-aghaidh sa ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Ní mór a thabhairt faoi deara go bhfuil Gerry Adams ar egotistical féin-profiler a bheadh agus níor aon ní a dhéanamh a profiteer as an gcoinbhleacht seicteach sa tuaisceart, mar sin tá féin-obsessed Gerry Adams faoi chosaint a saibhreas ábhar agus áit sa stair, a cheilt sé an banéigean leanaí roinnt laistigh dá chiorcal an teaghlaigh féin. Gerry Adams thug a athair Gerry Adams Snr ar shochraid stíl lán-IRA, nuair a bhí a fhios Gerry Adams gur úsáid a athair a phost i Sinn Féin / IRA le banéigean leanaí iomadúla agus go Gerry Adams Snr bhí informer RUC. Gerry Adams ar fáil succor ar a dheartháir Liam Dominic Adams, nuair a fhios aige go raibh raped Liam leanbh ceithre bliana d’aois. Is é rud a i aindlí na coimhlinte seicteach waged ag sceimhlitheoirí ndílseoirí agus poblachtach, oibriú go leor de na coirpigh na hÉireann gnéas is bisiúil agus rapists leanbh sraitheach le saoirse ó phionós agus díolúine leis an eolas ar cheannaireacht an Féin / IRA Sinn. Líon suntasach de cheannaireacht an Féin / IRA Sinn Cuireadh isteach ar ionas go mbeidh siad a earcaíodh go héasca agus manipulated ag an tSeirbhís Rúnda na Breataine. Faoi dheireadh, bheadh an tseirbhís rúnda na Breataine a bhaint amach le Sinn Féin / IRA an méid a bhí bainte amach an FBI / CIA leis an Páirtí Cumannach i Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá sna 1970í, bheadh a bheith ar an tseirbhís rúnda na Breataine tríd a gcuid gníomhairí agus fáisnéiseoirí páirtithe leasmhara is mó i Sinn Féin / IRA. Mar sin, bhí sé nár tugadh an Arm na Breataine i an taobh ó thuaidh mar ‘síochána coimeádaithe’. An t-arm na Breataine a bhí beatha ar dtús agus thug tae ag Caitlicigh buíoch go leor a d’fhulaing a oiread sin ar na lámha mobs dílseoirí. Go deimhin, bhí an ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann a chur ar dtús ar bun ar pholasaí aon shoot i ndáil leis an Arm na Breataine, cuireadh an beartas seo i bhfeidhm mar Arm na Breataine Cuireadh fáilte roimh sin ar dtús, áfach, ní raibh an IRA aon pholasaí den sórt sin i ndáil le Protastúnaigh agus lean siad do Phrotastúnaigh dúnmharú ar toil. Ach bheadh a úsáideadh arm na Breataine a bhriseadh suas aon-dul limistéir agus bhí an comhlacht is mó de dhualgas ar an Imtheorannú na gCaitliceach Gaeilge a ról mar ‘choimeádaí síochána’ a chaitheamh tanaí go tapa. Níl aon amhras ach go Imtheorannú, bhí na bhriseadh suas ar aon-dul limistéir agus mishaps féin an IRA thugann sé cumhdach árachais nach bhféadfadh an IRA feidhmiú ag a lánacmhainneacht. Bhí sé seo nach féidir a oibriú ag a lánacmhainneacht a thug foolishly Rialtais na Breataine agus na hÉireann chun a chreidiúint go bhféadfadh an IRA a defeated mar chas an gnáth daoine ar shiúl ó na fir an fhoréigin. D’fhéadfaí an gnáth daoine a cheannach amach le leasuithe i Stormont agus an IRA defeated ag aonrú agus príosúnacht, cheap an Rialtas. Rialtas na hÉireann faoi Jack Lynch a bhí ar ais díreach ó an chonspóid a sholáthar gunnaí don IRA chuma réidh agus toilteanach a ghlacadh ar seachas an IRA fhulaingt. Bhí Lynch tacaíocht i gcúinne mar a bhí sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha ar athraíodh a ionad cheana féin i bPoblacht na hÉireann i 1972 agus óstáin tine bombed i mBaile Átha Cliath agus na dílseoirí a dúirt go mbeadh siad a chur i gcrích ionsaithe breise más rud é nach raibh Rialtas na hÉireann seasamh suas go dtí an IRA. An dílseoirí raibh mórán ar ais agus dúnmharú sibhialtaigh neamhchiontach i Muineachán agus Baile Átha Cliath. Ag an Sinn Féin Ard Fheis i 1972, an Príomh-PIRA Foirne, ní raibh Mac Stiofáin ag tairiscint Lynch aon dóchas chomhréiteach nuair a dúirt sé nach mbeadh aon chomhréiteach leis na Breataine; bhí sé go léir nó aon rud, “Brits Out”. Lynch chinn go raibh sé in am a chur ar an IRA Sealadach amach as gnó agus go raibh sé Mac Stiofáin ghabháil agus i bpríosún. Sa bhliain 1973, nuair a gabhadh Seamus Twomey ghlac Gerry Adams níos mó ná mar oifigeach ceannais an IRA i mBéal Feirste. An cheannaireacht Adams a bhí go maith in ann a mheaitseáil leis an líon comhlacht a tharla faoi Twomey i 1972 a léamh, 81 Caitlicigh neamhchiontach agus 41 Protastúnaigh neamhchiontach den chuid is mó dúnmharaíodh in aon ionsaithe rabhaidh buama IRA. Ina leabhar, ‘Voices ó na Grave’, tugann Ed Moloney léargas soiléir ar an ról a bhí ag Adams nuair a atáirgeann Moloney agallamh a rinne sé le Hughes ‘Darkie’ Breandán sular éag Brendan sa bhliain 2009. Brendan Hughes a bhí ina chara dlúth agus comrade de Gerry Adams líomhnaíonn go raibh Adams an duine a d’ordaigh an dúnmharú agus adhlacadh rúnda na Máthar Caitliceach neamhchiontach de deich, Jean Mc Conville. An bloodbath seicteach a bhí cur thar maoil agus Rialtais na Breataine agus na hÉireann a bhí ag caillteanas ar cad ba chóir an chéad chéim eile. Tá an feachtas seicteach an PIRA agus go deimhin Gerry Adams gabhadh fearr ag Adams féin ina leabhar A Pathway to Síochána. As na difríochtaí idir an Éire ama Tone agus Éirinn an lae inniu, unquestionably ar cheann de na is faoi deara – cé go bhfad ó bheith ar an is suntasaí – Is é an dearcadh polaitiúil athraithe ar mhais Protastúnaigh, go háirithe sa Tuaisceart. In ionad a fhoirmiú aontas croíúil eatarthu lena n-Éireannaigh eile a reáchtáil ina dtír féin ar a son féin a leasa féin, a aimsiú siad iad féin ag na príosúnaigh ar an seicteachas, iontaisithe pholaitiúil-reiligiúnach atá entrenched agus institiúideacha mar chuid dhílis de chóras impiriúil riaracháin i na sé chontae. [1] Adams theipeann a fheiceáil ina fhocail féin ar an seicteachas an-chuid pholaitíocht féin ar an bhfíric go bhfuil na básanna de níos mó ná trí mhíle duine den chuid is mó neamhchiontach i daichead bliain an bháis poblachtach agus scrios thiomáint ar ding dosháraithe idir Protastúnaigh agus Caitlicigh. Teaghlaigh mórán ar an daonra ó thuaidh de 1.5 milliún a fágadh gan mhá gáinne ag an dá fhoréigean dílseora agus poblachtach, na básanna de níos mó ná trí mhíle, tá an maiming na mílte, i bpríosún na mílte d’fhág an pobal Protastúnach níos bunúsaí i gcoinne na Gaeilge D’fhéadfadh Aontacht seachas an Stát na Breataine a bhaint amach i dtír eile céad bliain ocht riail Imperial. Suimiúil cé go bhfuil an fíoras sin go mbeadh Adams féin a bheith ar deireadh thiar mar chuid de agus cabhrú copair-iamh a ndéantar cur síos air mar a leanas: Is cuid dhílis den chóras impiriúil riaracháin sna sé chontae Cé go leanfaidh Adams agus comhaltaí eile an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun iarracht a dhéanamh agus a chur ag gabháil a n-branda na poblachtas leis sin de Wolfe Tone, níl aon nasc, níl aon iatán. Wolfe Tone ionadaíocht ar mhianta a Éireannach daoine aontaithe idir Protastúnaigh agus Caitlicigh ag troid le haghaidh stíl Phoblacht saor Impiriúlachas na Breataine na Fraince, ní poblachtachas lá nua-aimseartha cathach thagann faoi scáth Poblacht Wolfe Tone ar. Adams Leanann chun tagairt a dhéanamh Wolfe Tone agus daoine eile mar na starters an ghnó neamhchríochnaithe, mar má tá an obair Wolfe Tone le fáil sa pholaitíocht sheicteach de 20th/21st haois Sinn Féin / IRA. Sa doiciméad Sinn Féin An Evolution de Shinn Féin (1995) seo. Inmhianaithe nasc le Wolfe Tone agus daoine eile atá déanta sé huaire, nach mbeadh sé seo a bheith chomh suntasach más rud é nach raibh sé seo aon doiciméad leathanach Tá an iarracht ag an Adams linage a éileamh ar an IRA sean le feiceáil go soiléir sa scríobh ath-Leabhar Glas an IRA i 1977. San eagrán 1956 de Leabhar Glas an IRA nach bhfuil na húdair i mbun aon dlisteanú ar an streachailt armtha thar a chomhthéacs stairiúil in aghaidh slí bheatha. Éilimh an t-eagrán 1977 a bhí scríofa ag Gerry Adams agus poblachtaigh le rá eile dlisteanacht díreach ó chomhaltaí na Dála dara, a d’aistrigh a n-údarás ar an IRA i 1938 tar éis an táthcheangail an Airm an IRA Chomhairle Sean Russell. Antony Mc Antyre príosúnach iar poblachtach, anois acadúil agus scoláire a deir go bhfuil; Tá an ghluaiseacht nua-aimseartha phoblachtach a bhí leanúnach ar an táirge straitéisí Stáit na Breataine seachas comhlacht a bhí ann chun na críche sin amháin atá sé an gnó neamhchríochnaithe de uniting na hÉireann. [2] Murab ionann agus cad a tréith impiriúlach motives chineál poblachtaigh don Stát na Breataine, tá sé fós in Éirinn mar fhreagra ar na héilimh Protastúnach / Aontachtach chun fanacht na Breataine. Is é seo an anailís ceart agus ceann Thacaigh i mo chuid taighde féin a ligean isteach phoblachtánaigh a bheith aitheanta go raibh Protastúnaigh an chonstaic fíor Éire aontaithe chomh luath agus is na 1970í. Stáit Tugwell sin; Bheadh sé sin feachtas (IRA foréigean) úsáid a bhaint as an dlí idirnáisiúnta, fo-iarsmaí baile agus eacnamaíoch streachailt armtha ar Rialtas na Breataine agus ‘Poiblí’ a chur faoi deara an t-athrú is gá ón stát na Breataine féachaint ar dTuaisceart na hÉireann mar shócmhainn do dhliteanas. Tar éis dhá scór bliain d’fhoréigean seicteach mar thoradh i níos mó ná trí mhíle bás, agus comhaireamh, bhí a bhformhór acu i dTuaisceart Éireann, is féidir leis an bpobal anois a bheith sainithe níos soiléire a bheith go fisiciúil agus psychologically na daoine na Breataine Protastúnach Thuaisceart Éireann agus psychologically agus go heacnamúil na Breataine daoine Sasana, in Albain agus sa Bhreatain Bheag. Bheadh gach duine acu a fheiceáil ar deireadh thiar na buntáistí a bhaineann Éire aontaithe, ach amháin na féimheachta seicteach na gluaiseachta poblachtach tugadh faoi deara den chéad uair. Suas go dtí Meán Fómhair 1973 bhí mhair an feachtas buamála an IRA roinnt míonna le bás agus lot bheith mar chuid den ghnáthamh laethúil do mhuintir Bhéal Feirste agus i nDoire. Thóg an Rialtas Lynch líne diana i gcoinne na fir an fhoréigin agus go raibh tús le clár leanúnach de frith-sceimhlitheoireachta reachtaíocht mar foircneacha agus mar diana mar an freagra na Breataine do na fir an fhoréigin. 1974 Cuireadh tús leis na buamaí plandáil Sealadach IRA ar fud an tuaiscirt agus i mBirmingham (Sasana). Teachtaireacht an PIRA ar Bhliain Nua a bhí; Táimid ag tnúth le muinín go 1974 mar bhliain a mbeidh an riail na Breataine in Éirinn a díothaíodh agus an curse na cumhachta eachtrannach banished as ár talún le haghaidh gach am. Ar an 28 Meitheamh tar éis filleadh ar an Tuaisceart nua toghcháin Éireann fiche triúr iarrthóirí aontachtach Oifigiúil, iarrthóirí dílseoirí fiche a seacht, naoi gcinn déag SDLP (Caitliceach), ocht Alliance (tras-phobail) agus DUP (dílseoirí). Ar an Máirt an 14 Bealtaine, 1974 ag 6:00 sa tráthnóna, vótáil an Tionól 44-28 i bhfabhar leasú Faulkner ar tacú leis an Comhaontú Sunningdale le haghaidh athchóiriú. Oibrithe Comhairle Uladh (Protastúnach / dílseoirí) a fógraíodh ar stailc cúige. An thuaidh tháinig chun standstill mar a bhí Protastúnaigh post lárnach i ngach ceann de na lárionaid rialaithe fóntais sa tuaisceart-áirítear leictreachas agus uisce. Dílseoirí sheoladh dronga báis ar ais i bPoblacht na hÉireann arís eile agus ar an 17 Bealtaine, 1974 phléasc siad buamaí i mBaile Átha Cliath agus i Muineachán a mharú an iliomad sibhialtaigh neamhchiontach agus díobháil na céadta níos mó. Ní raibh an Rialtas na Breataine faoi Saothair Príomh-Aire, Harold Wilson ullmhaíodh a bhriseadh an stailc dílseoirí. Imeaglú, ganntanas bia, ganntanas uisce agus ganntanas leictreach ar aghaidh, bhí easpa gnímh Wilson dhéanamh ach cúrsaí níos measa. Wilson ag cosaint an nua Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann ar a dtugtar an dílseoirí, “spongers ar an bpobal na Breataine”. An neart na stailce dílseoirí bhí i bhfad ró do na polaiteoirí bunreachtúla agus nuair a d’iarr Faulkner Rúnaí Stáit, Rees chun labhairt leis an UWC agus Rees dhiúltaigh Faulkner agus a chomhghleacaithe dílseoirí éirigh agus Sunningdale thit. Idir an dá linn a bhí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach arís ag cogadh laistigh dá céimeanna féin. I 1974 ar a dtugtar an Oifigiúla IRA luaidhe ag Goulding an PIRA “fascists” mar níos mó splits thosaigh unfold. Neamhchinnteacht Poblachtach manifested féin isteach scoilt eile fós, ar na 8 Nollaig, 1974 a chruthaigh Seamus Costello agus eile uncompromising baill IRA Oifigiúil an IRSP (INLA) eile fós grúpa splinter phoblachtach. I 1975 baill den INLA maraíodh roinnt a gcomrádaithe iar Oifigiúil IRA. An INLA a bheadh ag beag i líon chruthú chun bheith ina meaisín marú seicteach ruthless, ach amháin a rinneadh i líon agus ghníomhas ag an PIRA, áfach, cosúil leis an PIRA an INLA a bhí lán le gníomhairí na Breataine agus Freestate. I 1974 thit an IRA Oifigiúil abstentionism do Westminster agus Thuaisceart Éireann choinbhinsiún agus bhí siad amach as gnó an fhoréigin, ar a laghad ar aon leibhéal polaitiúil. Ón 22 Nollaig, 1974 go dtí 2 Eanáir, 1975 ar a dtugtar an PIRA a scoirfidh-tine mar a dúradh leo go má léirigh siad go maith a bheidh-bhféadfaí cainteanna leis na Breataine ar siúl. Rees Merlyn, an Rúnaí Stáit Thuaisceart Éireann dúirt ar an 20 Nollaig, ní raibh aon ghnóthais a tugadh. An IRA síneadh leis an scoirfidh-tine ar feadh dhá sheachtain cuimhin, an scríbhneoir a bheith 11 bliain d’aois ag an am sin, go scoirfidh an IRA-tine go maith, ach go raibh dóchas ar ceal go luath. Rees dhiúltaigh chun labhairt go díreach leis an IRA agus ar 16 Eanáir ar ais an IRA le foréigean, tar éis úsáid an scoirfidh-tine a fháil eagraithe agus rearmed. Ar an 9 Feabhra, 1975 d’fhógair an Airm an IRA Comhairle éiginnte scoirfidh-tine tar éis plé le hoifigigh na Breataine. Dílseoirí ar aghaidh, áfach, a mharú Caitlicigh neamhchiontach agus an INLA agus Oifigiúil IRA ar aghaidh a mharú chéile. Ba mhaith leis an Rialtas na Breataine ní nach nó a d’fhéadfadh a thabhairt dearbhú rúin chun tarraingt siar as Tuaisceart Éireann agus an PIRA ar aghaidh ag úsáid bagairt an fhoréigin. An dílseoirí chreid go raibh an IRA scoirfidh-tine ach ploy ag an PIRA a fháil athghrúpáil agus rearmed agus go raibh filleadh ar fhoréigean scála iomlán ach ceist ama. Tá an PIRA theastaigh Rialtas na Breataine a bheith persuaders de na daoine Protastúnach Thuaisceart Éireann de na buntáistí a bhaineann Éire aontaithe; ní raibh sé seo ag dul a tharlóidh sa ghearrthéarma. An chéad cheithre chaibidil den leabhar seo a bheith dírithe ar an aischéimniú na gluaiseachta poblachtach a bhí ag titim i gcónaí ar ais i daille pholaitiúil-seicteach mar aon le feud inmheánach agus easaontas. Tá an fócas lárnach an bpointe seo an brutality fisiciúil agus síceolaíoch de na daoine Protastúnach i dTuaisceart Éireann d’fhonn a chomhéigniú siad ag ‘Éire Aontaithe. Nach bhfuil dílseoirí faultless, áfach, ní mór idirdhealú soiléir a dhéanamh idir Protastúnaigh gnáth-mhaith ag obair go dian agus an líon beag de choirpigh a rinne suas an squads dúnmharaithe dílseoirí. Tá an chaibidil seo léirithe freisin go raibh sí sásta Gerry Adams a cheilt ar an éigniú leanaí agus an dúnmharú neamhchiontach fir, mná agus leanaí a ordú d’fhonn a chosaint ar a stíl mhaireachtála brabúsaí, mar shampla. [1] Page 44 Adams, 1988 [2] Page 98 Léann Polaitiúil na hÉireann, 1995 Deireadh Fómhair A Arm Rúnda Measartha – Caibidil 5 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 5 – Príosúin agus Ocrais-stailceanna D’fhonn iarracht a dhéanamh agus a thuiscint an treo a ghlac an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach (Sinn Féin / PIRA) go háirithe an Ordú an Tuaiscirt ó na 1970í 1980í déanacha go luath go bhfuil sé riachtanach chun iarracht a dhéanamh agus a thuiscint an ról a bhí ag príosúnaigh phoblachtacha agus go háirithe a Stailceanna Ocrais 1980 agus 1981. Roimh an Lá 1 Márta, 1976 Tugadh príosúnaigh IRA cearta cimí polaitiúla, áfach, arís léirigh Rialtas na Breataine a n-easpa tuisceana ar an choimhlint ó thuaidh nuair a bhain siad go stádas polaitiúil ó Óglaigh na hÉireann agus príosúnaigh phoblachtacha eile a bhí lonnaithe atá i Jail Bóthar Chromghlinne (athchuir), An Cheis Fhada Jail (pianbhreith) agus Ard Mhacha (jail na mban). Bhí sé dosheachanta go mbeadh deireadh a chur le stádas polaitiúil ó phríosúnaigh phoblachtacha a thabhairt faoi fheachtas agóide mar gur chreid na príosúnaigh phoblachtacha a ngníomhartha féin a bheith polaitiúla seachas coiriúla. Ina leabhar Creideann na Sealadach IRA Bishop agus Mallie gur imir príosúnaigh phoblachtacha ról lárnach maidir le treo na Shinn Féin / IRA nuair a deir siad; I ndeireadh na seachtóidí agus imeachtaí sna hochtóidí go luath taobh istigh den phríosún (An Maze / Long Kesh) a bhí chomh tábhachtach imeachtaí lasmuigh agus éabhlóid an ghluaiseacht phoblachtánach isteach ina chruth reatha de thoradh ar shraith de ghníomhartha agus imoibrithe a reverberated ar ais agus amach thar na ballaí an phríosúin. [1] Tar éis deireadh a chur le stádas polaitiúil ó phríosúnaigh phoblachtacha iarracht na húdaráis Bhriotanacha chun bhfeidhm phoblachtánaigh na hÉireann a chaitheamh éide phríosúin seachas a gcuid éadaí féin. Ba é Kieran Nuggent (RIP) an príosúnach poblachtach chéad diúltú a chaitheamh an éide phríosúin agus mar sin thosaigh an blaincéad / agóid salach. Fágadh cimí Poblachtach naked ina gcillíní agus ní raibh brat a chlúdach leo. Seo a fhorbairt ansin isteach agóid salach nuair a dhiúltaigh cimí a fhágáil ina gcillíní agus eiscréid daonna, fágadh fual agus dramhaíl bhia ar na hurláir ceall nó rubbed ar na ballaí. Tá na coinníollacha a bhí salach agus mídhaonna. Ba é an cuntas is fearr agam riamh a léamh ón taobh istigh Cheis Fhada a bhaineann leis an tréimhse leabhar le ocras IRA bhuailteoir Bobby Sands i dteideal lá amháin i mo Bheatha. [2] Léiríonn an leabhar gearr ag Sands an mídhaonnacht an méid a bhí sraith de go hiomlán gan ghá imthosca cruthaithe ag an Rialtas i bhfad i gcéin agus uninterested na Breataine. An agóid blaincéad / salach chuaigh beagnach nach dtugtar ar feadh ceithre bliana dóibh siúd i údarás. Bhí go leor de brutality sna príosúin agus mar a maraíodh ar an iliomad thoradh ar oifigigh phríosúin ag an IRA ar an taobh amuigh. Faoi dheireadh na bliana 1980 shocraigh na príosúnaigh phoblachtacha dul ar stailc ocrais chun iarracht a aird idirnáisiúnta a tharraingt ar a gcás siúd. Roinnt seachtainí isteach sa stailc ocrais chéad agus ar an oíche go rabhthas ag súil IRA ocras bhuailteoir Sean Mc Kenna go bás ina sheirbhíseach sinsearach Sibhialta na Breataine ar fáil le déileáil leis na príosúnaigh phoblachtacha. Ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann i bPríosún Cheis Fhada leis an déileáil agus ar a dtugtar as an stailc ocrais. Mar sin féin, tharraing na Breataine an déileáil agus ar stailc ocrais dara dosheachanta. Tá go leor poblachtánaigh mar a chreideann go mbeadh na Breataine a dheonú go socair ar éilimh na príosúnaigh má thugtar am agus go raibh stailc ocrais an dara ach cur amú beatha daonna. Mar sin féin, creidtear go forleathan go raibh an cheannaireacht pholaitiúil na gluaiseachta poblachtach an stailc ocrais dara mar a bhí feicthe acu conas a raibh daoine ag tosú i ngleic leis an stailc ocrais ar dtús. An cheannaireacht pholaitiúil chreid go bhféadfadh siad a dhéanamh a fháil pholaitiúil ó stailceanna ocrais. Mar sin, bhí sé ansin gur ar an 1 Márta, 1981, cuireadh tús le Bobby Sands ar stailc ocrais dara Cheis Fhada. Ar shonraigh an gcéad lá den chuid Sands stailc ocrais; Agam nach mé ag fáil bháis ach chun deireadh a chur le barbarity na Bloic H. (Cheis Fhada), nó chun aitheantas a fháil rightful mar phríosúnach polaitiúil, ach go príomha mar gheall ar cad atá caillte i anseo caillte don phoblacht agus iad siúd oppressed wretched, a bhfuil mé bródúil as a fhios mar na daoine ardaigh. Ba mhaith Bobby Sands i gceannas ar stailc ocrais a bheadh a fheiceáil deich fir óga Gaeilge bás. Ba é an stailc ocrais i dtéarmaí a éileamh polaitiúla teip, cé go mbeadh na Breataine ar ais sa deireadh stádas polaitiúil do na príosúnaigh. Mar sin féin, lasmuigh de na príosúin a bheadh Sinn Féin teacht ar líne a saol nua polaitiúil mar thoradh ar an tonn bá an phobail do na stailceoirí ocrais. Daoine riamh a raibh tacaíocht Sinn Féin nó an IRA a bhí raged amach go Príomh-Aire, gur cheadaigh Thatcher deich fir óga bás ar feadh éilimh cúpla simplí. Go gairid tar éis Sands Bobby ag tosú ar a ocras stailc an MP (Comhalta de Pharlaimint) don dáilcheantar toghcháin Fhear Manach agus Thír Eoghain Theas, a fuair bás Frank Maguire. An bás an-tóir Frank Maguire i láthair deis do Shinn Féin a chur Sands Bobby ar aghaidh mar iarrthóir stailc ocrais le haghaidh suíomh na bhFear Manach / Deisceart Thír Eoghain. Lasmuigh de na príosúin an cheannaireacht poblachtach Phléigh a mbeadh Sands a ionadaíonn agus cé bhratach a bheadh sé ar siúl ar feadh toghchán. An ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ag iarraidh a uasmhéadú vóta Sands ina dhiaidh sin chreid siad go mbeadh thaispeáint ar an domhan taobh amuigh ó thuaidh go raibh a chúis chóir. Faoi dheireadh ag cruinniú i gContae Mhuineacháin i bPoblacht na hÉireann cinneadh gur chóir Sands seasamh i dtoghchán go simplí mar iarrthóir H-Blocanna seachas Sinn Féin, chreid poblachtaigh d’fhéadfadh sé seo uasmhéadú an vóta mar a d’fhéadfadh daoine a vótáil ar an gceist phríosúin aonair in áit ná aon rud níos dlúithe a bhaineann le poblachtachas cathach. An politicos laistigh den cheannaireacht poblachtach a fhios go bhféadfadh siad leas aon vóta suntasach bainte amach ag Sands i dtoghcháin ina dhiaidh sin cibé acu a mhair Sands nó a fuair bás. Tá sé ar eolas anois ó go leor de na stailceoirí ocrais a mhair go ndearna an t-Féin / IRA Sinn ceannaireacht brú ar na príosúnaigh d’fhonn iad a bhfeidhm chun a n-básanna. Tá sé ar eolas gur tháinig cuid mhór den bhrú ó na laistigh den ceannaireacht a íocadh gníomhairí na Breataine, go mbeadh na gníomhairí a neartú le tacaíocht pholaitiúil agus a n-láimhseálaithe a fhios seo. John Hume (Duais Síochána Nobel Buaiteoir) agus ceannaire an SDLP (bunreachtúla Náisiúnach / Caitliceach páirtí) tharraing a pháirtí ó Fhear Manach agus Thír Eoghain Theas toghcháin nuair a dúirt sé: “Ní bheidh muid a dhéanamh ar an Rialtas na Breataine ar obair salach dóibh”. Mar sin féin, taobh thiar seasamh go poiblí luaite John Hume ar leagan an réaltacht an staid ag an am a bhí go mbeadh an phobail comhbhrón le óg Caitliceach na hÉireann ag fáil bháis ó ocras tar éis wiped an SDLP amach i gceann dá strongholds. Toghadh Bobby Sands le tromlach thar an samhlaíocht na fiú na díograiseoirí is mó a feachtas toghcháin n-áirítear an t-údar. Scrios an t-iarrthóir aontachtach a bhí defeated a trí Sands nuair a dúirt sé go poiblí: “Ní shíl mé go mbeadh na Caitlicigh mhaith de Fhear Manach vótáil ar son an gunman” Léiríonn na tuairimí ag an iarrthóir aontachtach defeated go soiléir gur theip ar aontachtaithe a thuiscint ar an bhfíric nach raibh an pobal Caitliceach votáil ar son gunman, ach bhí votáil ar son óg Caitliceach na hÉireann a bhí á ghann chun báis ag Rialtas uncaring na Breataine. Ar cuairt go Béal Feirste ar an 28 Bealtaine, 1981, léirigh Príomh Aire na Breataine, Thatcher a aineolas Poblachtánach cathach agus comhbhrón Caitliceach do na stailceoirí ocrais nuair a dúirt sí: “Ag tabhairt aghaidh leis an teip a chur faoi deara discredited, tá na fir an fhoréigin a roghnaíodh le roinnt míonna anuas a imirt d’fhéadfadh a bheith go maith a gcárta deireanach”. Tá an IRA fhreagair ráiteas Thatcher ar ag marú oifigeach póilíní. A thug Thatcher ina aineolas ar an bhfadhb Gaeilge an cheannaireacht poblachtach an inchreidteacht agus comhbhrón a bhí chuir dúil insan siad ar fad. Brendan O’Leary Tacaíonn an dearcadh seo nuair a deir sé: “Miscalculated Thatcher cinnte ar na hiarmhairtí a obstinacy: Sinn Féin a bhí ann ‘a leathnú an chatha’ agus bheith ina lucht toghcháin”. [3] Ní raibh an tonn nua de ‘tóir’ do ghluaiseacht phoblachtach dul un-deara ag sceimhlitheoirí dílseoirí. Suas go dtí bhuaileann an ocras na dronga báis dílseoirí a bhí frithghníomhach. Rinneadh na dronganna dílseoirí suas de ghnéithe den chuid is mó coiriúil bhí cuid acu múnlaithe agus faoi threoir ag na Seirbhísí Breataine Rúnda. An heightening an fheachtais poblachtach trí na stailceanna ocrais le rioting taispeántais, agus dúnmharú a tugadh faoi athrú ar an stíl ghníomhaíocht sceimhlitheoireachta dílseoirí. Sceimhlitheoirí nDílseoirí i bhfoirm na Óglaigh Uladh Fórsa (UVF) agus Uladh Fighters Shaoráil (uff) a thuilleadh ullmhaithe go simplí imoibríoch le foréigean phoblachtach. Mar a baineadh na baill níos sine den sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha trí úsáid a bhaint Super-féara (sceimhlitheoirí a sheal fianaise Stáit) go raibh siad in ionad tapa ag níos óige ‘níos’ gníomhaígh ruthless, a thosaigh feachtas réamhghníomhach i ndúnmharú i gcoinne an phobal Caitliceach. Tá sé tábhachtach a thuiscint ar ról agus ar nádúr na sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha laistigh den choimhlint ó thuaidh. Cé go raibh poblachtaigh rochtain le linn na gCaitliceach ar fud Oileán na hÉireann agus bhí laistigh dá daoine céimeanna ó siúlóidí éagsúla den saol, grúpaí sceimhlitheoireachta dílseoirí rinneadh den chuid is mó suas de a bhí fágtha níos mó ná nuair a bhí Protastúnaigh a bhí ag iarraidh a bheith gníomhach sa choimhlint Chuaigh an Arm na Breataine, RUC, Seirbhís Phríosúin na, Seirbhís Sicréideach agus mar sin de agus mar sin de. Mar sin, i bhfeidhm Rinneadh grúpaí sceimhlitheoireachta dílseoirí suas de na overs chlé. Chiallaigh sé sin go raibh sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha gnéithe coiriúla agus unsavory go leor laistigh dá céimeanna ón tús an-. Tá cuid de na dronga báis bunaíodh iad, mar shampla an Búistéirí na Seanchille thaispeáint go soiléir go mbaineann dílseoirí go leor sa halla na Laochra le gnéas leanbh killers Myra Hindley agus Ian Brady, bheadh go leor ‘poblachtaigh’ lena n-áirítear Gerry Adams Snr agus concealers de chuid coireanna titim isteach an chatagóir céanna. Ba mhaith leis an 1981 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (comhdháil náisiúnta) a chur ar fáil an t-ardán le haghaidh Danny Morrison, a poblachtach le rá ag an am sin, a chur ar an tairne teoiriciúil i gcónra an luaidhe ordú IRAs ó dheas ag O’Bradaigh nuair a d’iarr Morrison na toscairí; “An mbeidh duine ar bith anseo réad má le páipéar ballóide sa lámh agus Armalite sa lámh a chur orainn cumhachta in Éirinn?” Ní raibh an ordú thuaidh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach stepping ar ais ó poblachtas cathach mar gheall ar thuig siad an futility an fhoréigin, ach ag iarraidh a glacadh le cur chuige rian cúpla mar gur chreid siad go bhféadfadh sainordú toghchánach a bheith díreach úsáideach mar mar arm de comhéigean i gcoinne an Protastúnach daoine i dtuaisceart an Armalite. Bheadh an cur chuige rian cúpla cabhrú freisin le gluaiseacht phoblachtach tógáil ar a cháil idirnáisiúnta go háirithe i measc Meiriceánaigh Gaeilge a bheadh níos flaithiúil lena n-dollar gan a bheith a bhraitheann ró-ciontach faoi na hiarmhairtí a naivety. An polasaí Thacaigh go hiomlán agus bhí sé in am do cheannaireacht theas chun dlús a chur ar ceal mar an cheannaireacht thuaidh faoi Mc Guinness agus Adams ag ullmhú le gluaiseacht phoblachtach a ghlacadh chun an leibhéal eile. Buaileann an chéad deis do na politicos thuaidh a thástáil amach a sainordú toghchánach le comhbhrón an ocras úr go fóill in intinn daoine a bhí i mí Dheireadh Fómhair 1982. An t-údar a bhí fós ach ina dhéagóir linn na tréimhse seo ach bhí cheana féin sa ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar feadh dhá bhliain. Bhí sceitimíní Poblachtánaigh maidir leis an bhféidearthacht a bhfuil daoine tofa agus aitheantas a fháil don ‘chúis’. Na toghcháin a bhí an Tionól nua Thuaisceart Éireann a bhí bunaithe ag an Rúnaí Stáit Thuaisceart Éireann, James Roimh. Ba é an Tionól nua an toradh míonna fada d’obair chrua ag Roimh agus roinnt de na polaiteoirí bunreachtúla an Tuaiscirt. Ba é an seans go raibh gach duine ag fanacht. Chreid a lán go mbeadh Sinn Féin ábalta aon rud cosúil leis an vótaíocht stailceoirí ocrais, áfach, bhuaigh Sinn Féin cúig shuíochán. Sinn Féin fuair 64, 191 vótaí le haghaidh an Tionól nua. Léiríodh an forlámhas thuaidh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach i makeup an Chomhairle Ard (comhlacht rialaithe Sinn Féin), i gceannas ag Gerry Adams. Faoi 1986 ní raibh ach seisear dá chomhaltaí ó dheisceart na hÉireann. Ach bean amháin a bhí ann ag leibhéal ceannaireachta ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach. Gerry Adams agus Martin Mc Guinness Bhí suíochán ag tábla an dá de na Comhairle Ard Sinn Féin agus an Airm an IRA Comhairle. Faoi 1985 bhí bheith Sinn Féin bunaithe go maith, ach níl aon amhras go raibh an IRA fós i gceannas ar Shinn Féin, i dtéarmaí pearsanra ceannaireachta. Sa bhliain 1986 bhí ochtar ball den Chomhairle Ard i IRA, á rialú go soiléir ag an IRA. Rinneadh achoimriú an rialú ag an Príomh-IRA Foirne, Kevin Mc Kenna i 1994 nuair le linn agallaimh a bhí ag trácht sé ar na cainteanna idir Rialtas na Breataine agus an cheannaireacht Poblachtach, a dúirt sé; ”Chomh fada is go bhfuil na buachaillí leis na balaclavas ann chun féachaint ar cad atá ar siúl againn a bheith ceart go leor”. Kevin Mc Kenna bhí agus más fear de cúpla focal agus ar an ócáid seo údar a bhí á interrogated ag Comhaontú na Breataine, atreoraíodh Kevin Mc Kenna le mo interrogators mar an executioner. I 1983 Sinn Féin, Uachtarán, toghadh Gerry Adams MP do Bhéal Feirste Thiar. Ceannaireacht pholaitiúil / míleataí ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach sa tuaisceart a bhí ag brú ar aghaidh leis a straitéis dúbailte. Foréigean sa tuaisceart a bhí áit in aice chomh hard is a bhí sé go luath sna seachtóidí agus mar sin d’fhonn smacht a fháil níos mó de na gníomhaíochta IRA an t-ordú thuaidh laghdaíodh an líon a comhaltaí IRA gníomhach ó 1000 anuas go dtí 250. An feachtas an IRA ag éileamh i bhfad i dtéarmaí na n-arm, tithe sábháilte agus mar sin de dhíth ach líon réasúnta beag de killers iarbhír a choinneáil ar a bhfeachtas leanúnach. Mc Guinness agus Adams choinnigh a gcuid suíocháin ar an tábla an Airm an IRA Comhairle. D’fhan an Airm an IRA Chomhairle an comhlacht uachtaracha Rialaithe ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach ar a chuid cruinnithe neamhrialta a chinneadh IRA beartas agus an bealach chun cinn maidir le gluaiseacht phoblachtach. Mar sin, bhí sé gur chreid roinnt laistigh den ceannaireacht poblachtach, mar shampla Mc Guinness agus Adams gurb é an bealach is fearr chun cinn tríd an gcur chuige rian cúpla ar an bhosca ballóide sa lámh amháin agus an Armalite sa tír eile, i gceist leis an straitéis seo go bhfuil ceannairí IRA, mar shampla D’fhéadfadh Kevin Mc Kenna leanúint ar aghaidh le feachtas a míleata aonair minded. Mar sin, bhí sé go bhféadfadh an cur chuige rian cúpla a choinneáil ar gach duine sásta, áfach, nach bhféadfaí go deireanach go deo mar a bhí a fhios poblachtaigh as a stair. Tá sé anois áirithe go raibh go leor de na ceannaireachta poblachtach gníomhairí na Breataine agus na Breataine araon breathnú ar na ndílseoirí agus eagraíochtaí sceimhlitheoireachta poblachtacha mar gheallearbfaidh a imirt ar a n-fóillíochta, bhí na Breataine sásta ligean a gcuid gníomhairí a mharú agus buama d’fhonn a fháil stádas níos airde laistigh den cheannaireacht an dá eagraíocht phoblachtacha agus dhílseacha sceimhlitheoireachta. Thug an tSeirbhís Rúnda na Breataine mar gheall ar an a thabhairt suas go leor de na heagraíochtaí is éifeachtaí sceimhlitheoireachta ar fud an domhain agus mar sin ag imirt McGuinness agus Adams a bhí spraoi an linbh. [1] Page 346 Bishop agus Mallie, 1994 [2] http://www.amazon.com/One-Day-Life-Bobby-Sands/dp/1856353494 [3] Page 120 Léann Polaitiúil Gaeilge An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 6 – Seicteachas – Super-féara – Rannán Tar éis an Ghorta stailceanna-an Sealadach IRA Arm na Comhairle faoi cheannas Gerry Adams agus Martin Mc Guinness ordaigh roinnt de killings próifíl ard seicteach. An call atá leis an seicteachas follasach mar gheall ar an dearcadh triumphant de roinnt ceannairí Protastúnacha le linn na poblachtach Ocras-stailceanna. Ba iad na sprioc is suntasaí de na hionsaithe seo follasach seicteach an MP Aontachtach Oifigiúil do Bhéal Feirste Theas an tUrramach Robert Bradford. Tá na dúnmharuithe próifíl ard seicteach Léirigh an croí fíor ar an fhealsúnacht PIRA seicteach. An dearcadh elitist an cheannaireacht PIRA Chiallaigh sé sin go mbeadh Caitlicigh gnáth-chónaí i ndeisceart Bhéal Feirste iompróidh an brunt retaliation dílseoirí do dúnmharuithe den sórt sin. Ó 1976, léirigh an cheannaireacht poblachtach, níos soiléire, a seicteachas trí bhriseadh le traidisiún agus follasach seachas covertly Protastúnaigh a mharú. Go traidisiúnta bheadh an PIRA mharú Protastúnaigh a bhí ina gcomhaltaí de na fórsaí slándála agus d’fhéadfadh sé seo a chosaint ar a bpobal féin, áfach, bhí an marú na gcomhaltaí tofa go daonlathach de Pháirlimint na Breataine ach toisc go raibh siad Protastúnaigh sos le traidisiún. Cé go raibh sé seo an seicteachas go raibh rabhadh Goulding bhí PIRA ann nuair a bhí sé cheannaire ar an IRA Oifigiúil. Tá an PIRA go raibh a n-seicteachas follasach nua gheall ar an bhfíric go raibh tharraing an Rialtas na Breataine saighdiúirí na Breataine as an líne tosaigh agus ag iarraidh a fhorchur polasaí Ulsterisation trí chur RUC (Comhar Póilíneachta) agus UDR (TÉ bunaithe Arm na Breataine Reisimint) i an líne tosaigh i gcoinne an PIRA. An fhírinne ná go bhféadfadh an IRA a ionsaí pearsanra Arm na Breataine agus suiteálacha ag am ar bith ach bhí sé níos éasca agus níos ag teacht leis an smaoineamh PIRA faisnéis a bhailiú faoi Protastúnaigh lucht oibre agus feirmeoirí beaga a bhí ag obair mar chuid-am RUC nó fir UDR go fhorlíonadh ar ioncam neamheacnamaíoch ó fheirm bheag nó pá íseal. Bhí ar a dtugtar na spriocanna mar spriocanna bog, ar choinníoll go riosca teoranta do phearsanra PIRA agus inflicted siad buille trom síceolaíoch ar an bpobal Protastúnach. Tháinig an IRA Sealadach chun féachaint ar na daoine Protastúnacha mar an chonstaic fíor a bhaint amach Éire aontaithe. Amháin sinsearach IRA ball i mBéal Feirste béim ar an seicteachas ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach nuair a dúirt sé in agallamh leis Finnola O’Connor; Ba mhaith liom a fheiceáil na bastards oráiste ach wiped amach. [1] Bheadh 1976 freisin an bhliain ina chinn an Rialtas na Breataine a sheoladh chuig an SAS isteach i dTuaisceart Éireann. Roimh 1976 bhí an SAS ag ina fórsa póilíneachta Imperial i dtíortha iasachta a úsáideadh a ghearradh uacht an Impireacht na Breataine ar na daoine a dúshlán a n-údarás. Ní raibh an SAS bhí ag gabháil mar aonad uirbeach póilíneachta, áfach, chuir Rialtas na Breataine a chinneadh chun a thaispeáint ar na daoine Protastúnacha ó thuaidh go bhféadfadh siad iad a chosaint ó an IRA sa SAS. Riamh an SAS Chuathas i gcomhairle faoina cheapachán nua ar an taobh thuaidh agus tá sé seo fadhbanna go leor do aonad arm raibh cónaí go sa Milseoga agus bhí ceadúnas a mharú. Na Breataine fostaithe freisin ar an gcóras Super-féar sa tuaisceart. Bhí sé seo le córas i gcás iompaithe baill na n-eagraíochtaí éagsúla sceimhlitheoireachta fianaise Stáit ar a gcomrádaithe iar. An córas Super-féar raibh aon rud níos mó ná imtheorannú roghnaí agus daoine go fóill go leor arís neamhchiontach fáil i bpríosún iad féin ar an focal dea-íoctha Mangairí. An cineál córais raibh aon áit i ndaonlathas inar daoine cumas intleachtúil teoranta agus dysfunctionality sóisialta eile a n-egos massaged ag a n-láimhseálaithe Brit d’fhonn a ainmniú agus a aithint ‘sceimhlitheoirí’. Tugadh cóiríocht do go leor de na Mangairí in iarscríbhinn ar leith ag jail Bhóthar Chromghlinne áit a raibh fáil orthu le fíonta, bianna fíneáil agus prostitutes. Tá na Mangairí a gealladh níos mó le saol nua i dtír eile i gcás ina mbeadh a n-gach riachtanas a chomhlíonadh. Ar ndóigh, tháinig an chuid is mó de na Mangairí as, forais ar ais underclass mífheidhmiúla agus a bhí riamh ar a dtugtar aon saol eile seachas ina gcónaí ar leas sóisialach. Tá na Mangairí a bhí éasca a cheannach mar a bhí na mílte i bhfad níos mó laistigh de na céimeanna an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Faoi dheireadh thit an córas Super-féar agus na seirbhísí rúnda, mar shampla m15, M16 agus RUC Brainse Speisialta dírithe ar chothabháil Mangairí laistigh de na céimeanna de na grúpaí sceimhlitheoireachta. Cé go bhfuil na príosúin a bhí á líonadh leo sin atá sainaitheanta ag Mangairí / Super-féara, lasmuigh de na príosúin iad na seirbhísí rúnda a earcú gnóthach agus a chur níos mó Mangairí laistigh de na grúpaí sceimhlitheoireachta. Fiú ag an leibhéal is airde laistigh den PIRA Mangairí Earcaíodh agus d’fhan sé i bpoist lárnacha le blianta fada roinnt fiú ar feadh na mblianta. Mar sin féin, thángthas thar na blianta fada Mangairí laistigh de na céimeanna an PIRA agus báis iad, bhí spared chuid a tháinig chun cinn agus a ligean isteach Mangairí bhí siad, go deimhin, ar roinnt raibh cead fiú a reáchtáil do Shinn Féin sna toghcháin éagsúla. Bhí sé seo tábhachtach i dtéarmaí síceolaíoch, lig sé do dhaoine a thuiscint go má tháinig siad ar aghaidh agus dúirt gur oibrigh siad le haghaidh na seirbhísí slándála a bheadh ar a saol a spáráil. Má bhí a maraíodh le gluaiseacht phoblachtach gach informer mbeadh sé seo a bheith fritorthúil i dtéarmaí toghcháin, bhí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach agus tá sé fós ina leaba te do ghníomhairí na Breataine. Tá líon na fáisnéiseoirí / Mangairí laistigh de na céimeanna an PIRA le feiceáil i ghabháil de informer IRA, Peter Valente i 1981. Nuair a interrogated ag an IRA sula mharaigh siad é ainmnithe sé sé fáisnéiseoirí RUC Brainse eile speisialta a fhios aige ina cheantar féin, gach duine acu a bhí chun báis ina dhiaidh sin ag an IRA. Tá sé Creidtear go raibh foirne aonair beirt oifigeach Brainse Speisialta an RUC rud ar bith suas go dtí daichead fáisnéiseoirí gach a láimhseáil i gceantar ar bith uirbeach a thugtar mór ag aon am amháin, cuireadh roinnt de na fáisnéiseoirí go maith laistigh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach sna réimsí sin, agus fáisnéiseoirí eile ar fáil faisnéis níos ísle grád. Pearsanra PIRA sinsearacha i ndáiríre go minic go raibh oibrithe deonacha IRA de chéim níos lú maraíodh go hoifigiúil d’fhonn a bheith ann dúbailte féin. Super-féara, mar shampla John Grimley agus Raymond Gilmore bhí iarbhír gníomhairí Brainse Speisialta seachas daoine a bhí cheannaigh ach do na Banríona scillinge uirthi. Dennis Donaldson a chuaigh ag an tábla céanna Gerry Adams agus Martin Mc Guinness ag leibhéal ceannaireachta a bhí faoi lé ach le blianta beaga anuas mar ghníomhaire na Breataine a bhí i bhfeidhm ar laistigh dá céimeanna le breis is fiche bliain; cuireadh chun báis é i gContae Dhún na nGall sa bhliain 2006 ag sinsearach comhalta den Thír Eoghain Thoir IRA. Tá gníomhairí Rialtas na Breataine agus na hÉireann laistigh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar fud a stair ina snáithe de Rialtas na Breataine agus na hÉireann frith-insurgency. Amháin chomhalta sinsearach den Dhoire PIRA Briogáid a commanded mórán de chuid Óglaigh na hÉireann oibrithe deonacha le Martin Mc Guinness, bhí triúr fear IRA fhorghníomhú accusing dóibh fáisnéiseoirí na huaire, lena n-áirítear Paddy Flood, a bhfuil a theaghlach agus ar dhaoine a raibh aithne acu air go fóill agóid a neamhchiontacht. Tá sé tar éis solais ó shin go raibh an duine ag ordú na executions féin an gníomhaire na Breataine, bhí an killings na bhfear neamhchiontach dhéanamh chun go bhféadfadh an informer fíor a chlúdach a rianta féin. Ba féin an IRA interrogator inmheánach agus murderer fáisnéiseoirí, é féin Gníomhaire Breataine lé i 2003: Freddie Scappaticci (Stakeknife ainm cód). Mar sin féin, nuair a smaoinítear go raibh PIRA ceannaire Martin Mc Guinness a bhfuil cainteanna rúnda le M16 gníomhaire Michael Oakley linn na tréimhse seo, agus Oakley á mionteagasc gníomhaire M16 Sean O’Callaghan, saol na Mangairí / fáisnéiseoirí agus traitors liath seachas limistéar dubh agus bán taobh istigh Phoblachtachas Éireannach. Cuireadh Danny Morrision, a bhí ina bhall ceannasach de ghluaiseacht poblachtach, ar aghaidh le haghaidh an Toghcháin 1984 na hEorpa agus bhí súil leis ag go leor, ar ais ar an bonn gluaiseacht phoblachtach toghcháin a bhonneagar i ngeiteo le 10,000 vótaí níos lú ná an bhliain roimhe sin nuair a Ní raibh cuimhne na stailceanna ocrais faded go hiomlán ar shiúl. Agus mé á scríobh go bhfuil sé an 31 ú Comóradh ar bhás ocras IRA bhuailteoir Bobby Sands agus tá sé riamh mar má tharla sé mar an cheannaireacht poblachtach iarracht a dhéanamh agus a dhíol féin mar Daonlathach pragmatacha seachas bigots seicteach. Bheadh sé seo dáilcheantar i ngeiteo a bheadh fós faoi deara arís feud de Chonaic idé-eolaíoch ag leibhéal ceannaireachta sa ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Mar a thuig an cheannaireacht phoblachtach na teorainneacha a n-idé-eolaíocht insular seicteach agus a n-éagumas chun bheith ina rogha eile fíor le threoir pholaitiúil fíor i gcomparáid le náisiúnaithe bunreachtúla cosúil leis an SDLP. Chun a choimeád ar bun a móiminteam beag a bhí cruthaithe ag na toghcháin, chinn an cheannaireacht poblachtach i 1984 chun ligean a chomhaltaí tofa d’údaráis áitiúla i dTuaisceart Éireann chun a gcuid suíochán, díreach mar a bhí a gcomhghleacaithe tofa cheana féin i bPoblacht na hÉireann. Tá na comhairleoirí, thuaidh agus theas, bhí go tapa ar an meánbhainistíochta polaitiúla ar leibhéal réigiúnach ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach agus bainistíocht líne tosaigh polaitiúil ag leibhéal áitiúil. Tá sé an-tábhachtach a mheabhrú mar tá mé tagairt dó níos luaithe go bhfuil na céimeanna níos ísle Sinn Féin atá déanta de iliomad daoine, bhí roinnt iar-IRA a bhí iompaithe a tout faoi interrogation tháinig glan agus bhí cead ar ais isteach sa ghluaiseacht phoblachtach, ar roinnt raibh cead a reáchtáil i dtoghcháin do Shinn Féin mar a tháinig siad ó níos ísle forais lár ar ais ranga agus féachaint air mar a bheith in ann a dhaingniú vótaí nua do Shinn Féin. Bhí go leor cúiseanna cén fáth a tháinig daoine agus a bhí ag iarraidh i Sinn Féin, ní bheadh an chuid is mó acu a bheith iontaofa le faisnéis faoi rún. Bhí rudaí difriúil ag barr na gluaiseachta poblachtach ina raibh Sinn Féin agus an IRA mar aon ní amháin. Tá na cine nua pholaitiúil-comhairleoirí go príomha ó underclass / oibre forais ar ais ranga fuair sé amach go luath ar na buntáistí an daonlathais mar a bhailigh siad a dtuarastail agus seiceálacha costais. Ní raibh go leor de na daoine ar a dtugtar ar bith eile seachas ina gcónaí maidir le slándáil shóisialta anois bhí siad in ann a cheannach tithe, gluaisteáin, tithe saoire, bhí siad go luath beagán leis an fabht traein gravy. Bheadh go leor le chéile lena n-láimhseálaithe na Breataine agus iad ar saoire thar lear. Sa bhliain 1995 mar shampla, bhí Comhairle Cathrach Bhéal Feirste deich Sinn Féin comhairleoirí agus na n-éileamh speansais a bhí i na céadta mílte. Soláthraíodh Sinn Féin le staid na n-oifigí ealaíne agus áiseanna, cuairt ar áiseanna ag an scríbhneoir, agus áiseanna a bheadh an envy aon pháirtí polaitíochta bunreachtúil, go léir íoctha ag an íocóir cánach. Tá sé ar eolas go bhfuil poblachtaigh bainistíochta go leor lár bualadh lena n-láimhseálaithe na Breataine áiteanna ar nós an Spáinn agus an Ghréig agus saoire. Ceannaireacht poblachtach faoi Mc Guinness agus Adams ar aghaidh síos an bóthar polaitiúil agus mar a neartaíodh an cheannaireacht a rialú ar an meaisín riamh ag teacht chun cinn polaitiúil thosaigh an cheannaireacht a leanúint páirtithe polaitiúla na Breataine i dtéarmaí scagadh na hiarrthóirí go léir ag dul ar aghaidh. D’fhéadfaí Más rud é nach raibh iarrthóir féideartha go hiomlán ag tacú leis an cheannaireacht nach raibh cead a reáchtáil le haghaidh an Pháirtí, fiú focal amháin as áit i dteach an phobail a fheiceáil taobh iarrthóir féideartha sheas do leantóir níos ciúine agus dílis. Seo i bhfeidhm freisin i bPoblacht na hÉireann, mar a dúirt mé níos luaithe go mbeadh cuid de na baill níos ísle rangaithe de Shinn Féin gnó a dhéanamh le duine ar bith a choinneáil ar a dtuarastail nua agus éileamh speansais. Mar shampla, taispeánann alt a foilsíodh i bpáipéar réigiúnach i gContae Mhuineacháin, an Caighdeán an Tuaiscirt, conas a vótáil Sinn Féin leis an pro-chonradh pro-Brit Fine Gael páirtí; Sinn Féin agus Fine Gael le chéile le chéile chun diúltú don Fianna Fail beartaithe meastacháin comhairle don bhliain 1995, ag cruinniú na comhairle ar an Máirt an 30 Samhain, 1994, gur briseadh do Fianna Fail ag an meáchan comhcheangailte Fine Gael agus Sinn Féin. [2] Mar sin féin, ní raibh gach duine sásta leis an bpróiseas seo de pholaitiú agus dí-mhíleatú. Dhealraigh sé go leor go Gníomhairí na Breataine agus fáisnéiseoirí á bronntar fad is a bhí poblachtánaigh a bhí sacrificed a gach rud anois barrachas riachtanas. Sa bhliain 1985 sheol an militarists a dúshlán is tromchúisí go dtí seo. Ivor Bell, ar cheann de na baill is sinsearaí den Ordú an Tuaiscirt PIRA agus cara dlúth Gerry Adams, bhí go deimhin Bell comh-authored an t-athfhoirgniú an PIRA le Gerry Adams sna 1970í déanacha. Casaoide Bell a bhí go raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach acmhainní á díriú ar an meaisín an Sinn Féin polaitiúil agus nach raibh dóthain airgid a íoc oibrithe deonacha le hoibríochtaí a mhaoiniú nó a teaghlaigh na bpríosúnach poblachtánach a thacú. Tacaíochta Bell éiligh go raibh deartháir Adams ‘Paddy fhorchuirtear ar an IRA i mBéal Feirste chun stifle gníomhaíocht mhíleata i mBéal Feirste. Ba chuid den straitéis Rúnda na Breataine Seirbhíse. Adams déanta go maith cinnte go mbeadh Bell a thuilleadh freastal ar an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach nuair a chuala sé a réasúnta. Tá an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach i stair i gcónaí níos éifeachtaí ag silencing siúd a ceist a cheannaireacht ó laistigh trí bhás nó bagairt an bháis ná luascadh tuairim an phobail ina malaise insular seicteach. Bhí amharc Adams agus an t-ordú ó thuaidh den PIRA pholaitíocht mar arm de comhéigean fadtéarmach agus ceann amháin go bhféadfadh sé a rialú. Toisc go bhféadfaí fada Adams áit teaghlach agus cairde i bpoist lárnacha sa PIRA d’fhéadfadh sé é a úsáid agus a rialú chomh maith. An straitéis cogadh fada a bhí fós go mór an tráchtas lárnach an idé-eolaíocht Sealadach, nó mar sin dhealraigh sé. Sna pobail ina raibh Sinn Féin / IRA bonn cumhacht a fhorchuirtear siad a bheidh ar na gnáthdhaoine, páistí Caitliceacha i PIRA réimsí rialaithe a dared a insint ‘as-mheasfaidh’ (mar shampla, Oibrithe Sóisialta) go raibh siad raped nó gnéasach ionsaí ag baill Sinn Féin / IRA a bhí buailte go nó lámhaigh i na glúine ag grúpaí de bhaill an IRA, cuireadh iachall teaghlaigh ó cheantair poblachtach faoi bhagairt an bháis má thuairiscigh siad aon rud ar an ‘as-measfaidh’. Fiú Sinn Féin Uachtarán, folaithe Gerry Adams TD ar an bhfíric go raibh a athair Gerry Snr agus féin a deartháir Liam dá rapists leanbh a d’úsáid an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun iad a chosaint ó ionchúiseamh coiriúil. [1] Page 140 O’Connor, 1994 [2] An Caighdeán an Tuaiscirt, Nollaig, 1994 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 7 – Shoot do na Cille – Angla-na hÉireann, – chaimiléireacht Poblachtach Na 1980í le feiceáil laghdú i ngníomhaíochtaí an IRA cibé an raibh sé seo mar thoradh díreach ar na gluaiseachtaí poblachtacha treo nua faoi Adams nó polasaí nua ionsaitheach ag na fórsaí slándála, nó meascán den dá is deacair a insint, tá an t-údar seo a thabhairt roinnt anailíse thíos maidir le Loch gCál 1987. Mar sin féin, beidh an tréimhse sin a mheabhrú do líon ard na mball IRA a bhí dírithe go sonrach agus go hachomair, fhorghníomhú ag na fórsaí slándála agus go háirithe an SAS. Tá an RUC bhí forbartha freisin aonad speisialta chun dul i ngleic leis an IRA agus grúpaí poblachtacha eile. E4A an RUC aonad a bhí i bhfeidhm as ceann de na príomh-an RUC ag Dún Uí interrogation ionaid Gough i Cathair Ard Mhacha a bhí ag obair go dlúth leis an SAS. Cé go raibh an IRA agus grúpaí sceimhlitheoireachta eile atá ag feidhmiú go soiléir shoot agus buama a mharú polasaí ar feadh na mblianta, adeir an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach bréan nuair a d’fhreagair na fórsaí slándála i comhchineáil. Mar sin féin, bhí seó den sórt sin ag an cheannaireacht scáileán deataigh taobh thiar de a chur i bhfolach ar an bhfíric go raibh go leor de na ceannaireachta Sealadach IRA / Sinn Féin gníomhairí na Breataine a bhí ag cabhrú lena láimhseálaithe na Breataine chun díriú ar chroí-aonaid IRA nach bhféadfaí a bheith corralled isteach suas. Sir Patrick Mayhew, ansin achoimriú Ard-Aighne na Breataine ar bun le himscrúdú ar na líomhaintí mar seo a leanas leis an Teach na dTeachtaí ar an 25 Eanáir, 1988; Tar éis staidéar a dhéanamh ar an bhfianaise dug suas ag Sampson agus Stalker, bhí gcrích Sir Barry Shaw go raibh aon ‘shoot-le-mharú polasaí’ agus níl aon gríosú chun dúnmharú. Mar sin féin, bheadh fiú an bhreathnadóir is cuspóir a aontú go raibh shoot-le-mharú polasaí i bhfeidhm i dTuaisceart Éireann le linn na tréimhse seo agus mar iar-bhall den PIRA, bheadh an t-údar a rá, mar sin cad. Cé gur thuig an t-údar an luach propaganda na n-éileamh sin ag an ghluaiseacht poblachtach, tá sé soiléir nach bhfuil aon oibrí deonach IRA ag dul chun gearán a dhéanamh faoi a bheith lámhaigh agus ar seirbhís chogúil, go bhfuil an nádúr an Beast mar a bhí sé. Focail Sir Pádraig ar fáil beag a quell míshuaimhneas poiblí mar gheall ar an shoot-le-mharú náisiúnaí beartais agus poblachtaigh fós cinnte maidir háirithe leis an líon comhlacht suite. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bhí i gcónaí cúramach gan a chur san áireamh na Seirbhísí Faisnéise Gaeilge ina líomhaintí de shoot-le-mharú. Mar sin féin, i killings de Roddy Carroll agus Seamus fhás an bheirt fhear INLA maraíodh ag an am seo, níl aon amhras gur chabhraigh na Seirbhísí Faisnéise theas na hÉireann trína ghníomhairí agus fáisnéiseoirí a gcomhghleacaithe Faisnéise thuaidh a rianú Carroll agus fhás ar oíche a n- turas deiridh mar thrasnaigh siad an teorainn ó Chontae Mhuineacháin i go Contae Ard Mhacha, áit a raibh um Sheirbhísí Slándála na Breataine luíocháin i bhfeidhm. An ceann is suntasaí de na cásanna shoot-le-mharú ag an am a bhí an forghníomhú achoimre ar ocht oibrithe deonacha IRA agus sibhialtach neamhchiontach ag Loch gCál i 1987, beidh an t-údar a chlúdach go eachtra anseo go mion sular fhill sé ar fhorbairtí breise i Sinn Féin / IRA . I ndiaidh athstruchtúrú na Briogáide Thír Eoghain Thoir an IRA Sealadach ag rá PIRA deonach Kevin Mc Kenna. Bhí an Tír Eoghain Thoir Bhriogáid an IRA Sealadach cheann de na hionstraimí is gníomhaí agus eagla ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach. An Tír Eoghain Thoir Briogáid tharraing a bhallraíocht ó chontaetha éagsúla agus bhí ina cheannaire fearless i Kevin Mc Kenna. Bhí tháinig Mc Kenna a bhí ina gcónaí agus tá cónaí air i gContae Mhuineacháin ó Augnacloy i gContae Thír Eoghain. Mc Kenna a bhí ar eolas go maith leis na seirbhísí slándála i dTuaisceart Éireann agus sa Phoblacht. Tá Phoblachtachas cathach in Oirthear Thír Eoghain stair fhada ag dul siar go Tom Clarke agus níos faide anonn. I lá nua-aimseartha is cathach phoblachtach béaloideas Thír Eoghain Thoir ag croílár chomhráite chuid is mó. IRA Ocrais bhuailteoir Martin Hurson a bhí as Tír Eoghain agus na deicheanna a lán de na mílte daoine a bhí i láthair a sochraide íoctha teist an meas mór a bhí ar siúl poblachtachas cathach i gContae Thír Eoghain. Ach bheadh sé Oirthear Thír Eoghain agus an ‘teorainn’ contae i gcoitinne a bheadh mar fhócas marfach de na seirbhísí slándála na Breataine nuair a thug siad ar an laige a bhaineann le ceannaireacht an Adams / Mc Guinness i lár na 1980í-. Ba mhaith leis an Tír Eoghain Thoir Bhriogáid an IRA Sealadach íoc ar phraghas trom le haghaidh Wheeling agus ag plé go raibh gabháil Adams agus Mc Guinness i le M16. Tá a fhios againn anois go cinnte go fiú nuair a bhí Gerry Adams labhairt chuid focal weasel ar an taobh uaigh IRA Commander Jim Lynagh, Mc Guinness a bhí ag gabháil cheana féin i gcruinnithe folaitheach le M16 gníomhaire Michael Oakley amd Oakley á comhairle Gníomhaire Breataine Sean O’Callaghan. Ach dúirt Adams na mourners ag uaigh Jim Lynagh ná go, “Tá duine ar bith a dhéanann gnó leis na Breataine, an SDLP nó bunú Freestate fools mar tá siad díolta ar fad amach ar mhuintir na hÉireann”. Ach tá go díreach cad a bhí Adams agus Mc Guinness á dhéanamh cheana féin, bhí ag gabháil siad na Breataine i rún agus faoi bhealach láimh. Cumarsáid mhalartú idir Martin an IRA Mc Guinness agus Michael Oakley na M16 curtha fheiceáil ag an údar agus tá a n-ábhar suimiúil. I gceann amháin comharthaí cumarsáide Oakley amach le Tiochaigh Cruinniú la, agus ní mór ceann a thabhairt i gcrích go bhfuil an tagairt do thabhairt suas an IRA Sealadach. Is cinnte go McGuinness Earcaíodh go foirmiúil M16 sa bhliain 1985, sular tugadh an solas glas chun dul i ngleic leis M16 thar ceann an PIRA. Ar an 8 Bealtaine, 1987 sheol an Tír Eoghain Thoir Bhriogáid an IRA Sealadach a ‘Foireann’ a shéideadh suas gan foireann RUC stáisiún i Loch gCál. Mar sin féin, ar an ócáid seo ní bheadh an ‘A Foireann’ ar ais. Ar an 8 Bealtaine, 1987 chaill an Tír Eoghain Thoir Briogáid ocht oibrithe deonacha IRA nuair a bhí ambushed siad ag SAS Arm na Breataine. Féadfaidh aon bhreathnadóir oibiachtúil a iarraidh, cén fáth a ionsaí ar gan foireann RUC stáisiún? Déanfar é seo a mhíniú anois. Na 1980í le feiceáil athrú farraige laistigh Sinn Féin agus an IRA. Bhí bheith ag an IRA eagraíocht dea-oiled paraimíleata. Bhí airm nua, pléascáin agus an mhodheolaíocht a fuarthas agus forbartha ag an IRA Sealadach. Sheol Colonel Gaddafi de Libia méideanna suntasacha airm, lón lámhaigh agus semtex (pléascáin) leis an IRA. Tá an IRA agus go háirithe Thír Eoghain Thoir Briogáid bhí gan staonadh ina bhfeachtas cathach i gcoinne bunú na Breataine. Bhí léite IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh agus baill eile de cheannasaíocht an IRA Sealadach agus lonnaithe i bPríosún Phort Laoise i bPoblacht na hÉireann agus ghlac Maoist Míleata Straitéis / tactic as a fheachtas. Lynagh mhíniú dóibh siúd atá in ann a thuiscint go raibh an intinn a chruthú criosanna Glas nó Liberated i dTuaisceart na hÉireann a bhí fós faoi riail na Breataine. Seo tactic i gceist ní hamháin marú baill de na seirbhísí slándála na Breataine ach freisin marú aon duine a chuidigh nó a chabhraigh a choimeád ar bun láithreacht na Breataine in Éirinn. Tá sé cóir a rá go mbeadh Protastúnaigh iompróidh an brunt an tactic nua agus d’aon ghnó. Lynagh nach ndearnadh aon leithscéal as an ngné seo den fheachtas. An feachtas a bhí i bhfeidhm feachtas glanadh eitneach i gcoinne an phobal Protastúnach. Tharla sé go mbeadh straitéis nua Lynagh ar a gcomhpháirtíocht le polasaí nua an Rialtais na Breataine Ulsterisation nó normalú. An polasaí nua na Breataine i gceist go mbeadh an Arm na Breataine a bheith níos lú le feiceáil ar na sráideanna agus bheadh an RUC áitiúil agus UDR a bheith sa líne tosaigh i gcoinne an feachtas an IRA. An polasaí nua na Breataine a chur go simplí spriocanna níos Protastúnach bog sa ghailearaí lámhach IRA. Rialtas na Breataine ag iarraidh an gcoinbhleacht i dTuaisceart Éireann chun féachaint air mar coiriúil bhféadfaí a bheith ag déileáil le modhanna póilíneachta ngnáthnós. Mar sin féin, bheadh taobh thiar de na pictiúir m15 a ordú don cogadh i gcoinne an IRA, cé go mbeadh MI6 a chothú agus a fhorbairt a chaidreamh le ceannairí Óglaigh na hÉireann, mar shampla Martin Mc Guinness agus Gerry Adams. Ba mhaith leis an straitéis Maoist a fheiceáil mar a bheith, tráth a is fearr ar éirigh an IRA i réimsí ar nós Ard Mhacha Theas. Mar sin féin, limistéir mhóra uirbeacha i mBéal Feirste agus i nDoire measadh freisin mar scéalta rath. Mar shampla, sna 1960í, bhí an Bóthar Ormeau, i mBéal Feirste níos mó ná 80% Protastúnach; ionsaithe leanúnach a leanas i gcoinne an phobal Protastúnach ag an IRA go bhfuil an líon sin leath lá atá inniu ann. Fiú i ndiaidh an IRA scoirfidh-tine i 1994, lean ‘poblachtaigh’ chun é a dhó amach gnólachtaí Protastúnach ar Bhóthar Ormeau agus fiú dóite síos an club cruicéad. Lynagh i gceist limistéir fuascailliú geografach mór Tír Eoghain, Fear Manach agus Contae Dhoire. Is é Loch gCál sráidbhaile pictiúr-cárta poist ar theorainneacha Thír Eoghain agus i gContae Ard Mhacha go bhfuil a chuid boscaí fuinneoige neatly eagrú agus ciseáin chrochta a mbeifeá ag súil a bhuachan an chuid is fearr na bliana chomórtais choinneáil sráidbhaile i ndiaidh bliana. Turasóirí a thagann chun na siopaí antique agus seomraí tae teolaí an líne sin a bpríomhshráid caol. 25 bliain ó shin i 1987, tháinig cuairteoirí eile ar Loch gCál. Bhí shattered an ciúin tráthnóna Bealtaine ar 8 Bealtaine 1987 ag an toirneach gunnaí SAS mar an Reisimint (mar a bhfuil sé ar eolas) ambushed agus wiped amach ar cheann de na is mó armtha agus a bhfuil taithí go mór Aonaid Seirbhíse Gníomhacha (ASU) go raibh an IRA Sealadach riamh chéile. Bhí aithne sé mar an Fhoireann ‘A’. Ocht gcomhlacht i éadaí gaileadáin, cuid acu le balaclavas, leagan fuilteacha agus marbh ar an talamh agus i gcúl an veain a bhí siad ag taisteal. Bhí an SAS atá suite i fóill agus bhí oscail suas le barrage de níos mó ná 200 babhtaí blasted as gunnaí Cuspóir ginearálta Meaisín (GPMGs) agus ard-thiomáint raidhfilí Heckler agus Koch. An SAS outnumbered agus outgunned an IRA ag 00:57. Tá an veain a bhí lán cosúil le criathar agus a bpaisinéirí IRA gearrtha píosaí. Ba é an caillteanas is mó a d’fhulaing an IRA ó 1921 nuair a bhí wiped dosaen ar a fear amach ag an notorious ‘Dubhchrónaigh’. Laghdaíodh Loch gCál stáisiún póilíní, cúpla céad slat taobh amuigh den sráidbhaile agus an sprioc de ionsaí an IRA, do carn twisted de nithiúla agus brablach. An IRA a bhainistiú ach do mhadhmadh a 200 buama lb roimh oscail an SAS suas. A cúpla míle ar shiúl sa seomra comharchumainn go raibh an t-ionad nerve de na fórsaí slándála ‘Grúpa tasking agus Comhordaithe (TCG), as a raibh an luíocháin ordóidh, an Cheannasaí SAS, a Sinsearach m15 Oifigeach agus beirt Oifigeach RUC sinsearacha (idir lámhaigh marbh 1989) a bailíodh go himníoch a chloisteáil mar thoradh ar cheann de na is phleanáil go cúramach oibríochtaí m15, RUC agus Arm na coimhlinte ó thuaidh. Bailíodh siad thart oifigeach SAS a bhí i dteagmháil raidió leis an ceannasaí SAS ar an talamh, nuair a tháinig an nuacht trí, chas an tOifigeach SAS dóibh siúd a bailíodh (TCG) agus dearbhaithe, “Iomlán Wipe amach”. Chun na Breataine, thug an SAS an IRA a bhfuil blas a leigheas féin agus Aontachtaithe Uladh clambering le haghaidh an arm a chur ar an lámhainní amach, ní roimh am. Bhí ceiliúradh i TCG ag an contentment nach bhfacthas riamh roimhe iontach agus ciúin in Oifig Thuaisceart Éireann. A Buan-Rúnaí ag an am, Sir Robert Andrew, a dúirt níos déanaí conas a mhothaigh sé ar éisteacht leis an nuacht. ‘Bhí mo imoibriú pearsanta i ndáiríre ar cheann de roinnt sástachta go raibh muid’ bhuaigh amháin ‘mar a bhí sé. I mo thuairimse, léirigh sé leis an IRA go bhféadfadh an taobh eile a imirt garbh é. Tá súil agam chuir sé teachtaireacht go raibh an rialtas na Breataine diongbháilte agus a bhí ag dul chun troid leo. ‘ Bhí cinnte an IRA ag imirt sé an-gharbh. Níl ach coicís roimhe sin, bhí assassinated sé an dara Thuaisceart Éireann breitheamh is sinsearaí, a Thiarna Breithimh Gibson agus a bhean chéile le buama a £ 500 mar a thiomáin siad ar ais trasna na teorann i ndiaidh saoire ar shiúl. Bhí shíl na pléascáin a bheith tagtha ó Libia. Bhí an breitheamh sprioc príomha ó shin i leith bhí éigiontaíodh sé an oifigigh póilíní a lámhaigh marbh Gervaise McKerr (a bhfuil cás rialaigh freisin ar in Strasbourg) agus beirt fhear IRA eile le linn carr chase i 1982. Mhol sé iad a thabhairt ar an duine éagtha chun ‘an deiridh cúirte an cheartais’. Bhí armtha aon cheann acu ag an am. An ansin Thuaisceart Éireann Rúnaí, Tom King dúirt, ‘Bhí muid comhfhiosach bhí muid os comhair bagairt feabhsaithe agus thógamar bearta feabhsaithe chun freastal ar sé.’ Ba é an SAS thús cadhnaíochta. Ag an am Loch gCál, bhí an IRA brimful le muinín. Bhí sé le déanaí go raibh a líonadh a Umair beagnach bursting le níos mó ná 130 tonna de armra trom agus pléascáin ard smuigleáil isteach go hÉirinn i gceithre caoinchead lastais namhaid faoi mhionn Mrs Thatcher, an Coirnéal Gaddafi (maraíodh 2011) de Libia. Na céimeanna atá ídithe a cheannaireacht bhí threisiú freisin de réir maise an IRA briseadh amach as an bpríosún Maze i 1983, go leor dá gcuid gunmen sinsearach a bhí fós ar na rith. Ba é ceann acu Patrick McKearney (32). Bhí aithne sé go raibh forbairt IRA Commander, Jim Lynagh, nua Maoist straitéis Criosanna Glasa fuascailliú, criosanna a bheadh a ghlanadh na Breataine agus a gcuid comhoibrithe. Tá an IRA tús a straitéis nua i 1985 le ionsaí moirtéal tubaisteach ar an stáisiún RUC sa bhaile teorann an Iúir ina bhfuair naonúr oifigeach póilíní. Lean sé sé suas le ionsaí buama agus gunna ar Baile Uí Dhálaigh stáisiún póilíní gur fhág beirt fhear RUC marbh. I 1986, sheol sé ionsaí buama eile ar stáisiún póilíní, gan foireann ag an am, i sráidbhaile beag bídeach ar an Birches feadh bhruacha Loch nEathach i gContae Thír Eoghain. Bhí Anois córas seachadta nua a úsáid, tochaltóir JCB le buama 200-punt meáchain inti sa bhucaeid. An tochaltóir smashed tríd an fál slándála, phléasc an buama agus laghdaíodh an stáisiún brablach. Dearadh an ionsaí ar Loch gCál a bheith ina chóip charbóin den ionsaí ar an Birches. Ach bhí a fhios an am na Breataine faisnéise an IRA a bhí ag teacht agus bhí sé thar a phleananna. An táscaire chéad faoi fheidhmiú Loch gCál tháinig trí seachtaine níos luaithe ó ghníomhaire RUC atá bunaithe i mBaile Mhuineacháin, bhí Patrick Kelly thaisteal Mhuineacháin chun freastal ar Jim Lynagh, áfach, mar a tharla go minic, ní raibh Lynagh faoi, rinne Patrick Kelly ar an botún marfach a dhéanamh fiosrúcháin faoi Lynagh le Owen / Eoin Smyth, an Bharra Teach Babhta, Cearnóg na hEaglaise, Baile Mhuineacháin. Is ar éigean trí sheachtain roimh Loch gCál, bhí lámhaigh cúig cinn de na Thír Eoghain Thoir IRA marbh Harold Henry (52), comhalta den gnó tógála Henry Bráithre a rinne deisiúcháin ar bhoinn bhfeidhm slándála. Díreach roimh an meán oíche, ghlac an IRA tUasal Henry as baile, a chur air suas in aghaidh balla agus lámhaigh dó marbh le dhá raidhfilí agus gunna gráin. D’fhág sé ina baintreach agus seisear páistí. Chun an IRA a bhí sé ina ‘sprioc dlisteanach’, an chéad cheann de níos mó ná fiche ‘comhoibritheoirí’ a ‘fhorghníomhú’ ag an IRA le haghaidh ‘cuidiú leis an inneall cogaíochta na Breataine.’ Ceann de na n-arm a chreidtear a bheith in úsáid i marú Henry bhí a aisghabháil ina dhiaidh sin ag Loch gCál. Ar bhonn na faisnéise ar aghaidh chuig an Brainse Speisialta an RUC ag an informer IRA i mBaile Mhuineacháin, cuireadh oibríocht slándála mór a chur i ngníomh. Tugadh Foirne SAS Breise isteach ó thuaidh, laistigh de uair an chloig de theacht isteach sa tuaisceart, tugadh na Foirne SAS leis an raon lámhaigh faoi bhun an Dlí-RUC Lab i mBéal Feirste, go raibh siad airm fired cosúil leo siúd a thástáil a bheadh in úsáid ag an bhFoireann IRA ag Loch gCál. Cuireadh an Fhoireann SAS ag Ard-Cheannfort Harry Breen agus an Ceannfort Robert Buchanan an RUC. Chuirfeadh sé seo ar lámhach tástáil ar chumas an SAS idirdhealú a dhéanamh idir cairdiúil agus dóiteáin namhaid ar an oíche an gcur chun báis Loch gCál. Cé gur thug an Informer Mhuineacháin táscaire go raibh mór-oibríocht thart faoin áit a ghlacadh, nach bhfuil an sprioc iarbhír a bhí ar a dtugtar láithreach, go mbeadh sé seo a ghlacadh mapála mionsonraithe iliomad foinsí faisnéise. Ba mhaith leis an Informer Mhuineacháin teagmháil a láimhseáil ar feadh cúpla lá roimh Loch gCál a rá go raibh ar athraíodh a ionad Jim Lynagh go dtí teach sábháilte i Oileán an Ghuail, Contae Thír Eoghain. Bhí faisnéis ríthábhachtach eile freisin ó fheistí éisteacht m15 ar curtha taobh istigh den teach faoi dhrochamhras IRA, de ghnáth a chur i bhfeidhm nuair a bhí siad ar shiúl – nó fiú nuair a bhíonn an teach de na cinn níos suntasaí a bhí á thógáil. Chomh fada is a bhí na cadhnraí amach, tá na bhfeistí teicniúla a – nó ‘bugs’ – d’fhéadfadh monatóireacht a dhéanamh ar míle go leor ar shiúl nó a n-ábhar síos-luchtú ag héileacaptair ag eitilt thar an t-áitreabh ina raibh i bhfolach orthu. Tá sé dóchúil freisin go raibh an suíomh áit a raibh a stóráiltear na pléascáin le haghaidh an buama Loch gCál freisin faoi m15 faireachais teicniúil. Bhí siad dócha freisin faoi an duine ‘na súile-ar’ breathnóireacht oibreoirí aonad barr-rúnda undercover an arm, ar 14 Cuideachta Faisnéise (ar a dtugtar comhráiteach mar an ‘Det’) agus a bheadh comhionann leis an RUC ar aonad faoi cheilt, E4A. Is é ‘E’ an cód le haghaidh Brainse Speisialta an RUC ar. Cuireadh an oibríocht bhfeidhm slándála i bhfeidhm ar an Déardaoin 7 Bealtaine, an lá roimh ionsaí beartaithe an IRA. Trí oifigigh Chraobh Speisialta an RUC ó aonad speisialaithe frith-sceimhlitheoireachta deonach chun fanacht taobh istigh an stáisiún sin go hiondúil sleepy mar cluana a thabhairt ar an cuma ar normáltacht an am céanna an IRA a rinne a ‘recce’. Ba é ‘Matt’, a veteran na n-oibríochtaí faoi cheilt den sórt sin, ar cheann acu. Tháinig siad ar an stáisiún le roinnt de na troopers SAS mar a thit dorchadas ar an oíche Déardaoin. Tá siad ceapairí a rinneadh agus jokes scáinte a Éadromaigh an tedium de feithimh agus b’fhéidir go calma an nerves. Ba é an ceannairí comhpháirteach de chuid an ASU Patrick Kelly (30), le taithí an IRA ceannasaí a bhfuil a deirfiúr, le tacaíocht ón gaolta eile, bhí príomh-ghluaisneoir a thabhairt ar na cásanna Loch gCál os comhair na Cúirte na hEorpa. Bhí Kelly gabhadh i 1982 agus a mhuirearú le cionta sceimhlitheoireachta ar an focal ar ‘supergrass’ ach scaoileadh ina dhiaidh sin mar ní raibh an fianaise comhthacaíocht. Ba é Jim Lynagh an Cheannasaí dara agus ba é an fear is mó ráchairt ag na seirbhísí slándála na Breataine agus na hÉireann. I measc na daoine óga an ASU Bhí ceithre cairde óga ón sráidbhaile de na Ceapaí chuaigh ar an IRA i ndiaidh bhás an duine dá cara sráidbhaile, Martin Hurson, ar stailc ocrais i 1981. Ceann acu, Declan Arthurs (21), ba é a thiomáint an JCB le buama a £ 200 sa bhucaeid – díreach cosúil leis an Birches. Le linn na huaireanta fada Dé hAoine, bhí fhéach an gcathair ghríobháin de lánaí tíre timpeall Loch gCál stáisiún póilíní agus patrólaithe ag oibreoirí ‘Det’ ar an lorg-amach le haghaidh ‘Team A’. Ba é ceann acu ar bhean óg a dtugtar ‘Anna’ a bhí ag tiomáint ar fud an cheantair lena páirtí ‘Det’ mar chuid den tródaim faireachais. Go tobann chonaic siad Toyota Hiace gorm van. Ar dtús, shíl siad go raibh sé greamaithe taobh thiar de ach feithicil mall-ghluaiseachta ach nuair a thuig siad go raibh sé ina JCB, chuir siad láithreach Baile Uí Dhálaigh agus na Birches le chéile. ‘Tuigeann tú go tobann tá sé an MO (modus operandi) in úsáid ag Briogáid an Thír Eoghain Thoir,’ a dúirt sí. ‘Bhí sé cosúil le replay. Ach an uair seo bhí againn ar a bharr agus bhí a fhios againn cad a bhí ag tarlú. Mar sin, rith muid ar an eolas ar an TCG agus tharraing amach. ‘ Tá an Ardchonstábla ar an am, Sir John Hermon, a dúirt nach bhféadfadh an ASU IRA é a ghabháil. Dúirt sé riamh go raibh sé ina rogha réadúil ó tharla go mbeadh an IRA ní dócha go teacht amach lena lámha suas agus oifigigh póilíní saol a bheadh i mbaol dá bharr uaigh. Ag 7:15 mar dubh a bailíodh, ardaíodh an JCB le Arthurs Declan ag an roth agus an buama ard sa buicéad, trundled anuas ar an stáisiún póilíní leis an gorm Toyota veain i láthair. An dá bliain d’aois ansin agus chuaigh ar ais sa treo gach áit a tháinig siad. Go tobann, roared an JCB i saol, i gceannas ar an fál imlíne agus crashed tríd. Beagnach ag an am céanna, tharraing an veain suas lasmuigh, disgorging Patrick Kelly agus comhaltaí eile an ASU a spréitear an stáisiún lena n-raidhfilí ionsaithe. An SAS beagnach cinnte go oscail suas i láthair na huaire Kelly thosaigh lámhaigh. Gach rud a chuma a tharlóidh ag an am céanna i crescendo deafening torainn. Laistigh den stáisiún, ná ‘Matt’ (Brainse Speisialta), a bhí ag an fhuinneog tosaigh, ach thart ar deich méadar ó na JCB nuair a tháinig sé ar deireadh ceart roimh a shúile. Chas sé agus rith leis an ais le focal amháin ar a intinn. Buama! ‘Shíl mé an Birches agus Baile Uí Dhálaigh agus an nóiméad seo chugainn go raibh Bang almighty. Bhí bhuail mé in aghaidh, leag ar an talamh agus faoi thalamh. Shíl mé “Tá mé marbh”, simplí sin! ‘ Miraculously Mhair ‘Matt’ cé go adhlactha sa brablach ‘dusta inhaling agus dorchadas.’ Ní raibh an ‘A’ Team. ‘A mowed Declan síos. D’fhéadfadh sé a bheith glactha príosúnach, ‘arsa a mháthair, Amelia Arthurs,. ‘Riamh thug an SAS dóibh an deis.’ Is iad na grianghraif a glacadh ar an ardán gruesome. Bhí sracadh leis an veain a bhí na hoibrithe deonacha IRA thaistil oscailte ag cuid de na shrapnel as an buicéad tochaltóra nuair a phléasc sé, go bhfuil an fhaisnéis nua. ‘Matt’ bhraith aon bá leis na comhlachtaí bullet-lán ar an talamh taobh amuigh den stáisiún agus i gcúl an veain. ‘Bhí siad ann a mharú dúinn,’ a dúirt sé. ‘Ba iad na guys atá freagrach as go leor agus go leor básanna sa cheantar sin agus páirteanna eile den chúige. Tá sceimhlitheoirí Dead níos fearr ná póilíní marbh. ‘ Raibh baint ag tástálacha Fóiréinseacha a rinneadh ar na hairm IRA aisghabháil ar an láthair go hocht dúnmharuithe agus tríocha a trí lámhach. Ní raibh an ceantar thart ar an stáisiún póilíní a bhí cordoned amach ó go bhfuil déanta mbeadh mhisneach sin a dhéanamh ar an IRA amhrasach agus fainiciúil an luíocháin go cúramach a leagtar. Mar thoradh air sin, bhí lámhaigh beirt deartháireacha ag filleadh abhaile ón obair, ag an SAS. Bhí an pearsanra slándála a leagan ar an croí amuigh den luíochán ordaíodh dó iad a mharú gach duine laistigh den chrios mharú. B’fhéidir shíl na saighdiúirí a bhí siad mar chuid den ASU nó mistook n-bán Citroen do ‘scout’ an IRA carr, b’fhéidir mar gheall ar cheann de na na háititheoirí a bhí ag caitheamh a oireann coire. Bhí an deartháir ag obair ar charr. An SAS fired daichead babhtaí ag an bhfeithicil, marú Anthony Hughes (36) agus go dáiríre créachtú a dheartháir Oliver bhí scarred a feadh a saoil. Dúirt sé nár tugadh aon rabhadh. Príomh-An RUC ar Constábla, Sir Ronnie Flanagan, cur síos ar an ionsaí ar an bheirt fhear neamhchiontach mar ‘tragóid unspeakable’ agus an milleán ar an IRA, ní pleanála agus oibríochta easnaimh, ar a bhás. Nuair a d’fhill ‘Anna’, comhghleacaithe a ‘Det’ agus SAS chun bonn, bhí ceiliúradh mór. ‘Bhí páirtí ollmhór agus chuaigh sé is dócha ar feadh 24 uair an chloig,’ a dúirt sí. ‘Bhí a lán de beoir ar meisce. Bhí muid lúcháireach. Shíl muid go raibh sé post a dhéanamh go maith. Chuir sé tonnta turrainge tríd an domhan sceimhlitheoireachta a bhí muid ar ais ar an mbarr. ‘ Dúirt sí de na fir IRA marbh. ‘Tá siad ar fad oibrithe deonacha agus go gníomhach ag gabháil i gcoinne an arm na Breataine. Tá siad ‘ag cogadh’ mar a bheadh siad cur síos a dhéanamh air. Is é mo dearcadh go bhfuil má tá cónaí ort ag an claíomh, tá tú bás ag an claíomh. Bhí muid sásta ach ag deireadh an lae a bheith beo dúinn féin. ‘ Tá roinnt faisnéise nua atá san Airteagal seo, is cinnte gur tháinig an táscaire chéad le haghaidh oibriú Loch gCál ó Speisialta an RUC Brainse Informer i mBaile Mhuineacháin. Seo informer i dteagmháil chomh maith leis an RUC in iúl dóibh go raibh ar athraíodh a ionad Jim Lynagh go dtí teach sábháilte i Oileán an Ghuail díreach roimh an oibríocht Loch gCál. Nuair a bhí na seirbhísí slándála lena táscaire chéad oibríocht IRA mór, bhí m15 agus an RUC a gcomhchoibhneas go simplí a iliomad faisnéise a mheaitseáil leis an Foireann A a sprioc. Ag an am céanna go raibh dírithe m15 agus an SAS ar an Tír Eoghain Thoir IRA, bhí M16 obair go dlúth le Máirtín Mac Aonghusa (a bhí earcaithe mar ghníomhaire M16 i 1985) agus Gerry Adams agus bhí cur chuige lámha-uaire chun an IRA i nDoire agus Béal Feirste. Bhí streachailt leanúnach ar siúl laistigh den cheannaireacht poblachtach, bhí Adams agus Mc Guinness anois i dteagmháil rialta leis na Breataine agus bhí príomh-ceannairí IRA, mar shampla Kevin Mc Kenna ndearnadh a le feachtas cathach eolas a fháil dara láimhe ó Caoimhghin O ‘ Caoláin a thaistil ó thuaidh go rialta chun cruinnithe ceannaireachta. Mc Kenna cónaí agus saol ag an am a scríobh i gContae Mhuineacháin agus bhí sé ar an reáchtáil ó thuaidh mar a bhí a bhí sé ag na Breataine i ndáil le roinnt na n-ionsaithe an IRA i gContae Thír Eoghain. Mc Kenna a bhí le blianta fada cinnte go mbeadh an ghné pholaitiúil an fheachtais fanacht níos mó ná rud a tactic agus mar sin d’fhéadfadh sé leanúint ar aghaidh lena fheachtas cathach. An cath leanúnach idir ‘seabhac’ agus ‘doves’ nó hibridí an dá Chiallaigh sé sin go sna 1980idí, chinn an cheannaireacht PIRA lena fheachtas ar ais go Sasana, rinneadh é seo le haghaidh roinnt cúiseanna lena n-áirítear cuidiú chun díriú an intinn na hidirbheartaithe na Breataine agus ar uninterested-Phríomh-Aire, Bean Thatcher. Bhí sé chomh maith boast meanma i measc lucht tacaíochta poblachtach, go háirithe i nDoire agus i mBéal Feirste áit a raibh moill Adams agus Mc Guinness síos gníomhaíocht IRA agus i gcás gur aontaigh an Brits cur chuige na lámha-uaire. An chuid is mó de ghníomhaíocht IRA a bhí ar siúl in áiteanna tuaithe ó thuaidh agus go háirithe Tír Eoghain, Fear Manach agus Deisceart Ard Mhacha. Ag 02:54 ar an Lá 12 Deireadh Fómhair 1984, fuair poblachtaigh borradh meanma nach raibh súil ag go leor nuair a phléasc buama ag Comhdháil Pháirtí Coimeádach i Brighton, beagnach marú Príomh Aire na Breataine, Bean Thatcher. Bhí lá joyous do na poblachtánaigh mé féin san áireamh a bhí fuath Thatcher ar an bhfíric go raibh shuigh sí go hidéalach agus cheadaigh deich fir óga Gaeilge ocras chun báis i Cheis Fhada. Mar sin féin, chomh minic agus is amhlaidh roimh, go raibh sé sibhialtaigh neamhchiontach a fuair bás agus a gortaíodh go dona, bhí sé, áfach, ionsaí eisceachtúil ó thaobh pleanála agus úsáid teicneolaíochtaí nua fós simplí. An Bombers Brighton gabhadh ina dhiaidh sin ar bhonn na faisnéise arna soláthar ag informer. Ba é ceann de na gabhadh ball sinsearach de Shinn Féin, arís a léiríonn an dúbailteacht an phearsanra i Sinn Féin / IRA. Margaret Thatcher, mar fhreagra ar an ionsaí an IRA neartófaí cur suas a n-iarrachtaí a bheith fir an IRA a eiseachadadh ó Phoblacht na hÉireann agus freisin chun labhairt leis na páirtithe bunreachtúla sa tuaisceart, d’fhonn a defame agus imeallú tuilleadh ‘na fir an fhoréigin. Ar an 15 Samhain, 1985 ag gCaisleán Hillsborough, Bean Thatcher agus an Taoiseach na hÉireann, Garrett Fitzgerald shínigh an Comhaontú Angla Éireannach. Aontachtaithe dúirt ‘Níl’ ar an gcomhaontú mar atá sé ról don rialtas Bhaile Átha Cliath i dTuaisceart Éireann gnóthaí, áfach, sa deireadh chinn an hAontachtaithe sin; Sa deireadh má táimid bata le chéile agus liathróid imirt leis na Breataine beidh muid ag fanacht mar saoránaigh na Breataine i gceannas ar ár gcinniúint féin. Náisiúnaithe Constitutionalist (SDLP) dúirt, yes, mar a chreid siad go mbeadh sé an bonn den gluaiseachtaí poblachtacha ‘sainordú. Captaen James Kelly a bhí gafa leis na trialacha arm go luath sna 1970í agus mar atá leagtha amach níos luaithe sa leabhar seo cur síos ar an gComhaontú Hillsborough mar earráid mórdhíobháil nuair a dúirt sé; Gur caitheadh roimh 1970, náisiúnach i dTuaisceart Éireann mar shaoránaigh rang a dó. Kelly le fios gur mar ba é seo an chúis láithreach na coimhlinte sa tuaisceart, bhí go leor ‘go mícheart’ léim ar an tuairim go má tugadh Cearta an Duine agus Sibhialta iomlán a náisiúnaithe mbeadh siad glacadh á n-ainmniú na Breataine. A bhí bunaithe Sunningdale ar premise den sórt sin. Mar sin, chomh maith i gComhaontú Angla-Éireannach, tá sé ina earráid mórdhíobháil sa mhéid is go, cosúil le Marxism mheas faoina luach sé an tábhacht a bhaineann le féiniúlacht náisiúnta. An tOllamh Paul Bew ag Ollscoil na Banríona, Béal Feirste díospóid ar an gcoincheap sin an tábhacht a bhaineann athaontú le náisiúnaithe ó thuaidh nuair a dúirt sé go; Náisiúnaithe ag iarraidh deireadh a chur le polasaithe a bhraitear leatromach faoi réimeas aontachtach, agus tá an cheist náisiúnta i gcomparáid beagán níos mó ná tábhacht sentimental. Is é seo an dearcadh ag Bew go leor ag teacht leis an gcomhlacht leathan smaoineamh náisiúnach i dtuaisceart na hÉireann agus go deimhin náisiún na hÉireann ina iomláine. Tá formhór na gCaitliceach na hÉireann ar Oileán na hÉireann ag iarraidh go simplí chun beo go buan agus go bhfuil an fáth go bhfuil Sinn Féin agus páirtithe eile atá fheiceáil mar mhór a bhí go traidisiúnta sciar céatadán beag den vóta tóir ar an Oileán na hÉireann. Bhí cruaite an t-imoibriú aontachtaithe don Chomhaontú Angla-Éireannach ag an bhfíric go raibh náisiúnaithe bunreachtúla thar a dhíol ar an ról Rialtas na hÉireann sa todhchaí ó thuaidh. Dílseoirí / Aontachtaithe / Protastúnaigh ina anois i achrann foréigneach oscailte leis an RUC mar a bhí fágtha ar an RUC sa líne tosaigh i gcoinne agóidí aontachtach agus fearg. Cuireadh chun sochair Ardchonstábla ar an RUC Sir Jack Herman linn na tréimhse seo le coinneáil an RUC ó cion mutiny. Tá sé aon iontas gur ghlac an daonra i gcoitinne agus a bhunú polaitiúla i bPoblacht na hÉireann an Comhaontú Angla-Éireannach. An glacadh oscailte den Chomhaontú Angla-Éireannach angered Gerry Adams agus ba chúis dó arís a rá; Ní féidir linn súil a thógáil tríocha a dó contae eile más rud é nach bhfuil muid a thógáil streachailt tríocha a dó contae. Bhí bheith ag an ordú ó thuaidh faoi Adams agus Mc Guinness ionas insular go raibh siad i mbaol a bheith in ann a shealbhú ar aon fhoras i bPoblacht na hÉireann. Ní raibh eagraíocht beagán nó gan aon pholaitiúil sa deisceart. Bhí Muineachán, An Mhí, Lú, Dún na nGall agus Baile Átha Cliath na roinnt áiteanna i bPoblacht nuair a d’fhéadfadh Sinn Féin pointe réalaíoch le rath eagraíocht agus polaitiúla. Ceannaireacht poblachtach ar aghaidh a theipeann glacadh le straitéis pholaitiúil fíor ar fud an Oileáin uile na hÉireann. Bhí bheith ag an cheannaireacht thuaidh insular agus paranoid mar a rinne siad chun smacht a choinneáil ar fist iarainn na heagraíochta. Cé go raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach sa tuaisceart foréigean seicteach a náisiúnaithe tréada i ngeiteo taobh thiar dóibh, go raibh siad aon ghléas den sórt sin comhéigneacha sa Phoblacht. Tom King, Rúnaí Stáit Thuaisceart Éireann i 1985 dúirt an Chomhaontaithe Angla-Éireannach; Táimid tar éis a síníodh Comhaontú ina bhfuil an Príomh-Aire na hÉireann i ndáiríre glacadh le haghaidh gach críche praiticiúla ….. ní bheidh a bheith ann Éire aontaithe. Adams agus a leanúna a fhios cé go raibh abstentianism i dTuaisceart Éireann ‘inghlactha’ nach raibh sé inghlactha i bPoblacht na hÉireann. Formhór na ndaoine i bPoblacht na hÉireann ag súil a n-ionadaithe tofa chun freastal ar an Dáil (Parlaimint na hÉireann) riamh, fiú má tá siad a bhaint amach i ndáiríre go mór. An díospóireacht ar abstentianism a bhí raging tríd an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach; bhí sé soiléir fada roimh an 1986 Ard Fheis go raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar tí é a sracadh féin seachas uair amháin níos mó. Daoine den sórt sin mar mé a bhí sa dá Sinn Féin agus an IRA a bhí faoi orduithe sonracha gan plé a dhéanamh ar an ábhar abstentianism lasmuigh de na cruinnithe éagsúla a bhí ar siúl suas go dtí an Ard Fheis. An 1986 Ard Fheis a bhí ar chúrsaí a shocrú chun an achrann ar abstentianism a bhí dosheachanta, a chur ar an tairiscint ar aghaidh ag an gComhairle Ard (Sinn Féin ceannasaíocht) a léamh; Go titeann an Ard Fheis meon staonadh ar Theach Laighean. Beidh an rathúil Sinn Féin iarrthóirí sna fiche sé chontae toghcháin freastal ar Theach Laighean mar a ordóidh an Chomhairle Ard agus ní a tharraingt a dtuarastail le haghaidh úsáide pearsanta. Is fiú tabhairt faoi deara go raibh an íobairt selfless maidir le tuarastail le haghaidh úsáid phearsanta go luath taobh-neartófaí cur le duine aonair Sinn Féin Teachtaí Dála a bhailiú níos mó ná 100k in aghaidh na bliana. Sna míonna ag rith suas go dtí an 1986 Ard Fheis, Adams lucht tacaíochta Thuaidh agus Theas, lena n-áirítear an scríbhneoir, d’oibrigh go crua i gcontaetha Mhuineacháin, an Chabháin, Lú agus Dún na nGall a fháil Cumans nua (áitiúil Sinn Féin coistí) i bhfeidhm agus go Adams mar go leor a bheith vótaí agus is féidir ar an urlár na hArd Fheise. Bhí sé arís ar an réamh-1970 Ard Fheis a bhí le feiceáil ar an scoilt an IRA Oifigiúil, ar an IRA Sealadach hOiséite, cé an am seo d’fhan an gunnaí leis an PIRA. Le haghaidh seachtain tar éis a dúirt an 1986 Ard Fheis toscairí an gcaoi a raibh vótáil siad ar son Cumans a bhí ann ar pháipéar amháin, d’fhonn a chaitheamh thar an cheannaireacht d’aois ó dheas. Adams ina aitheasc an Ard Fheis rinne sé soiléir go bhfuil an PIRA a bhí ag tacú leis an athrú ar abstentianism ó polasaí a tactic, thug ról déach Adams ‘ar an Arm an IRA Comhairle agus le Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle dó an deis a sway an Ard-Arm Coinbhinsiún (Tá a fhios againn anois an chuid is mó an Ard-Arm Coinbhinsiún bhí gníomhairí na Breataine) chun a bhealach smaointeoireachta trí seachtaine níos luaithe. Dúirt sé ag smaoineamh ar aon duine faoi deara scoilt go mbeadh siad freisin a bheith ag a thréigean an IRA. Bhí realized an IRA Sealadach gur gá iad a athrú má bhí siad ag dul le lamháltais sliocht as an Rialtas na Breataine agus níos faide iarracht a dhéanamh an bonn a bhaint toil na ndaoine, Protastúnach. An Adams ‘a ritheadh rún ag an tromlach de dhá thrian is gá agus mar súil shiúil O’Bradaigh agus Ó Conaill amach le daoine eile agus go gairid ina dhiaidh déanta Poblachtach Sinn Féin le Leanúnachas IRA a bheith a’ míleata ‘sciathán. Tá an PIRA faoi Adams agus Mc Guinness i gcrích ar roinnt na n-oibríochtaí míleata go gairid tar éis an scoilt a thaispeáint nach bhfuil siad raibh tionchar ag an athrú polasaí, chabhraigh seo a thaispeáint ar neart míleata a choinneáil ar an militants íon ar bord. Bhí dtroideanna go leor i measc na poblachtaigh, ach riamh, formhéadú sé isteach aon rud cosúil leis an scoilt sa bhliain 1970. An doiciméad inmheánach a scaipeadh i measc iad siúd de dúinn i Shinn Féin / IRA i 1986 tar éis an Ard Fheis thaispeáin go raibh Adams agus Mc Guinness go daingean i gceannas ar an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a bhí beagnach go heisiach déanta suas anois de Adams ‘tá’ fir (gníomhairí na Breataine) . Ní raibh sé seo go bhfuil a eisiamh militarists íon, d’fhéadfadh daoine cosúil Kevin Mc Kenna agus a bhfuil staidéar á Jim Lynagh leanúint ar aghaidh le gnó mar is gnáth mar a bhí a fhios Adams agus Mc Guinness go má chaill siad figiúirí IRA sinsearach mbeadh siad i dtrioblóid fíor a dhéanamh ar a bplean an chéad leibhéal eile. An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 8 A Arm Rúnda Measartha – Caibidil 8 – Polaitíocht na Protastúnaigh ndúnmharú An ghluaiseacht phoblachtach faoi cheannaireacht Mc Guinness agus Adams ar aghaidh a theipeann i dtéarmaí a tháirgeadh ar straitéis chomhtháite agus soiléir polaitiúil ar an mbealach a ceann. Bhí siad anois luchtaithe as an garda sean Brádaigh O ‘agus Ó Conaill, ach tá fós taobh istigh de Shinn Féin / IRA d’fhonn schizophrenic ar fud an domhain. Adams agus Mc Guinness agus glacadh le cur chuige rian cúpla ar an Armalite i lámh amháin agus an bosca ballóide sa chás eile, lean siad a bheith ar an eireaball polaitiúil á wagged an madra míleata go raibh an IRA. Adams agus Mc Guinness bhí-Janus aghaidh ar a gceannaireacht, ar an domhan go raibh siad ag iarraidh a dhíol féin mar cheannairí polaitiúla pragmatach fós ag a n-croí agus ar na sráideanna a bhí á thiomáint siad ag dúnmharú seicteach a gcomharsana Protastúnacha. Ní raibh an tseirbhís Breataine rún a bhí ag stiúradh Adams agus McGuinness chailliúint codladh níos mó ná an bás na gCaitliceach áitiúla agus Protastúnaigh, i ndáiríre seo feistithe go maith lena n-plean a dhíol an choimhlint ó thuaidh mar aon rud níos mó ná squabble idir dhá tribes seicteach. Adams a dúirt go mbeadh sé is fearr a fheiceáil staid ina raibh an streachailt armtha gan ghá, ach Adams ag a sruth i dtreo pholaitíocht ghlac cheana féin gur theip ar poblachtachas cathach. Adams a bhí ag glacadh anois ar an bhfíric, cosúil le Goulding roimhe, bhí go poblachtachas cathach aon todhchaí fadtéarmach agus ní raibh aon rud níos mó ná bac ar bith socrú polaitiúil sa tuaisceart. Adams agus Mc Guinness a bhí ag ligean a chroí chun rialú a thabhairt a n-intinn mar a lean siad revel i bhfeachtas an IRA i gcoinne an phobal Protastúnach. Bhí a fhios acu domhain síos go raibh an ‘cogadh’ os a chionn ach a fhios acu freisin go raibh an Protastúnaigh a bheith unnerved dá Sinn Féin ag dul a fháil áit ar bith plé polaitiúil. Ar an 30 Eanáir, 1915, IRA, ceannaire, Séamas Ó Conghaile scríobh chuig Dúirt an Oibrí: Beidh muid ag troid le haghaidh ár chúis le focail nuair a bhíonn focail úsáideacha, agus le arm nuair a arm ag teastáil. Mar sin féin, bhí Séamas Ó Conghaile ag caint faoi an IRA a bhí i ngleic oscailte leis an Arm na Breataine, bhí an IRA de 1986 an IRA follasach díriú agus murdering Protastúnaigh neamhchiontach. Adams agus Mc Guinness a bhí anois faoi rialú an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach fós fhan sé ar ancaire i foréigean seicteach. An cheannaireacht Sinn Féin ina Ard Chomhairle i 1987 bhí tríocha comhalta a bhí beagnach go heisiach ó thuaidh. Ach nuair a léigh duine ar an liosta na n-ainmneacha ar an gComhairle Ard ag an am sin d’fhéadfadh duine a forgiven chun a chreidiúint go raibh an cheannaireacht a bheith níos lú ná macánta faoi an makeup geografach an Chomhairle Ard, tá IRA veteran, Joe Cahill (RIP) ionadaíocht ar an liostú oifigiúil a bheith ó Chontae Lú sa Phoblacht, nuair a bhí Joe is cinnte as Béal Feirste. Ceannaireacht poblachtach ar aghaidh chun iarracht a dhéanamh gach rud do gach uile phobal, más rud é ar athraíodh a ionad siad freisin go tapa i dtreo ar bith ar cheann d’fhéadfadh siad roinnte a thuilleadh ag an eagraíocht, chiallaigh sé sin gur lean militarists íon, mar shampla Kevin Mc Kenna agus ‘Slab’ Tomás Ó Murchú le gnó mar is gnách. Ba mhaith leis an 1987 Meitheamh toghcháin Westminster féach Sinn Féin a thairiscint ar an bhratach na ‘saoirse, ceartas agus síocháin’ do mhuintir Thuaisceart Éireann. Mar sin féin, d’fhéadfadh ceannlínte banner den sórt sin a cheilt ar éigean ar an bhfeachtas atá ar siúl i ndúnmharú i gcoinne an phobal Protastúnach ag an IRA. An pobal Caitliceach a bhí chailliúint foighne leis an gceannaireacht a poblachtach; bhí sé ar an gnáth daoine Caitliceach a bhí ag an brunt na bearta díoltais dílseoirí do ionsaithe IRA. Ní raibh an pobal Caitliceach a bhí á iompar ag ceannlínte banner gur chiallaigh rud ar bith, chuaigh an Sinn Féin vóta síos ó 13.4% i 1983 go 11.3% i 1987. Bhí sé seo ina bhuille mór leis an cheannaireacht go háirithe mar a bhí thit siad abstentianism. Fuair Adams atoghadh in Iarthar Bhéal Feirste, áfach, ní fhéadfadh fiú an rath seo a thomhas a chlúdach an réaltacht teip Sinn Féin a dhéanamh a thuilleadh bhuntáistí polaitiúla. Caitlicigh a bhí ag casadh ar náisiúnachas bunreachtúil seachas cad a bhfaca siad mar poblachtas seicteach. An SDLP ar ghnóthachain suntasach agus fuair triúr Feisirí a toghadh Westminster. Is fiú a lua anseo go raibh Sinn Féin ar cheann de na is sofaisticiúla córais rigging vóta a chaitheamh sa saol nua-aimseartha democratised. An Sinn Féin mantra toghcháin a bhí, ‘Vóta Luath, Vóta minic’, bhí sé aon áibhéil a rá gur féidir le daoine a fuair bás agus a bhí fós ar an gclár toghthóirí raibh a caitheadh vóta. Daoine a d’fhág Éire blianta fada sula raibh a n-vóta dóibh; i réimsí rialú ag an IRA a chothabháil siad rialuithe daingean ar vótáil. Tá gach páirtí polaitíochta cead a bheith ar cheann gníomhaire pearsanú sna hionaid vótála. Ciallaíonn sé seo go bhfuil duine éigin ó Shinn Féin suí i lár vótála an lá ar fad le liosta d’ainmneacha na ndaoine a bheidh le vóta a chaitheamh sa limistéar sin, thart ar uair an chloig roimh na hionaid vótála a bheidh gar Sinn Féin / IRA ball in iúl nach bhfuil a vótáil agus a bheidh siad cuairt a thabhairt ar na tithe. Beidh daoine a dhéanamh chun na hionaid vótála i tacsaithe dubh agus más rud é nach féidir leo dul ar chúis ar bith a bheadh Féin / IRA Sinn comhalta a gcárta vótála agus caithfidh siad vóta iad. Do mo náire, chonaic mé é, ghlac mé páirt ann agus ghlac mé é. Bhí an Chomhdháil Angla-Éireannach bunaithe agus gur cheadaigh seo go léir na páirtithe bunreachtúil chun páirt a ghlacadh i rud éigin go bhfuil an chuma pragmatach, bhí an SDLP agus John Hume Caitlicigh a thabhairt le súil thuaidh tús nua ach chuma bhfostú gluaiseacht phoblachtach i n-bealaí d’aois. Cé go raibh dúnmharú seicteach rud éigin glorified ag poblachtaigh sin ar a dtugtar i geiteonna leithscartha i mBéal Feirste agus i nDoire, i na Caitlicigh tuath a bhí i bhfad níos lú seicteach i n-dearcadh agus bhí idirspleách ar a chéile sa saol laethúil. Caitlicigh agus Protastúnaigh i mbailte agus i sráidbhailte beaga a bhí ag obair agus ag maireachtáil taobh le taobh, bhí gach a dtraidisiúin féin, ach na traidisiúin a bhí den chuid is mó ciúin ar mhaithe le maireachtáil i bpobal. Ach rumbled an meaisín dúnmharú poblachtach seicteach ar. Ar an 8 Samhain, 1987, de réir mar Adams agus Mc Guinness Labhair faoi plandáil ‘síochána agus ceartais’ an IRA buama in Inis Ceithleann i gContae Fhear Manach, i gcás ina cuimhneacháin cogadh seirbhís a bhí á reáchtáil ag an Leacht Cuimhneacháin i lár an bhaile. Ba é seo an áit a bhailiú traidisiúnta le haghaidh an teaghlach agus cairde na fir agus mná a bhí tar éis titim cé sa chogadh domhanda chéad agus an dara agus é ag troid tyranny. An buama IRA curtha chun uasmhéadú taismigh maraíodh 11 Protastúnaigh agus gortaithe go tromchúiseach eile 63 Protastúnaigh. An ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a bhí arís léirithe a chroí dorcha, agus bhain an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ach in ann nó toilteanach chun dul ar aghaidh. Bhí sé líomhanta go raibh an ionsaí díoltas a mharú ochtar ball IRA ag Loch gCál Bealtaine na bliana sin, áfach, ní féidir leis an dúnmharú mais neamhchiontach fir, mná agus páistí a bheith retaliation le haghaidh an marú armtha bhaill an IRA. Ceannaireacht poblachtach aitheanta go tapa go raibh an ionsaí follasach ar an bpobal Protastúnach tromchúiseach caidreamh poiblí botún. De ghnáth, nuair a dhéantar iad an IRA gníomh foréigin éiligh siad freagracht díreach tríd a n-ainm cleite, ‘P. O’Neil ‘, áfach, ar feadh tríocha uair an chloig tar éis an ionsaí Inis Ceithleann thit an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach adh. Nuair a bheidh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach cuireadh iachall ar deireadh a admháil freagracht as an dúnmharú maise, bhí gcuid focal log i measc na focail ar an Athair ar cheann de na íospartaigh buama. Gordon Wilson (anois éagtha) chaill a iníon óg, altra. Bhí chumhdaithe chuid focal de maithiúnas agus compassion ar fud an domhain nuair a dúirt sé: Iompróidh mé aon toil tinn. Ní gur saghas cainte ag dul a thabhairt di ar ais go dtí saol. Bhí sí ina mór beag Lassie. Thaitin sí a gairm. Bhí sí ina peataí agus tá sí marbh. Tá sí ar neamh agus beidh muid le chéile arís. Ná cuir ceist dom le do thoil chun críche. Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil na críche sin. Ní féidir liom freagra ach tá a fhios agam go bhfuil a bheith ina phlean. Más rud é nach raibh mé ag smaoineamh go bhfuil, ba mhaith liom tiomantas féinmharú. Tá sé mar chuid de phlean níos mó agus Dia go maith agus beidh muid le chéile arís. Gerry Adams a bhí beag a chur ar fáil mar fhreagra nuair a dúirt sé: Ní dóigh liom gur féidir a bheith ann Enniskillens níos mó agus Sílim go bhfuil an IRA i glacadh le freagracht as an méid a tharla agus a mhíniú, le fios go bhfuil siad ag dul chun a chinntiú go bhfuil Enniskillens níos mó. Na focail weasel Ba le haghaidh na ceamaraí agus an lucht féachana domhanda, taobh thiar de na poblachtaigh radhairc lena n-áirítear a bhí mé féin lúcháireach mar gheall ar an buama Inis Ceithleann. Tá sé Creidtear go forleathan go raibh an buama Inis Ceithleann ar a laghad déanta ag déantóir buama an IRA ó Mhuineachán a bhí ina chara gar de chuid Óglaigh na hÉireann ceannasaí Jim Lynagh a maraíodh ag Loch gCál ag an SAS. An déantóir buama a bhí gar do IRA Ceann Foirne, Kevin Mc Kenna agus dá bhrí sin bheadh an déantóir buama IRA aghaidh aon smachtbhanna i ndáil leis na básanna sibhialta a tabhaíodh in Inis Ceithleann fiú má bhí an cheannaireacht Janus-aghaidh chun iarracht a scaradh féin ó na atrocity ag am na polaitíochta de íogair. Dúbailteacht Adams ‘mar Airm Ball Comhairle agus an Ard Chomhairle ball Chiallaigh sé sin go leagan atá freagrach as an massacre ag Inis Ceithleann ag a chéim doras. Na meáin ar aghaidh ag speculate faoi seabhac agus doves laistigh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach, áfach, ba é seo beagán mímhacánta. Cónaí orm, a ithe, agus bhí sé i bpríosún le poblachtaigh; bhí a fhios agam an chuid is mó bisiúil marfóirí IRA agus na daoine is spreagtha go polaitiúil de Sinn Féin. I mo chuid ama go léir sa ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ní fhaca mise amháin poblachtach nach raibh curadh gníomh IRA agus go háirithe nuair a chaingean sin IRA a bhí dírithe follasach ar an bpobal Protastúnach. Is é an meán i dTuaisceart Éireann pobal beag agus an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach mar aon fhiontar eile lena trolls sna meáin. Bhí sé Myth úsáideach a thabharfadh le tuiscint go raibh doves agus seabhac sa ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Mar sin féin, fiú amháin i ndiaidh an massacre Inis Ceithleann agus an caillteanas tonna pléascáin agus airm ar an long an Eksund a cinneadh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun leanúint ar aghaidh le foréigean seicteach. Sa bhliain 1988 John Hume, thosaigh an ceannaire SDLP próiseas cainteanna rúnda leis an gceannaireacht a poblachtach trí Adams agus Mc Guinness. An ghluaiseacht phoblachtach sainordú faltering mar a bhí sé go bhfuair, leibhéal na tacaíochta go bhfuil an chuma ag teacht agus mar sin chreid Hume ceart nó mícheart nach mbeadh i dteagmháil le Adams Gortaítear an SDLP. Ba léir do gach duine más rud é go raibh a bheith ar chineál éigin de shocrú sa tuaisceart a bheadh sé a bheith ar réiteach a bhí Sinn Féin. Tá an chinnteacht achoimriú suas ag Bishop agus Mallie nuair a deir siad: Ag deireadh an lae, in ainneoin go léir an intinn, polaitíocht maith in Éirinn, mar Adams discerned, a bhí fós ina ábhar tribalism. Cibé rud a tharla, bhí méadú an IRA agus Sinn Féin freisin buan mar ghné den tírdhreach pholaitiúil na hÉireann a bheith fágtha amach as aon phléití dáiríre faoi a thodhchaí. [1] Na caibidlíochta idir John Hume agus Gerry Adams mhair ó Mhárta go Meán Fómhair, 1988 agus go mbeadh a bheith ar a dtugtar an tionscnamh Hume / Adams. An rúndacht go timpeall na cainteanna Hume / Adams chúis amhras ó ndílseoirí agus náisiúnaithe. Plé thosaigh teacht chun cinn de Pan-Nationalist-Tosaigh agus d’fhág Aontachtaithe / dílseoirí an-un-éasca. Is fiú a thabhairt faoi deara go bhfuil Náisiúnaithe Chaitliceach i dTuaisceart Éireann atá mar bunúsach seachas Sinn Féin / IRA mar go bhfuil dílseoirí, mar sin Hume a bhí ag cur i mbaol dáiríre. Paraimíleataigh dhílseacha thosaigh anois chun díriú ar bhaill an SDLP mar atá le feiceáil siad iad mar a thabhairt dlisteanacht le gníomhaíochtaí marfach ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach. Dílseoirí ag iarraidh chun árachas nach mbeadh Pan-Náisiúnach-Tosaigh chun cinn as an tionscnamh Hume / Adams. Ag an Sinn Féin Ard Fheis i 1989 cáineadh Gerry Adams ina dúbailteacht hypocritical an IRA a teip leanúnach chun a chinntiú nach sibhialtaigh a maraíodh. Tá a fhios againn anois ó leabhar nua Ed Moloney s ‘Voices ó na Grave’ go raibh Gerry Adams féin a ordú líomhain an dúnmharú sibhialtaigh neamhchiontach. Mar a mhínigh mé nuair ag caint faoi Loch gCál, ó 1986 Protastúnaigh an raibh sibhialta nó míleata na spriocanna ceart an IRA. Sinn Féin a bhí os comhair isteach i gceann eile toghchán Bealtaine 1989 agus mar sin bhí Adams ag iarraidh a scaradh cosmetically féin ó ar siúl atrocities IRA. Sinn Féin chreid go bhféadfadh siad vótaíocht go maith sna toghcháin rialtais áitiúil i dTuaisceart Éireann i mBealtaine 1989 mar thoradh ar an tionscnamh Hume / Adams. Mar sin féin, lean atrocities IRA a shealbhú ar an Sinn Féin sainordú statach beagnach. Sinn Féin polled 11.3%, titim ó na toghcháin áitiúil roimhe sin i 1985. Sinn Féin a bhí teacht ar aon bhfabhar leis na toghthóirí i bPoblacht na hÉireann ach an oiread. Poblacht na hÉireann a bhí i cúlú eile fós eacnamaíochta agus an giúmar poiblí a aistriú go vóta agóid do pháirtithe eite chlé. Olltoghchán 1989 Ginearálta sa Phoblacht le feiceáil ar an Páirtí na nOibrithe (bhí sé seo oifigiúil Sinn Féin óna scoilt Adams i 1970) bua 5% den vóta náisiúnta agus a thabhairt dóibh seacht suíochán i bParlaimint na hÉireann, Dáil Éireann. Páirtí an Lucht Oibre Bhuaigh 9.5% den vóta náisiúnta agus cúig shuíochán sa Dáil. Laghdaíodh vóta Shinn Féin le 1.2% den vóta náisiúnta agus bhuaigh siad aon suíocháin. Dhírigh an Sinn Féin vóta i bpócaí beaga, mar shampla Muineachán / An Cabhán, Dún na nGall, Lú, na Mí, Ciarraí agus Baile Átha Cliath. Bhí go leor den Sinn Féin eagraíocht i bPoblacht tógtha ag iarrachtaí na Mhuineacháin poblachtach, Caoimhghin O’Caolain, a bhí ina tacaíocht Fail Fianna traidisiúnta ach chuaigh Shinn Féin i 1980 mar thacaíocht do na Stailceoirí Ocrais. Mar sin féin, fiú amháin i measc na bhfolús den sórt sin polaitiúil i bPoblacht na hÉireann nach raibh na daoine a féachaint ar Sinn Féin a thairiscint aon rogha eile réadach nó straitéis pholaitiúil. An Toghchán Eorpach i 1989 a bhí le bheith eile baraiméadar de fortunes polaitiúil Sinn Féin, i vóta Poblacht na hÉireann Sinn Féin a bhí slashed ó 5.2% sna Toghcháin roimhe Eorpach go 2.9%. I dTuaisceart Éireann slumped an Sinn Féin vóta freisin go 9.2% den iomlán, sa bhliain 1984 a fuair Sinn Féin 13.4% den vóta iomlán. Ceannaireacht poblachtach ar aghaidh chun iarracht a dhéanamh agus a mhíniú ar shiúl a n-teipeanna toghcháin le gearáin faoi chinsireacht agus na toghcháin atá le teacht ró-luath tar éis an athrú ar an mbeartas abstentianism. Ach bhí réaltacht stánadh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach in aghaidh; raibh aon rogha eile comhleanúnach polaitiúil a chur ar fáil ar na daoine. Branda Sinn Féin de poblachtas cathach seicteach raibh aon áit sa pholaitíocht daonlathach Poblacht na hÉireann. Thóg gcomrádaithe iar Shinn Féin i Oifigiúil Sinn Féin (Páirtí na nOibrithe) seacht suíochán sa Dáil. Gur íoc cinneadh Goulding chun dul polaitíochta i 1970 díbhinní agus Adams a fhios ach go maith freisin. Bheadh 1990 a fheiceáil i bhfad fuath Mrs Thatcher éirí as oifig mar Príomh-Aire na Breataine, bhí sí le feiceáil ar pholasaí na Breataine i dTuaisceart Éireann ar feadh beagnach dhá bhliain déag agus bhí tuillte sí í féin uimhir amháin ar an láthair ar liosta bhuail an IRA an chuid is mó daoine ag iarraidh. Ní bheadh Thatcher dearmad a dhéanamh as a ról le linn na stailceanna ocrais. D’fhéadfadh Adams agus ceannaireacht thuaidh suí amháin ar ais agus é ag breathnú mar a bhí ar a gcomrádaithe iar Oifigiúil Sinn Fein seacht suíochán sa Dáil. Goulding Bhí tuairimí measctha ar a chinneadh chun dul polaitiúil i 1970 agus an Sealadach IRA / Sinn Féin chun moill ag dul polaitiúil nuair a dúirt sé: Bhí muid cinnte ceart, ach ceart go luath freisin. Is féidir Adams a bheith ceart i brú ar an provos i dtreo pholaitíocht, ach tá sé ró-mhall agus ní bheidh Ruari O’Bradaigh (Poblachtach S / F) a bheith ceart. [2] Mar oifig Thatcher chlé go raibh roinnt súil le hathrú polaitiúil sa tuaisceart. Mar sin féin, laistigh de chúpla mí gearr reasserted an IRA a bhfeachtas ar comhéigean eacnamaíoch agus síceolaíochta in aghaidh na Comh-Aireachta na Breataine agus an pobal na Breataine nuair a chuir siad fáilte roimh Príomh-Aire, John Major chun Uimhir 10 le ionsaí moirtéal. Gortaíodh aon cheann de na nAirí nó an Príomh-Aire mar a mbuaileann siad i Uimhir 10 ach an t-ionsaí i gcuimhne na Breataine nach raibh Saddam Hussein a namhaid amháin. Ba é an feachtas an IRA i gcoinne Rialtas na Breataine agus poiblí iarracht a chur ina luí orthu a bheith persuaders de na daoine Protastúnacha chun dul isteach Éire aontaithe nó aistriú i dtreo Éire aontaithe. Ar an talamh i dTuaisceart Éireann i bhfad ar shiúl ó na aire meáin, lean an IRA lena n-coiriúlacht, leanaí á lámhaigh i na cosa agus fosta ag dronganna IRA toisc go raibh siad dared a insint oibrí sóisialta go raibh siad raped nó gnéasach ionsaí ag a Sinn Féin nó IRA ball. Bhí robálacha armtha, smuigleáil, earraí góchumtha, agus mangairí drugaí ceadúnaithe gach cuid den méid a bhí anois Mafia IRA eagraíocht. Ba é Peter Brooke an Rúnaí Stáit nua do Thuaisceart Éireann agus a leagtar sé faoi shocrú le sraith de chainteanna faoi cainteanna. Na sceimhlitheoirí Lean dúnmharú ar a mbeidh, bhí dílseoirí anois réamhghníomhach seachas frithghníomhach agus i 1991 Dhúnmharaigh seachtó a cúig sibhialtaigh i fola fuar ar líon beagnach cothrom le dronga dúnmharú dílseoirí agus poblachtach. D’fhéadfaí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a thuilleadh a éileamh go raibh sibhialtaigh Phrotastúnacha taismigh de thaisme ‘cogadh’ mar sa bhliain 1991 ní raibh ach 19 taismeach míleata. Dílseoirí a bhí meaitseáil anois ar an gcomhlacht IRA seicteach count beagnach bás i leith báis. Bhí cuireadh an luí ‘cogadh’ faoi bhun na comhlachtaí an neamhchiontach agus Adams éileamh go ndéanfar leasanna Protastúnacha ag croí aon rud níos mó ná Myth féin-deluding. Rinneadh deimhin suirbhé fhairsing ag Livingston agus Morison i rogha páirtí i dTuaisceart Éireann sa bhliain 1991; fuair siad go cé go raibh nach bhfuil toirchiú tras idir aontachtaithe agus páirtithe náisiúnacha, ceann a dúirt Protastúnach a bheadh siad vóta do Shinn Féin. [3] Ceann de na tactics is cowardly úsáid ag an cheannaireacht poblachtach agus ceann amháin a chosain siad go leor tacaíochta ag an am seo an tactic úsáid a bhaint as Buamaí Daonna (seachfhreastalaí). Bhí an tactic forbartha ag a chomhlachú deireadh IRA cheannaire, Martin Mc Guinness. Mc Guinness bhraith go raibh air a thógáil ar ais ar roinnt de na cumhachta sráide a bhí bhog go sa ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann le Kevin Mc Kenna agus Thomas Murphy, McKenna agus Murphy a thóg a bhuailtear mór ó na Breataine agus ba chosúil gur poblachtaigh gnáth a bheith ag troid an ‘ cogadh ‘ar a gcuid féin. Baineadh úsáid as an tactic buama duine ar feadh tréimhse ghearr i rith na 1990í, áfach, bhí sé tréigthe sa deireadh tar éis outrage poiblí. Seo tactic buama an Duine i gceist ag tógáil sibhialta neamhchiontach agus tying go sibhialtach i gluaisteán nó veain agus forcing iad a thiomáint sa ghluaisteán nó veain pacáilte leis pléascáin i suiteáil na Breataine míleata, nuair a tháinig an duine sin ag an tsuiteáil míleata a bheadh an IRA explode an buama ag rialú iargúlta, marú an sibhialta agus aon duine i gcomharsanacht an buama. An duine éigean ar an buama a thiomáint ar a gceann scríbe dúradh de ghnáth go mbeadh a chlann a maraíodh más rud é nach raibh sé an buama a thiomáint chun a gceann scríbe. Murab ionann agus an sceimhlitheoireacht lá nua-aimseartha Muslim a deonach a shéideadh é féin suas i ionsaí buama féinmharú, bhí an IRA ró-cowardly a chur i gcrích ionsaithe den sórt sin iad féin. Bhí an ionsaithe Buama Daonna ceadaithe ag an Arm an IRA Comhairle a bhí fós ag dul sa tóir ar pholasaí glanadh eitneach i gcoinne na daoine Protastúnacha ag comhéigean araon fisiciúil agus síceolaíoch. Ar an 24 Deireadh Fómhair, 1990, gníomhach IRA luaidhe aonad seirbhíse ag duine an-gar do Martin Mc Guinness, ghlac an teaghlach Phádraig ghiall Gillespie, rabhadh tUasal Gillespie go mbeadh a bhean chéile agus leanaí a maraíodh más rud é nach raibh sé comhoibriú. Bhí ceangailte tUasal Gillespie i gluaisteán a bhí lán le £ 1,000 pléascán agus dúirt faoi bhagairt an bháis a thiomáint chuig an tsuiteáil Arm na Breataine ag Coshquin. Mar a shroich sé an tsuiteáil na Breataine an cladhaire thú IRA mhaidhmigh an buama ag rialú iargúlta, Dhúnmharaigh an tUasal Gillespie agus cúig cinn eile. Chomh maith leis sin ar an 24 Deireadh Fómhair, 1990, iachall ar an IRA pinsinéir a thiomáint buama i seicphointe Arm na Breataine lasmuigh Iúir. An pinsinéir cróga bhainistiú chun léim saor in aisce ag an nóiméad deireanach ach maraíodh duine amháin agus phléasc os cionn dosaen gortaithe mar an buama ag rialú in áiteanna iargúlta. I Ómaigh ar an lá céanna i 1990 bhí an IRA fear bean chéile agus leanaí beag ghiall, agus strapped siad dó i gluaisteán a líonadh go bhfuil pléascáin, ar an ócáid seo theip ar an buama le pléascadh. An IRA a onnmhairítear seo a tactic cowardly agus ar an 24 Aibreán, 1993, iachall ar an IRA dhá tiománaithe tacsaí Londain buamaí thiomáint chun Sráid Downing agus an Nua-Albain Clós, bhí an bheirt fhear in ann tacsaí a thréigean a gcuid feithiclí in áiteanna sábháilte agus rabhaidh a eisiúint chuig don phobal. Ba é seo an uair dheireanach a baineadh úsáid as an buama seachfhreastalaí mar a léirigh sé an IRA ar stáitse an domhain le haghaidh na cladhaire thú a bhí siad. An buama carr, veain buama, buama leoraí, buama moirtéal, buama seachfhreastalaí Forbraíodh go léir ag an IRA agus iad sa lá atá inniu a úsáidtear i bhfeachtais sceimhlitheoireachta ar fud an domhain. Is é an gcomhar dlúth idir an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach agus idirnáisiúnta / narco sceimhlitheoireacht caillte go minic sa doctoring casadh a bhaineann leis an bpróiseas síochána sa tuaisceart, tá sé seo amhlaidh go háirithe i sin ar a dtugtar na hÉireann / Meiriceánach meán a dhéanamh ar a gcuid aráin agus ime ó mhiotaseolaíocht phoblachtach. Is é fírinne an scéil go bhfuil na tactics úsáid ag grúpaí ar nós MTE, FARC agus Al-Qaida tactics múineadh go dóibh na hoibrithe IRA ar cuireadh chuig na tíortha sin mar mhalairt ar airm nó i gcás airgid drugaí FARC. An Taoiseach na hÉireann, an tUasal Charles Haughey, bhí a chur in ionad an Uasal Albert Reynolds, fear a raibh bagáiste polaitiúil beag agus an chuma réidh agus toilteanach aon ní a dhéanamh chun cabhrú le teacht ar fhoirmle ar an tribalism cogaíochta i dTuaisceart Éireann. Reynolds agus an Príomh Aire na Breataine, John Major, bhí an chuma ann labhairt go héasca lena chéile agus an chuma siad in ann agus toilteanach chun gnó a dhéanamh. Mar sin féin, bheadh an scáth dorcha chaith an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a thabhairt go luath lá eile dorcha i stair Thuaisceart Éireann. Ar an 17 Eanáir, 1992 cruthaíodh arís, má bhí gá cruthúnas, ná go Protastúnaigh an sprioc dlisteanach ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach nuair ar an dáta sin Dhúnmharaigh na seacht Protastúnaigh agus seacht gcinn eile gortaithe ag buama an IRA a dhírigh d’aon ghnó na fir agus iad ag thaisteal chun na hoibre i Treebane, Contae Thír Eoghain. An seabhac agus teoiric chol bhí nonsense, bhí an tráchtas lárnach den fheachtas poblachtach a fisiciúil agus psychologically chomhéigniú na daoine Protastúnacha i Éire aontaithe, dá bhfágfadh sin ag baint úsáide as meascán de dúnmharú agus polaitíocht ansin go bhfuil cad a úsáid. An tseirbhís rúnda na Breataine a bhí sásta chun suí siar agus ar chumas a gcuid gníomhairí chun leanúint ar aghaidh chun dul i mbun seicteachas treibhe. I cainteanna Londain faoi cainteanna ar aghaidh i measc na bpáirtithe bunreachtúla, lean Sinn Féin a eisiamh iad féin as na cainteanna mar gheall ar fhoréigean leanúnach phoblachtach. An Páirtí Aontachtach Daonlathach (DUP) ag iarraidh Rialtas na hÉireann a scriosadh Airteagail 2 agus 3 ó Bhunreacht na hÉireann (Bunreacht na hÉireann), bhí leagtha éilimh sin go Tuaisceart Éireann mar chuid den chríoch náisiúnta. Na cruinnithe á n-úsáid ag na Breataine a insint Meiriceánaigh na hÉireann go raibh próiseas i bhfeidhm chun roinnt de chineál socrú a thabhairt ar an bhfadhb thuaidh. I Meiriceá, bhí na 1992 toghcháin Uachtaránachta i swing iomlán agus an stocaireacht na hÉireann Meiriceánach a bhí flexing a matáin, ag tairiscint tacaíocht iomlán do Bill Clinton más rud é go mbeadh sé aontú le thoscaire síochána a chur chuig Tuaisceart Éireann. Bill Clinton Bhí ról lárnach sa phróiseas síochána agus a síocháin thoscaire George Mitchell a bhí fear an-in ann. Rialtas na Breataine ar aghaidh ag aontachtaithe a ráthú nach mbeadh a gcuid ceart bunreachtúil a bheith saoránaigh na Breataine an bonn aon déileáil. An seasamh atá á chothabháil ag na Breataine aghaidh le bheith ina fhadhb dóibh siúd ag iarraidh a bhaint as an Crosadh Aontachtach ar ghnóthaí an Tuaiscirt. Ag deireadh 1992 bhí ar a dtugtar Olltoghchán i bPoblacht na hÉireann, agus cuireadh ar ais Albert Reynolds agus a Páirtí Fianna Fail chun na hoifige mar chomhpháirtithe comhrialtas le Páirtí an Lucht Oibre. I mí Márta 1993 Albert Reynolds bualadh le Uachtarán Mheiriceá, Bill Clinton agus eolas air ar fhorbairtí sa tuaisceart. Reynolds bhí le rá i Rialtas láidir agus ullmhaíodh chun rioscaí a ghlacadh síocháin a dhaingniú sa tuaisceart. An Pan-Náisiúnachas labhartha ag aontachtaithe a bhí treisithe go anois ag an Aire le Príomh-láidir agus toilteanach Gaeilge a fuair tacaíocht a ag Uachtarán leasmhara agus an phobail Mheiriceá, Bill Clinton. Adams agus Hume bhí cainteanna cuimsitheach i 1988 agus go mbeadh na cainteanna ag tosú arís i 1993 mar a bhí móiminteam polaitiúil a bhuíochas sin do Reynolds. Aontachtaithe bhí raged amach mar d’fhéadfadh siad a fheiceáil go bhfuil náisiúnachas a bhí ag cur ar móiminteam nua, áfach, bhí Reynolds agus Hume ag iarraidh go simplí chun Sinn Féin a chur faoi bhráid constitutionalism. Sinn Féin a bhí á thairiscint an deis a bheith taobh istigh den tent polaitíochta nó lasmuigh de. Albert Reynolds raibh an creideamh mór i cumais John Hume ina láimhseáil Adams agus Sinn Fein nuair a dúirt sé: Tá an tUasal Hume polaiteoir an-taithí acu. Tá sé don Uasal Hume a mheas cibé an féidir rud éigin úsáideach a thagann as na cainteanna. Ba mhaith leis an triangulation Hume, Reynolds agus Clinton a bheith ar an bhunchloch cad a bheadh ina dtugtar an próiseas na síochána, bhí a fhios Sinn Féin / IRA go raibh sé seo an Saloon seasamh seo caite agus d’fhéadfadh siad a bheith i mar constitutionalists nó amach mar sceimhlitheoirí. Taobh thiar de na pictiúir ar an tSeirbhís Rúnda na Breataine faoi threoir a gcuid gníomhairí laistigh de cheannaireacht Sinn Féin / IRA, bhí na Breataine sásta chomh fada is nach cónraí á chur ar ais go Sasana. [1] Page 464 Bishop agus Mallie, 1994 [2] Page 324 Ollainn agus an Mac Donald, 1994 [3] Page 9 Livingston agus Morison, 1991 A Arm Rúnda Measartha – Caibidil 9 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 9 – chumadh na Síochána Faoi 1992 bhí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar na ráillí, bhí Martin Mc Guinness a earcaíodh mar ghníomhaire MI6 sa bhliain 1985 agus bhí sé tar éis ceadaithe cainteanna rúnda le M16 gníomhaire Michael Oakley (an dreapadóir sléibhe) do na blianta. Bhí Gerry Adams ag caint le John Hume, agus bhí fiú ionadaithe na hEaglaise Caitlicí ag obair taobh thiar de na pictiúir chun iarracht a dhéanamh agus a thabhairt Sinn Fein / IRA i ón fuar. An cheannaireacht poblachtach a fhios go bhféadfadh siad a bheith ceachtar an móiminteam nua polaitíochta nó fanacht scoite agus imeallaithe mar mafia seicteach / coiriúil. Ar an talamh a bhí sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha a thagann leis an gcomhlacht IRA ráta dúnmharú do chomhlacht, bhí an IRA i deacracht fíor agus Sinn Féin ag déanamh aon bhealach ceann polaitiúil. Doiciméad Shinn Féin, I dTreo Síochána buan in Éirinn i láthair, go dtí an 1992 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis an Chomhairle Ard mar dhoiciméad plé. Tá sé tábhachtach a thabhairt faoi deara go mbeadh a leithéid de cháipéis a léamh ach ag líon beag de phoblachtánaigh gheall ar an bhfíric go raibh an cheannaireacht paranoid faoi chruthú míshuaimhneas i gcuid céimeanna. An cháipéis go raibh an príomhchuspóir a chur in iúl don díospóireacht taobh istigh den pháirtí agus díospóireacht phoiblí níos leithne faoi conas is fearr chun straitéis a fhorbairt ar son na síochána in Éirinn. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bhí éadóchasach a ghabháil leis an dea-thoil atá á thairiscint taobh thiar de na pictiúir ag Rialtas na hÉireann, an Rialtas Mheiriceá, agus an SDLP. Mar sin féin, nach mbeadh dea-thoil seo caite go deo agus na bunaíochtaí polaitiúla a bhí ag fáil an-tuirseach an fhoréigin ar bhonn leanúnach seicteach. Tháinig Adams ina cainteanna le Hume a thuiscint go bhfuil tacaíocht ó Rialtas na hÉireann, agus an Riarachán Mheiriceá an t-am a bhí ag teacht gar nuair a d’fhéadfadh comhéigean polaitiúil buaic do ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Ag leibhéal na ceannaireachta a bhí an teoiric ag teacht chun cinn ar cheann de na taidhleoireacht thiomáint ard. A thabhairt isteach chun doiciméad Sinn Féin, I dTreo Síochána buan in Éirinn, deir: A Próiseas Síochána mór má tá sé le bheith idir fiúntach agus buaine aghaidh a thabhairt ar na bunchúiseanna na coimhlinte. Cé go d’fhéadfadh na sentiments a bheith uasal, má forordaithe ag daoine nach raibh dul ar aghaidh sa doiciméad céanna a chruthú thar aon ní eile a n-easpa féin tuisceana ar, “Cúiseanna an fhréamh na coimhlinte”, nuair a ar leathanach 14 den doiciméad, an Shinn Féin ceannaireacht aghaidh a thabhairt ar an bpobal Protastúnach. Deir an doiciméad go: Aontachtaithe ionadaíocht a dhéanamh ar thart ar an cúigiú cuid den mhuintir na hÉireann. Is é sin an cúigiú cuid dá dtagraítear sa cháipéis seo roinnt i bhfad níos mó ná aon tacaíocht a fuair Sinn Féin ar Oileán na hÉireann. Léiríonn sé seo iarracht fann ag an imeallú de na daoine Protastúnacha go leor go soiléir an cheannaireacht poblachtach theip ar a thuiscint ar an bhfíric go léiríonn a gcuid dáilcheantar i ngeiteo féin ach cuid bheag de mhuintir na hÉireann. Tá sé a n-poblachtachas cathach seicteach go raibh brú ar an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun an mhéid a shroicheann na próise polaitiúla daonlathaí i dTuaisceart Éireann agus Poblacht na hÉireann. Sa bhliain 1992 fuair Sinn Féin ach 1.6% de na vótaí ar fad a caitheadh sa Toghchán Eorpach i bPoblacht na hÉireann. An chuid is mó de na vótaí a chuaigh ach amháin trí Sinn Féin iarrthóirí, rud a léiríonn go raibh an traidisiún poblachtach cathach aon áit sa pholaitíocht Poblacht na hÉireann. I dteideal an doiciméad suimiúil a tháirgtear ag an am seo ag an cheannaireacht poblachtach, Baill Shinn Féin Maraíodh, liostaí doiciméad seo fiche dó ball Sinn Féin a maraíodh ar na héilimh doiciméad ag na húdaráis na Breataine agus scuaid bháis dhílseacha. Mar sin féin, tá an liosta i ndáiríre éileamh calaoiseach a martyrdom, mar shampla, ceann de siúd atá liostaithe a mharaigh ag Comhaontú na Breataine, Jeff Mc Kenna, a bhí i ndáiríre a maraíodh i dtimpiste carr i mBaile Átha Cliath. Agus bhí Jeff is cinnte ar shaorálaithe IRA sula raibh sé ina Sinn Féin gníomhaí. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a úsáidtear chaimiléireacht ag gach cas chun iarracht a chur i láthair pictiúr a bhí ag teacht leis an fhírinne. Rinneadh é seo iarracht ag an cheannaireacht poblachtach a chruthú Sinn Féin Ról Onóra ar leithligh ó na IRA d’fhonn a chruthú ar an íomhá go raibh Sinn Féin agus an IRA aonáin ar leith agus a thaispeáint go ndearna Sinn Féin íobairt mór ar son na daoine Náisiúnach. Ní dhéanann an doiciméad a lua, áfach, an iliomad go leor de Shinn Féin baill a ciontaíodh as dúnmharú, éigniú linbh agus coireanna tromchúiseacha eile. Ceannaireacht poblachtach i dtír eile doiciméad dar teideal, An Evolution de Sinn Féin, a dhéanamh thagairt aonair le na Cásca Éirí Amach 1916 in Éirinn agus a ceanglófar amháin ó na meáin a úsáid ag an am a deir go bhfuil an 1916 ag ardú a bhí, ‘The Sinn Féin Éirí Amach’ . Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bheith corralled isteach creat bunreachtúil bheadh a chruthú féin-íomhá íobairt agus martyrdom stairiúil d’fhonn a choimeád ar bun a bonn toghcháin lárnacha. Díreach mar a bhí déanta de Valera fiche nó tríocha bliain roimhe sin, d’fhéadfadh an bhfíric go raibh seanathair Gerry Adams ‘ghníomhaire do de Valera ar cheann de na cúiseanna atá leis an dúbailt tras-epochal. Gach súile a bhí anois ar an nua Thuaisceart Éireann, Rúnaí Stáit, Sir Patrick Mayhew a gealladh tograí nua don bhealach chun tosaigh. Mar a bhí moltaí Sir Pádraig go bhfuil aon ghné ndeisceart na hÉireann agus ní raibh ach inmheánach Thuaisceart Éireann socrú ar a n-chroí, go mbeadh siad scuttled go tapa. An Rialtas Coimeádach sa Bhreatain ag brath ar vótaí aontachtacha i Westminster agus mar sin ní raibh na Conservatives ag dul a carraig an bád saol aontachtach. Mar sin féin, bheadh dhá toirpéid stailc an long Coimeádach, bheadh an chéad an buama Geata Bishop i Londain a bhí curtha ag an IRA agus a bheadh ina chúis le na milliúin punt fiú an damáiste. Bheadh an dara scéala comhpháirteach an ceannaire SDLP John Hume agus Sinn Fein / IRA cheannaire Gerry Adams a rialaigh go sainráite amach inmheánach Thuaisceart Éireann lonnaíochta. Ar an moladh a chinneadh féin-náisiúnta, dúirt Adams agus Hume i n-scéala go bhfuil, ‘tacaíocht tromlach na ndaoine in Éirinn a gcuid dearcadh’, an smaoineamh go bhfuil Sinn Féin a polled 1.2% den vóta i bPoblacht na hÉireann sa Eanáir 1989 Ba Olltoghchán agus an SDLP nach raibh sainordú toghchánach i bPoblacht na hÉireann, ionadaíocht a fheiceann gach trí thromlach de mhuintir na hÉireann a Myth. An chuid is mó de na daoine ag iarraidh go simplí síochána, áfach, ní ba chóir go bhfuil tacaíocht ar son na síochána a mheascadh le tacaíocht a thabhairt do sceimhlitheoirí. Mar a léirítear arís agus arís eile ag a gcuid gníomhartha an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chreid go mbeadh feachtas brutality fisiciúil agus síceolaíoch i gcoinne na daoine Protastúnacha a thabhairt faoi náisiúnta féin-chinneadh agus a cheadú Sinn Féin / IRA a choimeád ar bun rialú stíl mafia i limistéir a bhí faoi smacht, áfach, an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach á deis le teacht i as an wilderness polaitiúil. Dearcadh Tim Pat Coogan ar an teachtaireachta a Hume / Adams go raibh, bhí an ráiteas a ghlacadh réalaíoch an staid i dTuaisceart Éireann mar a bhí sé roimh i ’1969 ‘i 1993 ag dhá cheann de na brains shrewdest polaitiúil sa cheantar. Ag an bpointe seo tá sé riachtanach chun meastóireacht a dhéanamh leabhar Tim Pat Coogan, ar an IRA, ag aithint go raibh Coogan fréamhaithe go domhain teagmhálacha laistigh den IRA, a bhain na teagmhálacha ach amháin an saol chomh fada agus a lean Coogan a thabhairt anailís beatha drip ar an leagan rómánsaíocht de poblachtachas bheatha dó an miotaseolaíocht infhéitheach de Adams agus a lucht siúil eile. Bhí sé cruthaithe easpa Coogan de iriseoireacht imscrúdaithe ar an 18ú Meán Fómhair 1995, nuair a dúirt An Nuacht na hÉireann: Tógadh an eagrán is déanaí den IRA ag Tim Pat Coogan as an bookshelves mar gheall ar a tagairtí don Ghrúpa Comhaontú Nua tar éis fás as an IRA Oifigiúil. D’fhéadfadh Ní dhéanfaidh aon ní a bheith thuilleadh as an fhírinne, bhí Comhaontú Nua le blianta fada agóid foréigean seicteach mar a bhfuil aon áit i sochaí sibhialta. An foilsitheoirí leabhar Coogan ar Harper / Collins rinne a leithscéal go poiblí le haghaidh earráidí mórdhíobháil Coogan agus bhí sé cruthaithe na líomhaintí go bhfuil aon bhunús i gcoinne Comhaontú Nua. Ach lean leabhair Coogan chun bheith ina phointe tagartha do na droch-eolas na hÉireann / Meiriceánaigh atá ag tacú Sinn Féin / IRA. I mbeagán focal a tháinig chun bheith cad ar a dtugtar i measc lucht aontachtacha leis an Pan-Náisiúnach-Tosaigh, Dick Spring, ceannaire Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre na hÉireann sa Phoblacht, thug agallamh an-suntasach ar John Palmer den nuachtán Guardian (7 Iúil, 1993) . In Earrach agallamh Dick a bhí sa Rialtas comhrialtas i bPoblacht na hÉireann, dúirt flatly go bhféadfadh an aontachtaithe a thuilleadh a bheith crosta ar dhul chun cinn polaitiúil. Más rud é nach mbeadh an aontachtaithe aontú le cainteanna, ansin bheadh an Rialtas i Londain agus i mBaile Átha Cliath comhaontú a dhéanamh thar a cheann. Samhradh na bliana 1993 ar aghaidh le cogadh poiblí de na focail idir na páirtithe polaitiúla sa tuaisceart, mar sin féin, taobh thiar de na pictiúir lean na cainteanna rúnda idir an cheannaireacht poblachtach agus M16, bhí freisin cainteanna rúnda idir sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha agus gluaiseacht phoblachtach. Chomh maith leis sin sa iliomad cruinnithe clóca agus miodóg ghníomhaigh an Eaglais Chaitliceach Rómhánach mar idirghabhálaí idir an cheannaireacht phoblachtach agus an Rialtas Bhaile Átha Cliath. Díreach mar atá i 1921 gur cheadaigh Lloyd George a státseirbhísigh chun bualadh le ceannaire Óglaigh na hÉireann Michael Collins, bhí John Major ligean a chuid seirbhíseach sibhialta i bhfoirm M16 chun freastal ar an IRA na 1990í. Cé go raibh Martin Mc Guinness a bhfuil cruinnithe rúnda le poblachtaigh rangú M16 níos ísle á fhorghníomhú ag an IRA a bheith fáisnéiseoirí. Mc Guinness a bhí go feasach nó unknowingly a léiríonn laige agus a bhí déanta go le blianta fada mar gheall ar a cruinnithe rúnda leis an tSeirbhís Rúnda na Breataine nuair a bhí an tseirbhís rúnda céanna forghníomhaitheach go hachomair baill IRA. Bhí sé le gnó murky ach ansin murkiness bhí gnó an cheannaireacht poblachtach faoi Adams. Is fiú a lua, cé go raibh Martin Mc Guinness cruinniú le M16, a bhí Seán Ó Ceallacháin (iar IRA ceannasaí iompaigh gníomhaire na Breataine) comhairle a thabhairt go gníomhach M16 i ndáil leis na cruinnithe seo, ar gach ócáid a Martin Mc Guinness bualadh le M16 Sean O’Callaghan éist i ar na cruinnithe. Na Breataine a bhí leas beagán nó gan aon i mbásanna de Phrotastúnaigh cúpla nó Caitlicigh i dTuaisceart Éireann, agus má tá go bhfuil an méid a thóg sé a choinneáil ar an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach i mbun cainteanna rúnda, a bheith amhlaidh é. Iar-Phríomh-Aire, bheadh Tony Blair admháil ina dhiaidh sin ina dhírbheathaisnéis go raibh lied sé don phobal agus don pharlaimint faoi ghnéithe tábhachtacha an ‘síochána phróiseas’. Ar an 22 Deireadh Fómhair, 1993, go mbeadh an IRA a chur i gcrích eile dúnmharú mais de Phrotastúnaigh neamhchiontach, an uair seo bhí sé ar an ndúiche Protastúnach Bhóthar na Seanchille i mBéal Feirste nuair a naoi fir neamhchiontach, bhí mná agus leanaí a bheith blown chun píosaí ag buama an IRA . Sceimhlitheoirí nDílseoirí retaliated ag marú Caitlicigh neamhchiontach ar fud Thuaisceart Éireann mar a fhios ag an cheannaireacht cowardly poblachtach a bheadh siad. Cé McGuinness agus Adams á chosaint ag a n-láimhseálaithe na Breataine, fágadh Caitlicigh neamhchiontach lé. Ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann a dúirt go raibh siad curtha ar an buama sa siopa Bhóthar na Seanchille iasc mar a bhí siad ag iarraidh chun díriú ar dílseoirí sceimhlitheoireachta / drugaí dealer, Johnny Adair, áfach, fiú dá mbeadh an míniú seo fíor go raibh aon míniú ar conas a d’fhéadfadh siad a mharú le cúpla roghnú le buama mór i limistéar siopadóireachta gnóthach ar tráthnóna Dé Sathairn. É fírinne an scéil ná go raibh an Bombers níl sé de rún ag fáil aon duine amach roimh phléasc an buama, bhí na Bombers IRA i réimse dílseoirí mór go raibh siad aon imní do na Protastúnaigh neamhchiontach a bheadh a fhaigheann bás, agus chomh fada agus a bhí i gceist an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach an t-aon Ba Phrotastúnach maith le ceann marbh. Bhí cáineadh ar fud an domhain ar an massacre na Seanchille áfach, is mian amhlaidh roimh i bhfad, bhí socraithe na ceannlínte os comhair an deannaigh ar Bhóthar na Seanchille devastated. Mar sin féin, laistigh de sheachtain ón buama na Seanchille Rialtais na Breataine agus na hÉireann a tháirgtear, leis an Dearbhú Shráid Downing, plécháipéis chun cabhrú le teacht ar bhealach chun tosaigh ar an leamhsháinn na polaitíochta i dTuaisceart Éireann. I gcaint chun an Cumann na hÉireann go luath tar éis fhoilsiú an Dearbhú, Sráid Downing, i gCaisleán Bhaile Átha Cliath, an Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, a breathnaíodh, “spiorad na comhéigean”, mar an olc mór de stair na hÉireann nua-aimseartha. An tUasal Reynolds go áitigh sa todhchaí ní mór an ceart daonlathach a chinneadh féin-ag muintir na hÉireann mar iomlán a fheidhmiú agus faoi réir chomhaontú agus toiliú thromlach i dTuaisceart Éireann. An tOllamh Paul Bew ag Ollscoil na Banríona Creidtear go bhfuil an tiúchan an Taoiseach ar an ‘creimeadh comhéigean’ macalla as an lá John Redmond roinnt seachtó bliain roimhe sin. Ba é an úsáid an fhocail ‘comhéigean’ le Reynolds aitheantas ar cad a bhí an tráchtas lárnach de na gluaiseachtaí poblachtacha theip ar straitéis. A Arm Rúnda Measartha – Caibidil 10 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 10 – Dearbhuithe agus scoirfidh-tinte Measadh an Dearbhú Shráid Downing le hAontachtaithe mar dhíol-amach. Na tuairimí is mó a mhór ag teacht ón Pháirtí Aontachtach Daonlathach (DUP), nuair atá sé ansin Leas-Cheannaire, dúirt Peter Robinson: Tá sé mar threoirphlean le haghaigh Éire Aontaithe Tá sé tábhachtach chun iarracht a dhéanamh agus a thuiscint na cúiseanna freagairt shades éagsúla na hAontachtaithe chomh héagsúil le moltaí éagsúla. Is é an DUP a rugadh ina as Protastúnachas fundamentalist faoi cheannaireacht an seanmóirí tine agus ruibh an Ian Paisley Oirmhinneach níos thiomáint ag an gcosaint de Protastúnachas as Riail na Róimhe seachas cosaint ach an Uladh Aontachas. Tá an Páirtí Aontachtach Uladh a gnóthaí níos pragmatach agus cosúil le cur chuige dá bpolaitíocht, ní i gcónaí, ach tá an Páirtí Aontachtach Uladh níos fanacht agus cur chuige a fheiceáil, maidir le hábhair ar nós Dearbhú Shráid Downing. Ní raibh sé seo agus ní eiseoidh siad gach dathanna de na hAontachtaithe dul i mbun léirithe tribalism mar a chonacthas uair amháin nuair a Ian Paisley Oirmhinneach agus ansin Leader Aontachtach Uladh, marched David Trimble síos Bóthar Gharbh náisiúnach lena lámha ar siúl ard. Seo amach doirteadh tribalism a bhaineann leis an bhfíric go ndearnadh Paráid Orange (Protastúnach) ceadaithe ag an Rúnaí ansin Stáit, Mo Mowlam, dul ar aghaidh tríd an limistéar den chuid is mó Caitliceach. I mí Iúil 1994 dhiúltaigh an cheannaireacht na gluaiseachta poblachtach an Dearbhú Shráid Downing, áfach, a bhí ag fás dóchas go raibh an cheannaireacht poblachtach bowing síos go dtí brú méadaithe ó Mheiriceá, an Eoraip, an SDLP, Rialtas na hÉireann agus, níos tábhachtaí na gnáth daoine na hÉireann a thréigean foréigean seicteach le haghaidh maith. Ní raibh Sinn Féin a dhéanamh ar aon mbogann mhór chun tosaigh polaitiúil in aon cheann de na toghcháin go áitigh sé ó thuaidh nó ó dheas. Tá an IRA don chéad uair i stair na coimhlinte a bhí á dhéanamh ag sceimhlitheoirí dílseoirí i dtéarmaí an líon comhlacht seicteach. An ghluaiseacht phoblachtach bhí ar an rópaí agus constitutionalists bhí a thairiscint dóibh an brainse olóige na síochána má ghlac siad a suíocháin ar an tábla ar an bpolaitíocht bunreachtúla. I lámhaigh Léim annamh de na mothúcháin mór an tromlach na ndaoine in Éirinn i ndáil le dul ar aghaidh foréigean poblachtach, suirbhé a rinne na Suirbhéanna Margaíochta na hÉireann: 91% de na gnáth daoine in iúl ó thuaidh agus ó dheas den tuairim gur chóir don ghluaiseacht phoblachtach buan thréigean foréigean seicteach. [1] Ag an Sinn Féin Ard Fheis i mBaile Átha Cliath ag an deireadh seachtaine an 26 Feabhra, 1994, bhí an cheannaireacht poblachtach faoi bhrú dian chun deireadh a chur le sceimhlitheoireacht. Bhí sé suimiúil freisin a thabhairt faoi deara go raibh láimh achainí ó 13,000 mic léinn ag Ollscoil na Banríona i Ard Fheis ag iarraidh deireadh a chur le foréigean an IRA, go raibh sé seo suntasach mar go raibh Ollscoil na Banríona ar an áit bhreithe an Ghluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta sna 1960í déanacha, anois bhí na mic léinn céanna ag iarraidh ar an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun deireadh a chur lena mí-úsáid cearta daonna na ndaoine an-céanna chois. An 1994 Ard Fheis a bhí le bheith ina chloch tábhachtach i constitutionalisation de Sinn Féin / IRA, mar a thug Martin Mc Guinness an leader/MI6 IRA gníomhaire a bhí i mbun cainteanna rúnda le MI6 le blianta fada leid go IRA scoirfidh-tine Ba féidir. Tá sé suimiúil freisin a thabhairt faoi deara ag an am seo, cé go raibh Mc Guinness ag caint le MI6 agus idirghabhálaithe eile na Breataine an IRA a bhí ag leanúint ar dhúnmharú, lot agus saoránaigh na hÉireann chéasadh. Cé go raibh fhág mé cheana féin ar an IRA ag an am seo bhí mé fós i dteagmháil go rialta le baill an IRA gníomhach, agus ar ócáid amháin nuair a bhí rinne an IRA amach go fóill eile atrocity, dúnmharú beirt oifigeach póilíneachta pobail i Lorgan, Contae Thír Eoghain, Nollaig, 1993 , d’iarr mé go maith a chur IRA ball sa réimse sin más rud é go thuig sé an futility a bhfeachtas. D’fhreagair sé go bhfuil, “Ní mór don cogadh ag dul ar”. Mhínigh mé don chomhalta IRA go bhfuil ag deireadh 1994 go mbeadh an IRA a thabhairt suas, dífhostaíodh é mo anailís as láimh. Bhí sé seo dichotomy ag smaoineamh ar leibhéal na ceannaireachta agus ar talamh a chruthódh fadhbanna maidir le gluaiseacht phoblachtach tuilleadh síos ar an líne. Ag an 1994 Sinn Féin, mhol Ard Fheis Martin Mc Guinness más rud é go raibh deireadh leis an crosadh Aontachtach ó aon cainteanna ansin a bhí an IRA scoirfidh-tine is féidir. Mc Guinness dúirt go mbeadh sé a iarraidh go pearsanta an IRA le haghaidh tine scoirfidh-más rud é comhlíonadh a choinníollacha, bhí an ar ndóigh fhan ceist reitriciúil mar Mc Guinness ina bhall sinsearach den IRA Arm na Comhairle. Soiléiriú bhí anois an focal Buzz mar a d’iarr an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach Príomh Aire na Breataine, John Major a mhíniú roinnt débhríochtaí a fheictear i nDearbhú Shráid Downing. John Major as a cuid a bhí ag leanúint a shéanadh go raibh a chuid Rialtas aon teagmháil leis an IRA, áfach, nuair Rúnaí Stáit, d’fhreastail Sir Patrick Mayhew léacht bliantúil ag Ollscoil na Banríona a bhí ambushed sé le ceist faoi cainteanna idir an Rialtas Coimeádach agus an IRA. Mar sin féin, fiú amháin i bhfianaise na fianaise indisputable Sir Patrick Shéan go raibh aon cainteanna den sórt sin ar siúl agus Mór chuaigh tuilleadh nuair a dúirt sé Pharlaimint go mbeadh sé, “Breoite ina bholg má cheap sé cainteanna den sórt sin a bhí ar siúl”. Mar sin, bhí sé gur thosaigh gach taobh chun dul i mbun gleacaíochta ó bhéal mar go bhfuil gach jockeyed do phost agus iarracht gan a isolate ina dtoghlaigh. In agallamh ar an 27 Feabhra 1994, ar RTÉ, dúirt Gerry Adams: Tá na hAontachtaithe ar ndóigh an ceart a roghnú as Éire aontaithe, ach ní féidir leo an ceart chun féin-chinneadh. Sa ráiteas seo léiríonn Adams easpa soiléir tuiscint ar an chuid is mó de na daoine sa tuaisceart a bhí ag iarraidh fanacht na Breataine. Tásca tháinig ó Adams ag an 1994 Ard Fheis go bhféadfaí réiteach síochánta a fháil, áfach, ní raibh sé soiléir más rud é go raibh atá an rún seo i nDearbhú Shráid Downing. Náisiúnaithe Bunreachtúla thuaidh agus ó dheas cheap go raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ag tosú a Bend faoi bhrú brú intíre agus domhanda, go háirithe brú i as an riarachán Mheiriceá, chun deireadh a chur lena fheachtas seicteach. Ina óráid 1994 Ard Fheis Adams dúirt chomh maith: Is iad Aontachtaithe mionlach náisiúnta na hÉireann, mionlach religio-polaitiúla, le cearta nach bhfuil mionlach, na cinn is mó. Fiú i mód polaitiúil Lean Adams a imirt ar an cárta seicteach mar a tháinig comhéigean pholaitiúil níos mó chun tosaigh an straitéis phoblachtach. D’fhéadfadh ní raibh Adams labhairt ó thaobh neart os cionn an de na daoine Protastúnacha in Éirinn mar Sinn Féin muster ach céatadán beag de na vótaí ar Oileán na hÉireann i gcomparáid le líon na Protastúnaigh sa tuaisceart. Ba é an feachtas seicteach tiomáinte ag gluaiseacht phoblachtach go raibh mionlach religio-pholaitiúil ar Oileán na hÉireann. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bhí á dragged kicking agus screadaíl isteach creat bunreachtúil bhí ceann laige leanúnach, agus go raibh laige mainneachtain a sheachadadh straitéis pholaitiúil inchreidte in éagmais foréigean seicteach. Foréigean a bhí chomh éasca i gcomparáid leis an gcóragrafaíocht intreach idirbheartaíocht pholaitiúil agus réiteach féideartha. Ar an 24 Iúil, 1994, dhiúltaigh an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach an Dearbhú Shráid Downing, agus bhíothas ag súil é seo mar nach raibh siad mar chuid den phróiseas cainteanna a tháirgtear an Dearbhú, áfach, sa mhéid is go diúltú in iúl Adams go raibh an choimhlint ag dul isteach sa chéim dheireanach. Aontachtaithe bhí ar buile mar gur chreid siad go raibh siad á ndíol síos an abhainn ag Dearbhú Shráid Downing. John Major agus Albert Reynolds raibh mórán a rá faoi na gluaiseachta poblachtach diúltú an Dearbhú mar a fhios acu as a gcuid teagmhálacha rúnda leis an IRA go raibh go leor go fóill is féidir. John Hume cheap go raibh fáil ar an éirim ghinearálta an tionscnaimh Hume / Adams i nDearbhú Shráid Downing agus bhí dá bhrí sin, talamh coitianta a bhunaigh na páirtithe go léir lena mbaineann agus go creat le haghaidh cainteanna uileghabhálach a bhí á thógáil. Tógadh gach ceann de na litríocht agus trácht ag gluaiseacht phoblachtach a bhaineann leis an Dearbhú, lena n-áirítear an óráid Adams go Washington agus a sheachadadh chuig Uachtarán Bill Clinton le teachtaire taidhleoireachta ó Bhaile Átha Cliath. Bheadh Clinton Tá ról ríthábhachtach le himirt ag an raibh an ‘síochána próiseas’ a fháil as an talamh. Rinne Clinton geallúintí ar an stocaireacht na hÉireann / Mheiriceá a thabhairt Adams víosa má toghadh Clinton Uachtarán. Mar sin féin, ar an gcoinníoll na Breataine na Meiriceánaigh leis an doiciméadú, a léiríonn Adams a bheith bainteach le sceimhlitheoireacht. Mar sin féin, bhí a fhios cad a bhí Clinton a dhéanamh; daoine cosúil Ted Kennedy a fhios nach raibh aon déileáil indéanta ach amháin má d’fhéadfadh an cheannaireacht poblachtach a gcuid backers na hÉireann / Mheiriceá leo. Clinton rinne an cinneadh chun cead Adams i Meiriceá ar feadh daichead ocht n-uaire; déileáladh Adams nós státaire ag Rialtas na hÉireann / Meiriceánaigh. I bhformhór tá an dearcadh na hÉireann / Mheiriceá ar an choimhlint sa tuaisceart i gcónaí ar cheann saonta, parted siad lena n-dollar as tuiscint ar chiontacht. Níl na hÉireann / Meiriceánaigh grúpa aonchineálach agus iad siúd ag tacú IRA foréigean in Éirinn a bhí á thiomáint go príomha ag chiontacht agus d’fhonn saonta foréigin IRA. Ní raibh na hÉireann / Meiriceánaigh a fheiceáil leanaí Caitliceach a bhfuil a cosa briste ag dronganna IRA toisc go dared na leanaí sin a insint oibrí sóisialta go raibh siad raped nó drochúsáid ghnéasach ag comhalta den Sinn Féin / IRA. Ní raibh na hÉireann / Meiriceánaigh a fheiceáil comhlachtaí neamhchiontach fir, mná agus leanaí atá suite briste ar na sráideanna tar éis a bhí curtha buamaí gan idirdhealú ar shráideanna ard. Meiriceánaigh Gaeilge a bhí beatha go simplí ar aiste bia ar phíosa scannáin Chearta Sibhialta d’aois agus bailéid poblachtacha. Bhí athrú ar an teanga an cheannaireacht poblachtach ó sin de aon chur isteach na Breataine i gcúrsaí na hÉireann go bhfuil an riachtanas do na Londain agus Rialtais Baile Átha Cliath chun cabhrú le socraíocht a éascú sa tuaisceart trí gach cainteanna san áireamh. Bhí béim Adams an post seo ar a chéad turas go Meiriceá. Adams a bhí ráidheadh an seasamh na Breataine mar atá luaite i Sráid Downing Dearbhú: Bhreatain raibh aon leas santach straitéiseach nó eacnamaíoch i dTuaisceart Éireann; Is é a leas bunscoile a fheiceáil síocháin, cobhsaíocht agus athmhuintearas a bunaíodh trí chomhaontú i measc na daoine a inhabit an oileán. Ba léir go ndearna an tionscnamh Hume / Adams agus Rialtas na hÉireann a rian ar Dearbhú Shráid Downing agus an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach á cinnte go slí a d’fhéadfadh a fháil ar aghaidh gan defeat a ligean isteach. Clinton a bhí lárnach i spreagadh rialtas na Breataine chun dul in éineacht leis an móiminteam polaitiúil a bhí ag tosú a thógáil. Thacaigh an dearcadh seo ag an Dr Martin Mansergh, a bhí ina chomhairleoir sinsearach polaitiúil do Rialtas na hÉireann, agus Albert Reynolds raibh áirithe nach mbeadh gan na nithe seo a ionchur Clinton ar athraíodh a ionad ar aghaidh leis an luas den sórt sin. Díríodh Minds ag an dúnmharú mais IRA na fir, mná agus leanaí neamhchiontach ar Bhóthar na Seanchille Protastúnach i 1993, lean an neamhchiontach a íoc ar phraghas trom do cheannaireacht poblachtach ar shiúl na gcos dragging cur chuige maidir le dispeansáid nua polaitíochta a bhí ag tarlú. An atrocity ar Bhóthar na Seanchille a rinne sé níos éasca do Major a shíniú Dearbhú Shráid Downing mar d’fhéadfadh sé a bheith le feiceáil ag gníomhú in iarracht chun iarracht a dhéanamh stop a chur outrages seicteach a thuilleadh. Shábháil sé freisin ar an náire rialtas na Breataine agus is féidir go raibh cainteanna rúnda an IRA leis an rialtas na Breataine dar críoch díreach i teip, leis an IRA accusing na Breataine ar intransigence. John Hume a tháinig faoi bhrú mar gheall ar a cainteanna le Adams, go leor laistigh dá pháirtí bhraith go raibh legitimized Hume Sinn Féin agus Aontachtaithe go raibh mothúcháin den chineál céanna. Hume fós agus ar deireadh thiar an brú ghlac a dola ar an fear a bhí mhisneach a oiread sin nuair a tugadh cead dó san ospidéal ar an 8 Samhain ag fulaingt ó tuirse. An brú a bhí ar mhalairt slí go luath ar shiúl ó Hume, nuair a an lá i ndiaidh tugadh cead dó ospidéal, nochtadh go raibh an Rialtas na Breataine a bhfuil cainteanna rúnda leis an IRA. Sir Patrick Mayhew Shéan go raibh Rialtas na Breataine a bhfuil cainteanna leis an IRA nuair a dúirt sé: Níl aon duine atá údaraithe chun labhairt nó a chaibidil thar ceann Rialtas na Breataine le Sinn Féin nó aon eagraíocht eile sceimhlitheoireachta. Mar a shéan na Breataine raibh na cainteanna ar siúl agus na poblachtaigh shéan an leagan na Breataine na n-imeachtaí ba léir go raibh na cainteanna ar bun agus ar an 26 Feabhra 1994, bhí Sinn Fein an eolas go: D’aontaigh Rialtas na Breataine de bheith i seilbh cainteanna leis poblachtaigh a d’fhéadfadh más rud é go ndeachaigh siad go maith a fhógairt go tapa go poiblí. Deireadh Fómhair Ionaid Molta do na cainteanna bhí na tíortha Lochlannacha, na hAlban agus Oileán Mhanann. Bheadh sé riachtanach go mbeadh síocháin ar feadh na tréimhse de na cainteanna a rabhthas ag súil a go deireanach 2-3 seachtaine. Na Breataine Dhearbhaigh go mbeadh an toradh na cainteanna a bheith ina nglacfaidh poblachtaigh nach raibh aon ghá breise le streachailt armtha. Cumarsáid idir an IRA agus Rialtas na Breataine ar aghaidh le cogadh de na focail mar a rinne gach ceann chun a seasamh a chosaint ar a dháilcheantar féin. Na Breataine úsáid as feachtas an IRA bhuamáil 1994 de bhailte cúige sa tuaisceart mar chúis gan labhairt leis an IRA agus an IRA úsáid as an Rí theip ar chainteanna de 1975 chun distrust na Breataine. Mar sin féin, bhí taobh thiar de na megaphone taidhleoireacht Martin Mc Guinness hooked ag a teagmhálacha le M16, teagmhálacha nach raibh ach impersonal. I gceann amháin cumarsáide idir Gníomhaire MI6 Michael Oakley agus Martin Mc Guinness, shínigh Oakley amach ag rá, “Tiocfaidh Ar La”, aistríonn seo i mBéarla mar, “An mbeidh ár Lá Tar”, a raibh an gol rallying na gluaiseachta poblachtach, agus táimid Is féidir glacadh leis ach amháin go raibh Oakley in iúl d’fhonn chun go dtabharfaí suas poblachtas cathach, d’fhonn atá cosúil le bheith i bpáirt ag Mc Guinness. Faoi dheireadh d’aontaigh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach go dtí dhá sheachtain scoirfidh-tine, ní raibh Sir Patrick Mayhew cinnte má ba é seo anois an am ceart le teacht ag caint leis an IRA mar a bhí na toghcháin rialtais áitiúil ag teacht suas ar an 17 Bealtaine. Major ordaigh a fhoireann a tharraingt suas tograí nua lena n-áirítear cainteanna níos faide scoirfidh-tine agus in éiric d’fhéadfadh an poblachtaigh a bheith lóistíochta leis na Breataine. An coinníoll amháin go raibh fíorthábhacht ag na poblachtaigh dul isteach cainteanna leis na Breataine a bhí go mbeadh an cheannaireacht poblachtach a dheimhniú nach raibh deireadh buan le foréigean ag brath ar a n-anailís a bheith formhuinithe mar an bealach amháin chun tosaigh. An fhreagairt IRA ar na coinníollacha ba chúis leo a lua gan aon éideimhne go raibh an t-athrú i ton ó na Breataine mar gheall ar: Cúiseanna páirtí fóirsteanach, inmheánach agus polaitiúla baile Níl aon amhras ach go raibh an Rialtas Mór ar beholding leis na hAontachtaithe mar go raibh na hAontachtaithe a chabhraigh go díreach Rialtas tacaíocht mhór i dtaca le vóta tábhachtach ar Chonradh Maastricht Eorpach. Ar an 29 Deireadh Fómhair Albert Reynolds agus John Major eisigh ráiteas sa Bhruiséil a shéan an cur chuige Hume / Adams agus Féin Sinn cainteanna. Tá an dá Príomh-Airí in iúl go soiléir sé an-an IRA go gcaithfidh siad tiomantas a thabhairt do mhodhanna síochánta má bhí siad a bheith páirteach i gcainteanna san áireamh. An diúltú Dearbhú Shráid Downing ag an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chiallaigh go raibh Albert Reynolds a bheith ag obair níos deacra le Príomh Aire na Breataine, John Major a fháil ar bhealach chun tosaigh. Clinton ar aghaidh ag leanúint Albert Reynolds luaidhe i ndáil leis an tionscnamh síochána thuaidh agus Clinton ar aghaidh ag luí ar fhéidearthacht Mór an tsíocháin. Tugadh de chumhacht ag an gcoiste idirchaidrimh na seirbhíseach hÉireann agus na Breataine Shibhialta a bunaíodh tar éis an Dearbhú Shráid Downing a dhréachtú Creatdoiciméad le socrú ar na hÉireann sa deireadh Anglo. An lonnaíocht atá beartaithe i bhfad na hathruithe a bhaint amach, san áireamh sna athbhreithniú ar Airteagail 2 agus 3 de Bhunreacht na hÉireann go leagtar éileamh ar an oileán uile na hÉireann agus a athbhreithniú go raibh Rialtas na Breataine Acht na hÉireann 1920 a leagadh éileamh ó thuaidh Éirinn. An fallout ó massacre IRA ar Bhóthar na Seanchille ar 22 Deireadh Fómhair, 1993, d’fhág mothúcháin ag rith an-ard i measc an phobail Phrotastúnaigh agus na mothúcháin atá fearr a achoimriú suas ag na focail an fear óg, Keith, a bhfuil a neacht bhí butchered ag beag an IRA ar an lá sin: Tá sé i ndáiríre dochreidte chun smaoineamh go bhféadfadh ár rialtas contemplate lamháltais a dhéanamh don IRA. Nuair a chonaic mé Adams ag iompar na cónra ar an sceimhlitheoireachta IRA a mharaigh mo neacht beag a milleadh mé agus d’fhéach mé le mo rialtas freagra a thabhairt ar a n-fheachtas seicteach marfach le dlí an Stáit. Is é a bhaint amach go bhfuil na dúnmharfóirí tugtar aon rá sa chaoi a ndéantar ár dtír nó a bheidh a reáchtáil disgrace den ordú is airde cibé acu é a sa Doiciméad um Chreat nó aon doiciméad eile. Bhí sé mór iarraidh ar na daoine ngnáthnós Protastúnach glacadh leis go bhféadfadh Sinn Féin / IRA thréigean foréigean seicteach le haghaidh dea-, go háirithe nuair a lean Adams a dhéanamh ar an cónraí dúnmharfóirí a raibh níos mó cosúil le Myra Hindley agus Ian Brady (An dúnmharfóirí Moores) ná mar a bhí siad leis na ceannairí Poblachtach de 1916. Cé gur lean Rialtas na hÉireann a rá riamh go mbeadh siad ag dul i Rialtas le Sinn Féin / IRA i bPoblacht na hÉireann bhí ag súil leo Aontachtaithe chun dul i Rialtas Shinn Féin / IRA sa tuaisceart. Fiú amháin laistigh gcuid céimeanna féin a bhí an IRA agus leanann a bheith acu rangú ard na Breataine gníomhairí oibriúcháin. Ceann de na Gníomhairí is infamous na Breataine ag feidhmiú laistigh de na céimeanna an IRA Frederick Scappaticci, a raibh an post a torturing agus murdering fáisnéiseoirí líomhnaithe. Nuair a Freddie bhí faoi lé ar deireadh mar ghníomhaire na Breataine a bhí numbed gluaiseacht poblachtach, Freddie a bhí go han-dlúth a bhaineann leis an gceannaireacht a poblachtach i mBéal Feirste. Bhí sé Glactar leis go forleathan laistigh den ghluaiseacht phoblachtach go raibh maraíodh Freddie poblachtaigh roinnt as a bheith fáisnéiseoirí póilíneachta, cé go raibh sé féin ina gníomhaire na Breataine. I eachtra amháin a bhí tortured triúr fear IRA agus ansin maraíodh ag Freddie mar a bhí sé amach go raibh na trí chomhalta IRA fáisnéiseoirí. Bhí glacadh na fir a bhí i gceist Gregory Burns, John Dignam agus Aidan Starrs go raibh siad fáisnéiseoirí; admhaigh siad freisin go raibh kidnapped siad, raped agus maraíodh bean óg as a gcuid spraoi féin. Bhí an comhlacht ar a n-íospartach Margaret Perry (26) óga le fáil in uaigh éadomhain i Mullach Mór, Contae Shligigh. Ní raibh sé neamhghnách don IRA dúnmharú a kidnap agus rúnda a n-íospartaigh bury. Sa bhliain 2011, fós íospartaigh go leor de na feachtas dúnmharú IRA undiscovered i uaigheanna gan mharcáil. Bhí kidnapped Leanaí, mar shampla Columba Mc Veigh ag an IRA i gContae Thír Eoghain i 1970, a glacadh ar Chontae Mhuineacháin, tortured, dúnmharaíodh agus rúnda faoi thalamh, riamh a chorp aimsithe. Is é seo an cineál gníomhaíochta go raibh na hÉireann / Meiriceánaigh maoiniú lena n-dollar. A Arm Rúnda Measartha – Caibidil 11 An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 11 – Gach an Uachtaráin Fir An móiminteam polaitiúil thosaigh sé ag piocadh suas gaile mar an ‘Pan-Náisiúnach-Tosaigh’ a bhfuil cur síos amhlaidh ag aontachtaithe thosaigh a fháil ar roinnt talamh coitianta. Rialtas na hÉireann, bhí an SDLP agus an riarachán Mheiriceá faoi Uachtarán Clinton ag tairiscint an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar bhealach amach as an cul de sac de foréigean seicteach a bhí entrapped siad féin. TUachtarán Clinton Ceapadh Jean Kennedy Smith mar Ambasadóir na nua in Éirinn i 1993 agus seo a thug muinín nua leis an bpróiseas polaitiúil. Adams agus an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach bhí mothú an brú a thairgtear constitutionalists dóchais le haghaidh athruithe. D’fhéadfaí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a bheith taobh istigh den tent polaitiúil ag breathnú amach nó ar an taobh amuigh ag breathnú isteach Ós rud é go raibh an tAcht na hÉireann ag gluaiseacht ar an tábla idirbheartaíochta thug Adams rud éigin dul ar ais chuig an cheannaireacht leis, ní raibh sé i bhfad tar éis bháis an méid sin agus scrios ach bhí sé ina tús. Martin Mc Guinness ar aghaidh leis an reitric céanna d’aois go mbeadh an Brits a bheith ag fágáil na hÉireann luaithe seachas níos déanaí, áfach, péinteáilte ar an réaltacht pictiúr difriúil. An reitric raibh ach a choinneáil ar na saighdiúirí de bhun an IRA ar bord, tá sé tábhachtach a mheabhrú go bhfuil a tháinig an chuid is mó baill an IRA ó fhorais ar ais lag oideachais agus a n-amharc ar an domhan a bhí go minic dubh agus bán. Tromlach na gcomhaltaí IRA a bhí ag a leanúna nádúr agus mar sin de na focail a gceannaireacht thoradh orthu ó lá go dtí an chéad cheann eile, ní bheadh an chuid is mó de poblachtaigh fiú sa lá atá inniu buíoch as an chastacht na cainteanna rúnda agus déileáil dúbailte a tharla idir an cheannaireacht phoblachtach agus an. na Breataine Adams a fhios go raibh sé seo an saloon deis seo caite, bhí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar na rópaí araon polaitiúil agus míleata agus mar sin bhí sé go Lúnasa 1994 a tháinig toscaireacht Éireannach / Meiriceánach in Éirinn chun freastal ar an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach le haghaidh díospóireachtaí ar an méid a d’fhéadfaí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a sheachadadh . Adams a bhí in ann a rá leis an toscaireacht go mbeadh an IRA glaoch scoirfidh-tine dá mbeadh coinníollacha áirithe a chomhlíonadh, mhínigh Adams go raibh sé tábhachtach nach raibh an IRA a bhí le feiceáil a bheith ghéillte mar a d’fhéadfadh briseadh an ghluaiseacht poblachtach, d’iarr Adams dóibh seo a leanas : Sin dhá cheann de na fir barr an IRA go mbeadh cead ag taisteal go Meiriceá chun a mhíniú a gcuid tacaíochta i NORAID fáth a scoirfidh-tine a bhí bheith ar a dtugtar. Bheadh an bheirt fhear a bheadh ag taisteal go dtí na Stáit Aontaithe thar ceann an IRA Joe Cahill, a veteran ó fheachtas 1940í an IRA a bhí curtha chun sochair a bhfuil a bheith ar cheann de bhunaitheoirí NORAID sna Stáit Aontaithe. Bheadh Joe a bheith in ann a thabhairt ar an garda d’aois chomh maith leis an bpróiseas polaitiúil. Bheadh an poblachtach sinsearacha eile chun taisteal go dtí na Stáit Aontaithe Pat Treanor, iar-IRA príosúnach agus Sinn Féin Comhairleoir Contae i gContae Mhuineacháin. Treanor a bhí á sheoladh chuig na Stáit Aontaithe le roinnt de na pearsanra Óglaigh na hÉireann a bhí ar deoraíocht ar an Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá, den chuid is mó príosúnacht a sheachaint, go mbeadh leanúint a luaidhe. Bhíothas ag súil go mbeadh an dúbailteacht de rebel óga agus veteran garda d’aois stifle aon iarrachtaí ag deighilt na dollar na hÉireann / Meiriceánach a bhí á poured isteach an IRA. Tar éis cead roinnt agóidí Treanor agus Cahill a bheith ceadaithe i na Stáit Aontaithe an Roinn Dlí agus Cirt isteach iad Arís ach chun aird a tharraingt ar an dichotomy idir an méid a bhí an cheannaireacht a dhéanamh agus cad a bhí na saighdiúirí coise ar an talamh a dhéanamh, seachtain sula ndeachaigh Treanor go Meiriceá a dhíol an bpróiseas polaitiúil a bhí sé maraíodh beagnach trí thimpiste in ionsaí gunna IRA. Thóg Treanor roinnt iriseoirí ar bhóthar teorann a bhí dúnta amach ag na Breataine, bhí an bóthar tosaigh ó Mhuineachán i bPoblacht go Fhear Manach sa tuaisceart i ndáilcheantar Treanor agus bhí sé béim a ach fadhb áitiúil. Mar sin féin, nuair a chonaic Treanor i bhFear Manach ag Póilíní gabhadh é mar a bhí aithne air dóibh a bheith IRA. De bhrí go raibh an carr póilíní ag cur Treanor go dtí an stáisiún póilíní i nDún Geanainn, Contae Thír Eoghain, aonad IRA aineolach go Treanor a bhí sa charr póilíní oscail dóiteáin mar an carr póilíní a rith in aice le gCeapach i gContae Thír Eoghain, gortaíodh Treanor ag an tine gunna IRA agus scaoileadh ina dhiaidh sin ag na póilíní. Léiríonn an eachtra aisteach an easpa cumarsáide a bhí ann idir an cheannaireacht poblachtach agus iad siúd ar an talamh, bheadh an elitism ina chúis le fadhbanna eile mar an ‘síochána próiseas’ forbartha. Mar sin féin, ritheadh taifeadadh téip ag an IRA le RTÉ iriseoir Charlie Bird agus bhí go téip ar an aerbhealaí náisiúnta ar maidin an 31 Lúnasa, 1994, ag fógairt IRA scoirfidh-tine mar a leanas: Ag aithint cumas an staid reatha agus d’fhonn feabhas a chur ar an bpróiseas síochána daonlathach agus ár dtiomantas chinntitheach dá rath an cheannaireacht Oglaigh na hEireann (IRA) béim tar éis a chinneadh go mar an oíche lár-, Dé Céadaoin 31 Lúnasa beidh i gcrích scor na n-oibríochtaí míleata. Gach ár n-aonad tar éis treoir dá réir sin. Ag an stairiúil tras-bhóthar, an cheannaireacht Oglaigh na hEireann beannachtaí agus molann ár oibrithe deonacha; gníomhaígh eile; ár lucht tacaíochta agus na príosúnaigh pholaitiúla a bhain leis an streachailt in aghaidh gach odds do na cúig bliana is fiche anuas. Do mhisneach, a chinneadh agus íobairtí a léiriú nach féidir leis an spiorad na saoirse agus an fonn ar son na síochána bunaithe ar comhréiteach cothrom agus buan a bheith brúite. Is cuimhin linn go léir ndaoine a fuair bás ar son saoirse na hÉireann agus táimid arís ár dtiomantas i leith ár gcuspóirí poblachtacha. Tugaimid faoi deara nach bhfuil an Dearbhú Shráid Downing a réiteach ná cuireadh i láthair é mar sin ag a údair. Beidh réiteach a fháil ach amháin mar thoradh ar idirbheartaíocht san áireamh. Daoine eile, go háirithe, Rialtas na Breataine, tá dualgas ar aghaidh a thabhairt ar a gcuid freagrachtaí. Is é ár mian chun cur go mór le cruthú aeráide a spreagadh. Iarraimid gach duine chun cur chuige an staid nua le cinneadh fuinnimh, agus foighne. A leithéid de ráiteas tar éis cúig bliana is fiche an bháis agus scrios thabhairt leis faoiseamh do go leor agus tá súil go léir. Mar sin féin, bhí a fhios dóibh siúd a fhios ag an IRA suas go dlúth agus pearsanta go raibh bheith an IRA ar Impireacht na mafia agus is cuma cad faoi na focail mhaisiúil scríofa ag Adams agus a lucht siúil eile, bhí go leor de na gluaiseachta poblachtach nach mbeadh a n-coiriúlacht géilleadh d’aon polaitiúil phróiseas. Tar éis na frithghníomhartha tosaigh ó gach duine a tháinig an focal ‘buan’ an focal Buzz do tráchtairí. Aontachtaithe, An skeptics na Breataine agus eile ag lorg cruthúnas a mbuaine an ‘scor an fhoréigin’ scoirfidh-tine nó. Sceimhlitheoirí nDílseoirí bhí anois ar a dtugtar freisin ar a ghlaoch scoirfidh-tine agus mar sin bhí sé gur ar an 13 Deireadh Fómhair, 1994, an Ordú nDílseoirí Chomhcheangailte Míleata sa urlabhraí de Spence Gusty, bhí a maraíodh an chéad Chaitliceach sa choimhlint i 1966, d’fhógair a dílseoirí scoirfidh-tine. Mar sin féin, cosúil leis an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach bhí tógtha sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha go leor suas empires coiriúla trí sracaireacht, robálacha, mangaireacht drugaí, striapachas agus mar sin de. Mar sin féin, ní raibh na dochtúirí casadh polaitiúil ag dul a bheith distracted ag na dúnmharuithe íseal eochair agus sáruithe um Chearta an Duine ag obair réimsí aicme mBéal Feirste nó i nDoire. Go deimhin, bheadh teacht ag am nuair Tuaisceart Éireann Rúnaí Stáit, bheadh Mo Mowlam cur síos dúnmharuithe den sórt sin agus sáruithe um Chearta an Duine laistigh den phróiseas síochána mar ‘Inmheánach Teach a choinneáil’. Thug an dá tinte scoirfidh-leo ar an aer dóchas agus ba ábhar spreagtha é seo trí Taoiseach na hÉireann, Albert Reynolds, an SDLP agus an riarachán Mheiriceá. Rialtas na Breataine Coimeádach fhan aireach mar a bhí siad níos gaire don mothúcháin aontachas. Reynolds mar cheannaire ar an Rialtas Fianna Fail fáilte roimh Adams chuig Tithe an Rialtais i mBaile Átha Cliath i 1994, ba é seo an páirtí Fail Fianna céanna go raibh a dúirt Adams am agus nach bhféadfaí a bheith iontaofa arís. D’oscail an Fóram um Shíocháin agus Athmhuintearas ar an 28 Deireadh Fómhair, a chuir ardán do dhuine ar bith a bhí ag iarraidh aighneacht a dhéanamh ar an bhealach chun tosaigh. Aontachtaithe breathnú ar an bhFóram mar shiopa náisiúnach ag caint ach taobh thiar de na pictiúir Aontachtach a fhios go raibh a riar nua polaitíochta tarlú. Ba é an dáilcheantar dílseoirí sceimhlitheoireachta a insular beag amháin agus a mballraíocht go simplí atá dírithe ar choiriúlacht, roinnt de na dílseoirí níos cumasaí déanta páirtithe polaitiúla beag cosúil leis an PUP bhfuil ionadaíocht ag an UVF dílseoirí. An PUP faoi cheannaireacht David Ervine chuir fiúntach leis an bpróiseas síochána. Maidir leis an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach an tasc a bhí níos deacra mar a bhí a n-uimhreacha i bhfad níos mó, bhí an cheannaireacht Phoblachta sin go distractions teacht ar a gcuid gníomhaígh go leor agus lucht tacaíochta a fuair iad féin anois i gcríoch aithne. Ar dtús an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach tháinig suas le feachtais éagsúla le distract a gcuid saighdiúirí coise; bhí feachtais a oscailt bóithre trasteorann a bhí dúnta le blianta fada mar gheall ar an staid slándála, bhí feachtas a scaoileadh príosúnaigh phoblachtacha, bhí feachtas ar son de -mhíleatú agus mar sin de. Mar sin féin, bhí an feachtas ar cheann gur tháinig na poblachtánaigh suas leis agus a leanann ar aghaidh go dtí an lá an-feachtas eagraithe agus comhbheartaithe chun stop a paráidí tOrd Oráisteach máirseáil i réimsí áirithe den Thuaidh. An feachtas seo follasach seicteach a thug an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ciorcal iomlán, áitiúil ‘grúpaí cónaitheoirí a bhí mar thoradh den chuid is mó ag príosúnaigh IRA agus iar-dúbailt póstaeir, banners, preaseisiúintí agus pearsanra faoi lé na’ grúpaí cónaitheoirí mar aon rud níos mó ná clúdach do Shinn Féin / IRA gníomhaígh. Mar sin féin, aon duine a bhí bothered freisin, bhí na Scothaicme polaitiúla sásta go bhfuil na saighdiúirí coise a bhí á choinneáil ar áitiú. Core baill an IRA a bhí tógtha atá suas empires coiriúil cé go raibh raged an choimhlint le fáil anois faoi lé féin go hiomlán, lean an IRA le dúnmharú mangairí drugaí nach mbeadh ceadúnas a íoc leis an t-aonad IRA sa cheantar ina raibh siad ag déileáil. Smuigleáil (breosla agus toitíní), góchumadh, robálacha bainc, a d’fhéadfadh sracadh níos soiléire a bheith le feiceáil mar an dúnmharuithe seicteacha subsided. Sa díospóireacht i dTeach na dTeachtaí ar an 27 Eanáir, 1999, an tUasal Robert Mc Cartney (MP, Dún Thuaidh) go raibh a dúirt an Ardchonstábla nach raibh sé ar an amhras slightest an IRA Sealadach agus Dílseoir UVF a bhí freagrach as an bualadh, lámhach agus ciorruithe a bhí á dhéanamh sna pobail a tionchar an-mhór orthu. An tUasal Seamus Mallon (MP) an SDLP (Caitliceach / Náisiúnach) sa díospóireacht chéanna sa Commons dúirt, “Daoine, go háirithe daoine óga, a chur faoi bhrú síceolaíoch éagsúla ar bhealach go bhfuil ceaptha a chosaint ar an móin, tionchar a imirt ar cumhacht creimneach de ghrúpaí paraimíleatacha i n-eagraíochtaí. ” Daoine cosúil le Seamus Mallon a bhí lucht tacaíochta lárnach den phróiseas síochána a bhí ag éirí sickened ag an brutality mafia á n-úsáid ag na coirpigh IRA a choimeád ar bun chumhacht, rialú agus ciúineas ins na réimsí ina raibh ceannas. Mar sin féin, bheadh an brú fíor teacht ar ghluaiseacht phoblachtach Márta 1999 nuair Scoil na mBráithre Críostaí 60 Miontuairiscí tiomanta le clár chun an brutality ag dul ar aghaidh sa tuaisceart. Seo clár faisnéise 60 nóiméad béim ar an ghníomhaíocht Maifia an dá sceimhlitheoirí ndílseoirí agus poblachtach agus ceannach sé tUachtarán Clinton a thabhairt ar na sáruithe ar Chearta an Duine sa chaint Lá Fhéile Pádraig a sa bhliain 1999. An clár faisnéise Scoil na mBráithre Críostaí agus urlabhra Bill Clinton a shábháil ón mbás go leor mar an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach cuireadh iachall a thuilleadh chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar a gcuid freagrachtaí laistigh den ‘phróiseas na síochána’. Cibé an réaltacht den saol laethúil do na daoine Caitliceach agus Protastúnach i bpríosún sa geiteonna a bhí á rialú go bhfuil ag na sceimhlitheoirí phoblachtacha agus dhílseacha lean an Scothaicme polaitiúil a chanadh as an mbileog iomann ‘síochána’. Tugadh cuireadh do Shinn Féin leis an gcomhdháil infheistíochta idirnáisiúnta in Óstán an Europa i mBéal Feirste, Óstán an céanna go raibh séidte an IRA suas ar ócáidí dosaen. Bhí Glaonna le haghaidh cainteanna leis na Breataine an t-éileamh eile ag gluaiseacht phoblachtach agus tugadh ar dtús ag leibhéal an Oifig Thuaisceart Éireann agus ar deireadh thiar do Rúnaí Leibhéal Stáit. Cad araon hAontachtaithe agus oifigigh na Breataine fhoghlaim go tapa ná go raibh an cheannaireacht poblachtach i gceachtar Guinness Mc nó Adams stór focal an-teoranta. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bhí caol insular ar an domhan agus ní raibh siad ar chumas féin a chlaonann ó gcuid dea-ullmhaithe scripteanna, i gcás ba chóir iad a bheith faoi lé. Fiú iriseoirí ar an ócáid a bhí ach amháin chun ceisteanna a bhí á léamh ar dtús agus ceadaithe ag Adams nó Mc Guinness. Mar sin féin, ní fhéadfadh an casadh polaitiúil cheilt ar an bhfíric go raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ag leanúint ar dhúnmharú, éigniú, chéasadh agus lot iad siúd laistigh dá bpobal féin, mar a ghlac siad smacht fist iarainn ar a empires coiriúla. Leanaí a bhí á nglacadh ag dronganna IRA agus fosta agus lámhaigh a insint oibrithe sóisialta go raibh siad raped nó gnéasach ionsaí ag baill Sinn Féin / IRA. Ní raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ag iarraidh a níocháin salach nite os comhair an domhain meáin a bhí camped anois i dTuaisceart Éireann mar an ‘síochána próiseas’ unfolded. Nuair a dúshlán mé amháin sinsearach IRA ball, Hughes ‘Darkie’ Brendan, mar gheall ar an dul ar aghaidh sáruithe ar Chearta an Duine i gcoinne leanaí Caitliceach ag an IRA a dúirt sé, “Nuair a bhfuil siad ag cosa a bhriseadh, nach bhfuil siad ag smaoineamh ar briseadh ar shiúl”, i bhfocail eile an cheannaireacht poblachtach a bhí ag ligean coirpigh poblachtacha a dhéanamh mar áthais siad chomh fada is nach raibh briseadh siad ar shiúl ón gcomhlacht is mó ar an ngluaiseacht poblachtach. Gaeilge / Meiriceánaigh ag a súile agus cluasa in aice leis an brutality laethúil a bhí á meted amach anois leis an bpobal Caitliceach ar bhonn laethúil ag gluaiseacht poblachtach, gluaiseacht go raibh chuaigh ó Myth go mafia mar a thit an Scothaicme polaitiúil adh. Mar a d’fhan gach duine lena mbaineann leis an bpróiseas síochána d’fhoilsiú an Creatdoiciméad a bhí geallta ag Rialtas na Breataine agus na hÉireann, d’fhoilsigh an Irish Times Londain ar leagan leaked ar an doiciméad. An leagan leaked ba chúis outrage i measc aontachtaithe mar a bhí sé go raibh go leor rúnda a dhéanamh le poblachtaigh. An sceitheadh a bhí obair an sympathizer an-chur aontachtach i státseirbhís John Major s; seo aontachtach a bhí ina bhall de ghrúpa i Westminster ag iarraidh iad féin ‘Cairde an Aontais, bhí an grúpa seo freisin mar bhall Sean eochair O’Callaghan ( iar-IRA ceannaire iompú MI5 ghníomhaire). Foilsiú an doiciméid leaked oscail an Times suas díospóireacht agus d’fhéadfadh imoibriú aontachtach a thomhas. Nuair a bhí tús curtha leis an deannaigh socraithe i ndáil leis an díospóireacht doiciméad leaked faoi na rudaí a d’fhéadfadh an doiciméad fíor iontu. Ní dócha go raibh an duine a sceitheann an doiciméad a intinn dearfacha ar nós thionscnamh díospóireacht phoiblí, bhí sé níos mó is dócha go raibh an sceitheadh rud éigin á n-úsáid ag hAontachtaithe lena dtugtar rabhadh don Rialtas na Breataine gan dul i bhfad ró nuair lamháltais a thairiscint do sceimhlitheoirí. Ar an gCéadaoin an 22 Doiciméad Feabhra an Creat a foilsíodh ar deireadh, bhí bheannaigh sé le dóchas ag náisiúnaithe agus aontachtaithe skepticism ag. Is féidir leis an Frithghníomhartha a achoimriú is fearr a chur ar bun le tuarascáil seo ar dhíospóireacht an t-aon mhór phoiblí ar siúl ar an doiciméad: D’fhéadfadh an doiciméad Creat bheith deadlocked ag flaws ina Ollamh dhéanamh suas dlí le rá dúirt inné. TOllamh Simon Lee, Ollscoil na Banríona, Béal Feirste dúirt mic léinn sochaí polaitiúil, ‘Ceartas 95′, Ollscoil na Ríona go bhfuil an comhthionscnamh Breataine agus na hÉireann “I bhfad ó foirfe”. Creideann an tOllamh go mbeidh an doiciméad theipeann ar deireadh thiar toisc go bhfuil sé sraith de “seiceálacha agus iarmhéideanna”. “Beidh sé deireadh suas áit a bhfuil gach duine vetoing gach duine eile”, a dúirt sé ar chruinniú pacáilte na mac léinn i Nelson Mandela Halla na Banríona inné. An tOllamh Lee mb’fhéidir go mbeadh na tograí ag obair níos fearr le córas na seiceálacha agus iarmhéideanna dlí seachas gardaí sábháilte polaitiúla. Dúirt sé go raibh sé i gceist freisin go údair an doiciméad cur chuige Thuaisceart Éireann mar shochaí ar “Dhá Foirne” atá ar leithligh, ach ag súil leo teacht le chéile ar talamh coitianta. An tOllamh leanas nár cheart iarr ar na daltaí iad féin cé acu is maith leo an doiciméad ach cibé an bhfuil sé “Just”. An tOllamh Lee ag labhairt ag ceann de na díospóireachtaí chéad poiblí a sheoladh ag ‘Ceartas 95′. Michael Ritchie ó Choiste na Riaradh an Cheartais dúirt go raibh spreagadh sé go raibh aghaidh cearta an duine aonair agus mionlaigh sa Doiciméad Chreat. Aontachtaithe Uladh, dúirt Stephen King an doiciméad, ‘caged’ polaiteoirí aontachtacha ag súil iad a bheith ag comhoibriú laistigh de pharaiméadair daingean. SDLP ionadaíocha, Peter Coll, dúirt an gcruinniú go bhfuil an doiciméad seo cruthúnas go bhfuil, “Tá Deighiltí teipthe”. [1] Ollscoil na Ríona a bhí go bhfuil an áit bhreithe an ghluaiseacht um Chearta Sibhialta a bhí céim uair amháin i lár arís i dtéarmaí ag iarraidh a bhogadh an tsíocháin-próiseas ar aghaidh i ndíospóireacht oscailte, macánta agus trédhearcach faoi na ceisteanna a allmhairiú ar an lá. An doiciméad le cabhair díospóireacht phoiblí den sórt sin cé nach bhfuil aon tábhacht forleathana bunreachtúil, sa mhéid is go mbeadh aon chinneadh a ghlacfaidh ar na ceisteanna bunreachtúla fós i lámha na ndaoine dTuaisceart Éireann agus i bPoblacht na hÉireann i reifrinn ar leith. An Creatdoiciméad chomh maith le díospóireacht phoiblí chobhsaithe a leochaileach síocháin phróiseas, cé nach raibh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach fhormhuinigh an doiciméad raibh siad is cinnte aitheanta deis laistigh dá athbhrí. Ba mhaith leis an tsíocháin a bhíonn próiseas remain go leor do gach cineál na cúiseanna, bhí na páirtithe go léir lena n-áirítear bunreachtúil an riarachán Meiriceánach a fheiceáil fíor-thiomantas an tsíocháin ag an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach agus bhí éileamh ar dhí-choimisiúnú airm an IRA. Ba é seo do phoblachtánaigh an siombail suas nach raibh siad ag an bpointe sin a dhíol le n-toghlach féin. An cheannaireacht poblachtach argóint nach raibh de-coimisiúnú ina réamhchoinníoll chun an IRA scoirfidh-tine, áfach, bhí aighneas éileamh seo ag an IRA ag an Ollamh Paul Bew ag Ollscoil na Banríona. I staidéar cuimsitheach ar an litríocht ar fad atá ar fáil a bhí mhalartú go bhfuil idir Rialtas na Breataine agus an cheannaireacht Poblachtach, dúirt an meamraim san áireamh idir Martin Mc Guinness agus a MI6 teagmhála Michael Oakley, an tOllamh Bew go raibh dí-choimisiúnaithe is cinnte ar an tábla os comhair na IRA scoirfidh-tine de 1994. Ba léir gur aontaigh an cheannaireacht poblachtach a thabhairt suas an IRA, áfach, ní raibh an am ceart le haghaidh an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach a thabhairt suas den sórt sin a dhíol le ballraíocht féin a bhí ag baint úsáide as fós foréigean ar shráideanna Thuaisceart Éireann. Ceannaireacht poblachtach ar aghaidh ag labhairt amach an dá thaobh a n-béal i ndáil leis an tsíocháin, ar shráideanna Bhéal Feirste agus Doire poblachtánaigh a bhí ag leanúint ar dhúnmharú, éigniú agus daoine lot laistigh dá bpobal féin a bheidh ar mar a chothabháil siad rialú fist iarainn de na réimsí sin. Beidh Poblachtánaigh dúnmharaíodh ag an mór agus an dea-iompú súil dall ar mhaithe le leas an ‘níos mó maith’. Bhí lámhaigh mangairí drugaí nach mbeadh airgead cosaint a íoc leis an IRA marbh; tógadh leanaí agus mná a thuairiscigh á raped ag baill Sinn Féin / IRA amach agus lámhaigh nó fosta a choimeád ar bun a Silence. Tógadh cailín 16 bliain d’aois as a teach i gCathair Ard Mhacha, stripped agus ionsaí ag gang IRA a bhí ag baint úsáide as a seasamh a quench a tart pedophile. An ghluaiseacht phoblachtach ar aghaidh ag úsáid bagairt an fhoréigin Macra más rud é nach raibh siad a fháil a mbealach sa phróiseas polaitiúil. I mí Mheán Fómhair go luath, 1995, agus bhí an IRA ar ‘tine scoirfidh-’ le breis agus bliain, rabhadh an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach go cruinniú Angla-Éireannach idir an Príomh Aire na Breataine, John Major agus an Taoiseach na hÉireann, ba chóir John Bruton go mbeadh chealú nó a bheadh, “Comhlachtaí ar na Sráideanna”. Bhí an bhagairt roimh i mí Lúnasa, 1995, nuair a dúirt Gerry Adams, ag tabhairt aghaidh ar rally ag Halla Cathrach Bhéal Feirste, “nach bhfuil an IRA imithe ar shiúl a fhios agat”. Adams fhios go raibh ag streachailt sé a choinneáil gníomhaígh IRA ar bord próiseas a chuma a thairiscint IRA thabhairt suas do rud ar bith níos mó ná suíochán sa bhfad fuath Foirgnimh Stormont. Adams in agallamh mionsonraithe le Times na hÉireann i 1995 dúirt riamh go mbeadh an IRA a thabhairt suas agus más rud é go raibh dí-choimisiúnú réamh-riocht, ní bheadh go raibh dócha go bhfuil scoirfidh-tine. Rialtas na Breataine iarr an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach go socrófar ceist na dí-coimisiúnaithe a bheadh an IRA tiomanta do thabhairt suas a chuid airm do Chomhlacht um Dhíchoimisiúnú Idirnáisiúnta mar a fuair cainteanna gach páirtí-faoi bhealach. Bhí sé seo ar chomhréiteach idir an t-éileamh na Breataine go bhfuil roinnt airm an IRA a thabhairt suas mar choinníoll réamh-le ceannaireacht phoblachtach ag dul isteach cainteanna (ar a dtugtar Washington Trí ceanglas) agus an gealltanas IRA a lucht tacaíochta go bhféadfadh arm Óglaigh na hÉireann ar láimh ach thar tar éis Bhí socrú polaitiúil. I ndáiríre, bheadh an IRA a bheith in ann a thabhairt suas a chuid airm as radharc an phobail laistigh de na téarmaí nua inghlactha le haghaidh dí-coimisiúnaithe. Sceimhlitheoirí nDílseoirí chreid nach raibh de-a choimisiúnú réamhriachtanas cainteanna mar Gary Mc Michael dúirt: Ní chreidim gur chóir go mbeadh fuair tú fisiciúil os cionn na n-arm is gá chun idirphlé ar siúl. Bheadh Uachtarán Bill Clinton móiminteam breise a chur leis an tsíocháin a próiseas le cuairt a thabhairt ar an taobh ó thuaidh i mí na Samhna, 1995, agus tar éis an Euphoria an Uachtaráin cuairt bhog an fócas a iar-Seanadóir na Stát Aontaithe, An Coimisiún George Mitchell ar fear trí, a bhí á chur ar bun chun breathnú ar mholtaí le haghaidh dí-coimisiúnaithe. Sular foilsíodh tuarascáil an Choimisiúin i mí Eanáir 1996, shocraigh an Rialtas na Breataine agus na hAontachtaithe go raibh toghcháin i dTuaisceart Éireann ar an mbealach is fearr chun cinn. Na Breataine agus na hAontachtaithe Creidtear gur trí tionól daonlathach d’fhéadfadh saincheisteanna mar dí-choimisiúnaithe a dhéileálfar le. Náisiúnaithe dhiúltú go huathoibríoch leis an togra seo a chreidiúint é a bheith ar ais chuig an Aontachtach d’aois is mó Stormont riail. Tuarascáil an Choimisiúin i mír dá mhíreanna an leor molta i measc nithe eile nach raibh de-coimisiúnaithe riachtanach sula uile-pháirtí cainteanna. Bhí socraithe ag an cheannaireacht poblachtach ar straitéis oirbheartaíochta le taidhleoireacht powered ard a bheadh a atreorú ó na n-éagumas chun straitéis fíor polaitiúil, bheadh sé a choinneáil chomh maith an domhain meáin díriú ar shiúl ó na rúin go leor dorcha a leagan faoi thalamh sna réimsí sin á rialú ag an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach. Go leor de na rúin dorcha ar aghaidh a bheith faoi lé sa 21ú hAois mar íospartaigh go leor de éigniú agus coireanna eile ag na lámha ar Sinn Féin / IRA ball fháil ar an misneach a chun tosaigh leis na sonraí a mblianta tosta i bhfeidhm. An IRA – A Arm Cóir Rúnda – Caibidil 12 – Daonlathas Consociational poncaithe ag marfach Out-Rage Mar sin, bhí sé go raibh na daoine beag a bhí faoi réir an oiread sin sáruithe ar Chearta an Duine ar an lámha sceimhlitheoirí phoblachtacha agus dhílseacha ón uair a dhearbhú scoirfidh-tinte i 1994 go mí-úsáid aitheanta agus aitheantas a thabhairt ag Uachtarán na Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá, an tUasal Bill Clinton sa chaint Lá Fhéile Pádraig a 1999. An brú ar aghaidh ar ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun deireadh a chur lena ciorruithe, rapes agus barbarity in aghaidh an phobail i ngeiteo Caitliceach thar a wielded sé de chumhacht Mafia sin i bhfad. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bhí á bhrú agus ceirteacha tarraingthe sa treo ceart ag na constitutionalists sa bhaile agus thar lear. Seanadóir George Mitchell a bhí lárnach bróicéireachta Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta; an comhaontú seo deis gach taobh an deis chun díriú ar an lá go lá arán agus saincheisteanna im sa nua Thionól Thuaisceart Éireann, tig leis na saincheisteanna níos mó Bunreachtúil a ghlacadh reifreann seo a leanas ar ais suíochán i dTuaisceart Éireann agus i bPoblacht na hÉireann. Tá an coincheap ar a dtugtar Daonlathas Consociational nó i sráid teanga, aontú go n-aontaíonn. Cuireadh an coincheap fad a úsáidtear i bhfoirmeacha éagsúla i ndlínsí eile do na páirtithe polaitiúla sa tuaisceart ag mac léinn iarchéime ag Ollscoil na Banríona, Béal Feirste, agus a snáitheanna lárnacha glacadh go tapa. An Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta a shínigh na páirtithe go léir lena n-áirítear Sinn Féin ar Aoine an Chéasta, 1998, atá leagtha amach freagrachtaí an-sonrach do na sínitheoirí leis an gcomhaontú sin lena n-áirítear tiomantas do mhodhanna síochánta. Scaoileadh na príosúnaigh go léir sceimhlitheoireachta agus próiseas dímhíleatú / normalú ar aghaidh le suiteálacha trúpaí a tharraingt siar agus díchóimeáil na Breataine míleata. I mí an Mheithimh 1998 tionóladh toghcháin do nua Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann agus d’fhonn éascú a mhórán alt den phobal agus is féidir go mbeadh an Tionól go mbeadh 108 suíochán ollmhór. An toghchán a cheadaítear an Pháirtí Aontachtach Fhorásach (PUP) a léirigh an grúpa terror dílseoirí an UVF a bhuachan dhá shuíochán agus bhí sé seo úsáideach. Grúpaí imeall eile ar nós na mBan Coalition bhuaigh dhá shuíochán ach go luath a ghalú. É fírinne an scéil ná go raibh an nua Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann ar bun agus a reáchtáil agus cumhacht a bhí á roinnt anois idir Chaitliceach agus Phrotastúnach. Tráchtairí go leor le fios go raibh roinnt cumhacht den sórt sin ar fáil sna 1970í agus nach raibh níos mó ná 3,500 daoine gá chun bás ar ais simplí a Stormont riail. Tháinig Aontachtaithe Uladh ceannaire David Trimble Chéad Aire agus Sinn Féin, Martin Mc Guinness bhí an LeasChéad-Aire. Tá an Stormont an-go dúirt Gerry Adams a bhí propping suas riail Imperial in Éirinn a bhí á riaradh anois i bpáirt ag Sinn Féin. Mar sin féin, ní raibh ar fad go maith sa ghluaiseacht poblachtach, agus iad ag iarraidh a bheith gach rud le gach duine gur cheadaigh an Adams / Mc Guinness ceannaireacht coirpigh laistigh gcuid céimeanna féin a dhéanamh mar áthais siad. Sé seo léiriú féin i Samhain 1997 nuair a PIRA, Máistir Ráithe, d’fhág Michael Mc Kevitt an Airm an IRA Chomhairle agus ghlac leis airm, pléascáin agus pearsanra. Mc Kevitt líomhnaítear nach raibh sé sásta leis an gceannaireacht a poblachtach gnó a dhéanamh leis an Brits, ach go raibh sé ar an gComhairle Arm-am ar fad nuair a bhí Martin Mc Guinness a bhfuil cruinnithe rúnda le Gníomhaire MI6 Michael Oakley. Is fiú a nótáil go bhfuil ag gach tráth i rith an phróisis seo Oakley á comhairle Sean O’Callaghan. Bhí O’Callaghan ar an Arm an IRA gComhairle ach bhí faoi lé mar ghníomhaire na Breataine, ar athraíodh a ionad O’Callaghan go Sasana nuair a bhí sé ina chomhairleoir sinsearach don tSeirbhís Rúnda na Breataine, O’Callaghan Bhí baint freisin le umar smaointeoireachta ar Thuaisceart Éire, Idirphlé Nua. Tá an IRA feidhmiú faoi na rialacha atá sa méid a bhfuil ar a dtugtar an Leabhar Glas, bhí léigh mé an leabhar nuair a bhí mé i bpríosún agus tá sé ina leabhar an-simplí le sraith deadly de rialacha. Deir sé go soiléir go mbeidh duine ar bith a bhaineann mí-úsáid nó misappropriating airm IRA nó pearsanra aghaidh Cúirte Martial agus má fhaightear ciontach i gcion tromaí a fhorghníomhú. Mar sin féin, Michael Mc Kevitt ná aghaidh Cúirte Martial nó d’fháil bháis, an chúis atá leis seo go bhfuil an cheannaireacht poblachtach chreid go mbeadh buamaí cúpla agus killings ag ‘easaontaigh’ cabhrú le fócas ar an intinn na hAontachtaithe, na Breataine, Rialtas na hÉireann agus gach eile pháirtithe leasmhara. Bhí an tactic a úsáidtear go minic ag gluaiseacht poblachtach, agus cé go ar an ócáid seo ní raibh an IRA Real oibriúcháin faoi orduithe díreach ó na ceannaireachta poblachtach raibh tacaíocht intuigthe an Airm an IRA Comhairle. Tá an PIRA bhí go minic a úsáidtear bratacha áise a chur i gcrích dúnmharuithe ag amanna na polaitíochta de íogair. Mar shampla, i mBaile an tSíoda Kingsmill i 1976, nuair a stop an IRA ar ualach bus na bhfear oibre i nDeisceart Ard Mhacha agus maraíodh deich gcinn de na aon fhear déag oibre Protastúnach ar bord, fágadh an t-aonú do marbh, dúirt an killers IRA an Caitliceach ach amháin ar an bus chun siúl amach as an ardán, a úsáidtear an IRA an chlúdach ainm Ard Mhacha Theas Grúpa Gníomhaíochta Poblachtach, go deimhin, bhí Michael Mc Kevitt cheann de na comhaltaí IRA páirteach sa massacre i 1976. Ar an Domhnach, an 20 Samhain, 1983, chuaigh poblachtaigh an Lóiste Mountain Pentecostal Eaglais, i Darkley, in aice le Keady, i gContae Ard Mhacha agus dúnmharaíodh i fola fuar trí cinn de na daoine Protastúnach a bhí ag guí ann, gortaíodh seacht goers Eaglais eile sa ionsaí cowardly. Na sceimhlitheoirí úsáid as an t-ainm a chlúdach ‘Force Imoibriú Caitliceach’. Tar éis an IRA scoirfidh-tine de 1994 a úsáidtear an IRA an t-ainm Gníomhaíochta chlúdach Díreach in aghaidh Drugaí (DAAD) chun dúnmharú agus lot mangairí drugaí nach mbeadh airgead cosaint a íoc leis an IRA. Sa bhliain 1996 an IRA murdered an Gharda Síochána Jerry Mc Cabe, a bhí murdered an Gharda Síochána Mc Cabe ag gang IRA a bhí i mbun an robáil armtha faoi orduithe díreach an Airm PIRA Chomhairle cuid acu a bhí ina suí anois sa Rialtas Thuaisceart Éireann. [1 ] Ar an 19 Iúil, 1998 smashed ochtar ball den PIRA i dtuaisceart Bhéal Feirste a mbealach isteach an árasán de 33 bliana d’aois Caitliceach, Andrew Kearney, agus lámhaigh marbh dó os comhair a pháirtí agus dhá leanbh seachtaine d’aois. An gang coiriúil sracadh amach ansin ar an teileafón agus jammed an ardaitheoir ionas nach bhféadfaí cabhair a thoghairm. Bhí an dúnmharú cowardly a rinneadh mar Andrew, maith ar a dtugtar spóirt fear, bhí stop an rapist IRA ó dtuaisceart Bhéal Feirste ionsaí ar leanbh ar Bhóthar na bhFál i mBéal Feirste. Tá an IRA ag iarraidh a choinneáil ar a rúin dorcha agus go mbeadh siad a mharú aon duine a thriail a nochtadh dóibh. Bheadh aon duine a chúiseamh i ndúnmharú riamh Andrew mar a bhí amharc coireachta cosúil le ‘Teach Inmheánach a choimeád’ ag na Breataine dar leis an IRA ghéillte anois. Is féidir leis an bpróiseas síochána a bheith le feiceáil dá bhrí sin, ar ócáid a bheith ina bac díreach ar an gceartas. Mar sin féin, an cheannaireacht poblachtach tacaíocht intuigthe don ‘easaontaigh’ a bheadh ar ais go luath dóiteáin nó ar a laghad a aiféala, momentarily ar a laghad. Ar an 15 Lúnasa, 1998 curtha ar an IRA Real buama carr i mbaile Ómaigh i gContae Thír Eoghain. An buama phléasc i sráid siopadóireachta gnóthach agus Maraíodh 29 neamhchiontach fir, mná agus leanaí. Bhí sé seo ina bhuille léirigh do na gnáthdhaoine na hÉireann a bhí fágtha a bhlaosc shocked. Tar éis an oiread sin tá súil á thairiscint ag an bpróiseas síochána fledgling an fhuil an neamhchiontach arís agam di ar na sráideanna. An IRA Real bhí i gcomhar le baill den IRA Leanúnachas chun dúnmharú mais a sheachadadh do mhuintir na hÓmaí. Ceannaireacht poblachtánach i bhfoirm Adams agus Mc Guinness cuireadh iachall anois chun Cáineann an buama na hÓmaí, nach n-hypocrisy caillte ag tráchtairí seasoned go leor a bhí a mheabhrú an massacres a lán le déanaí faoi cheannaireacht an Adams / Mc Guinness. Mar shampla, bhí curtha trí seachtaine roimh an buama na hÓmaí an ‘easaontaigh’ buama sa bhaile den chuid is mó Protastúnach Dhroichead na Banna nuair a gortaíodh iad 35 neamhchiontach fir, mná agus leanaí agus an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach theip Cáineann go outrage, bhí na híospartaigh Droichead na Banna Protastúnaigh cé go raibh na híospartaigh an Ómaigh idir Chaitliceach agus Phrotastúnach. An buama na hÓmaí a bhí cloch mhíle sa phróiseas síochána, bhí dírithe ar intinn agus an gnó ar an bpolaitíocht ar aghaidh. Gealladh go leor ag an dá Rialtas na Breataine agus na hÉireann i ndáil leis an tsúil agus príosúnacht de na dúnmharfóirí Ómaigh, áfach, chomh minic agus is amhlaidh an cás nuair a bheidh an deannaigh socraithe ciontaíodh aon duine de bhuamáil na hÓmaí. Ba mhaith leis an teaghlaigh na n-íospartach Ómaigh caingne a thionscnamh, sibhialta rathúil in aghaidh roinnt de na baint acu leis an massacre Ómaigh ach nach bhfuil aon tionchar fíor ar ghníomhaíochtaí an ‘easaontaigh’ a bheith acu. I Nollaig 1999 bhí an limistéar nua Tuaisceart Éireann Tionól chumhacht chineachta dó le Westminster agus riail dhíreach ar deireadh dar críoch tar éis seacht mbliadhna ar fhichid. Mar sin féin, d’fhan de-coimisiúnú fadhb thromchúiseach, agus go raibh ‘easaontaigh’ beagnach neamhghníomhach ar feadh tréimhse shuntasach tar éis an buama na hÓmaí, lean an IRA a chur i gcrích dúnmharuithe agus cineálacha eile coiriúlachta. I bhFeabhra 2000 ar fionraí Rialtas na Breataine an Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann mar a bhraith Aontachtaithe in ann leanúint sa Rialtas le Sinn Féin agus lean an IRA le gnó mar is gnách. Ceannaireacht poblachtach a bhí faoi bhrú leanúnach chun stop a ligean a chomhaltaí chun leanúint ar aghaidh le gníomhaíocht choiriúil. Más rud é nach raibh an cheannaireacht rialú an gcoiriúlacht laistigh dá céimeanna féin ansin ní fhéadfadh sé a sheachadadh a chuid freagrachtaí laistigh de théarmaí Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta. ‘Slab’ Thomas Murphy a bhí ina Phríomh-an IRA Foirne ar feadh blianta fada os comhair na gCúirteanna i bPoblacht na hÉireann os comhair na muirir coiriúla a bhaineann le himghabháil cánach, gur úsáid Coiriúil na hÉireann Biúró um Shócmhainní tactics FBI a chur síos ar cheann de na Godfathers Mafia (http: / / www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/breaking/2010/0326/breaking41.html). Murphy tipiciúil conas mar sin a bhí déanta poblachtaigh a dtugtar rath pearsanta ar chúl an choimhlint sa tuaisceart. I mí Bealtaine 2000 d’aontaigh an cheannaireacht poblachtach a thabhairt suas airm an IRA. Sé seo ar ndóigh ba mhaith scagtha san áireamh an doras cobhsaí tar éis an capall bolted mar a bhí le fáil ar an ‘easaontacha’ buamaí PIRA semtex. Na Breataine fhreagair comhchineáil agus cuireadh ar ais ar cumhacht don Tionól ar an mbonn go mbeadh an IRA a thabhairt suas a chuid arm. Mar sin féin, lean an IRA a mhias amach bás agus scrios, agus cé go lean cairde go leor de na sceimhlitheoirí i gcodanna áirithe de na meáin chumarsáide agus go háirithe i Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá a chur in iúl ag teipeanna aontachtach, neamhaird ar an meán céanna ar na comhlachtaí briste na n-íospartach éigniú agus eile d’íospartaigh na coireachta IRA a bhí ann fosta a isteach ciúineas ins an limistéir atá faoi cheannas na coirpigh phoblachtacha agus dhílseacha. Sa deireadh in aghaidh níos mó ná fianaise whelming gur lean an IRA ar dhúnmharú, d’éirigh Chéad Aire, David Trimble mar nach bhféadfadh sé a insint a mhuintir go raibh thug sé síocháin nuair a bhí dúnmharú leanúnach ar na sráideanna, roinnt príosúnach a scaoileadh go deimhin, faoi théarmaí an Bhí ar ais Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta le coiriúlacht agus go mbeadh roinnt deireadh suas ag cur isteach pianbhreitheanna saoil úr i dtuaisceart na hÉireann agus Poblacht na. An brú suite ar an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach agus go háirithe ó Mheiriceá áit a raibh an oiread sin infheistithe ag an riarachán Clinton. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair 2000 IRA Cuireadh iachall ar deireadh a n-arm a thabhairt suas do chomhlacht díchoimisiúnaithe, áfach, i go leor rúnda le húdaráis na Breataine ceadaíodh do na Sealadach IRA ceannaireacht a choinneáil 1000 arm cosanta lena n-áirítear raidhfilí agus gunnaí láimhe, tá an chuid is mó de na hairm anois i lámha na grúpaí ‘easaontacha’. Constitutionalists ar aghaidh ag bhrú ar aghaidh leis an bpróiseas síochána agus Sinn Féin ina dhiaidh sin taobh thiar le IRA coiriúlacht clutching ag a n-eireabaill cóta. Sa bhliain 2001 bhí a gabhadh trí poblachtaigh sinsearach agus bhí oiliúint narco-sceimhlitheoirí (FARC) i Columbia agus tá sé seo le náire mór dóibh siúd a bhíodh ag obair chomh crua ar son na síochána agus i riarachán go háirithe Mheiriceá. I mí Dheireadh Fómhair 2002 raided an Féin-oifigí Shinn ag Stormont ag na póilíní imscrúdú oibríocht Spy líomhnaithe IRA ag Stormont, ar fionraí an Tionól agus riail dhíreach a fhorchuirtear. É fírinne an scéil ná go raibh roinnt de na daoine is sinsearaí Shinn Féin i Stormont gníomhairí na Breataine, Dennis Donaldson gan ach ceann amháin, mar sin bhí sé deacair a rá leis an guys maith as an olc. I mBéal Feirste i Nollaig 2004 goideadh an IRA Banc an Tuaiscirt agus ghoid fiche is a sé-milliún punt sterling. Sa geiteonna ina bhfuil an Mafia poblachtach wielded rialú lean sé a mhias amach bháis, ciorrú agus céasadh do dhuine ar bith a sheas ina bhealach. Ceann de na dúnmharuithe an IRA phróifíl is airde, agus ar an tine scoirfidh-, a bhí i mí Eanáir 2005, nuair a dhéanann baill shinsearacha an IRA murdered an Caitliceach neamhchiontach, athair de dhá Robert Mc Cartney. Mar sin féin, lean an tUasal Mc Cartney deirfiúracha ar killers sceimhlitheoireachta Robert le fuinneamh agus thug a n-glaoch ar son an cheartais go Meiriceá Mar sin féin, mar a bhí cur isteach na dúnmharfóirí Óglaigh na hÉireann le finnéithe agus píosaí scannáin CCTV, ní bheadh dúnmharfóirí Robert a chiontú. Le linn na chéad tréimhse deich mbliana de phoblachtacha agus dhílseacha ‘scoirfidh-tinte’ 1994-2004 bhí: 179 dúnmharuithe sceimhlitheoireachta 1,129 feistí pléascach sceimhlitheoireachta thángthas 2313 sceimhlitheoireachta – ciorruithe agus bualadh go príomha i gcoinne leanaí agus daoine fásta óga, bhí iarracht go leor díobh a thuairisciú a éigniú nó mí-úsáid ghnéasach ar na lámha sceimhlitheoirí do na húdaráis 5650 arm sceimhlitheoireachta fáil 5, 908 cúisimh choiriúla i gcoinne sceimhlitheoirí 11, 307 duine gortaithe ag gníomhaíochtaí a bhaineann sceimhlitheoireachta Níl ach dhá sheachtain tar éis dhearbhú an IRA a scoirfidh-tine sa bhliain 1994 an IRA a maraíodh 54 bliain d’aois Caitliceach Frank Kerr agus rinne an IRA amach robáil in Iúr Cinn Trá Contae an Dúin. Ar an 9 Feabhra, 1996 phléasc an IRA buama i Wharf Chanáracha Londain murdering beirt oibrí siopa neamhchiontach agus díobháil os cionn céad duine neamhchiontach. Sceimhlitheoirí Poblachtach agus dílseoirí ag dúnmharú ar a mbeidh agus go mbeadh an dúnmharú cur síos faoi dheireadh thiar ag Rúnaí na Breataine Stáit Thuaisceart Éireann, Mo Mowlam mar “tís inmheánach”, i bhfocail eile ní raibh na sceimhlitheoirí sháraíonn a ceasefires comhaontaithe dá dhúnmharú siad ach, raping agus daoine torturing laistigh dá bpobail féin. Bhí a bhí an Páirtí Aontachtach Daonlathach (DUP) a bhí i gceannas ag an Ian Paisley Rev liathróid crua le linn an phróisis cainteanna agus d’fhág sin dóibh san ionad maith leis na daoine Protastúnacha a d’fhulaing an oiread sin ar na lámha sceimhlitheoirí poblachtacha. I dtoghchán na Samhna 2003 a bheadh an DUP steal na héadaí UUP agus a bheith ar an páirtí Aontachtach is mó sa tuaisceart, go mbeadh sé seo a fhágáil anois an DUP sa suíochán tiomána. I mí Iúil 2005 dúirt an IRA go raibh ordaigh sé a bhallraíocht a thabhairt suas a n-airm agus a gcuid spriocanna a shaothrú trí mhodhanna síochánta. An caint ar aghaidh agus an chóragrafaíocht pholaitiúil ar aghaidh le himirt amach ar stáitse an domhain riamh ag laghdú mar a ghluais an domhain meáin ar ábhair níos tábhachtaí. Faoi dheireadh na bliana 2006 Príomh Aire na Breataine, Tony Blair agus Taoiseach na hÉireann, bhí Berty Ahern cainteanna leis na páirtithe Éire thuaidh a fheiceáil má d’fhéadfaí cineachadh a bhaint amach arís. Bhí an chuid is mó tuirseach anois baint acu leis an bpróiseas síochána ar an teip leanúnach an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach chun fanacht laistigh de na paraiméadair de Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta. I mí Eanáir 2007 d’aontaigh an cheannasaíocht phoblachtach chun tacú le Seirbhís Póilíneachta nua Thuaisceart Éireann, PSNI, go raibh an réamhchoinníoll na bpoblachtach a bheith ceadaithe ar ais isteach sa Tionól. Adams agus Ian Paisley ar aghaidh ag obair le chéile sa Tionól tar éis athchóiriú cineachadh ar an 8ú Bealtaine agus an dá Pháirtí Aontachtach Uladh agus an SDLP a bhí le feiceáil ar dtús mar fágadh na Seaimpíní ar an bpróiseas síochána suí ar an taobh línte agus na dhálaí foircneacha aontachta agus náisiúnachas oibrigh le chéile. Ian Paisley Snr a throid uair an Friotaíocht Uladh (paraimíleataigh dhílseacha) a Chéad Aire agus IRA ceannaire (gníomhaire MI6) Bhí Martin Mc Guinness an LeasChéad-Aire. Ar an talamh lean an IRA chun dul i mbun coiriúlacht, i nDeireadh Fómhair 2007 ar an IRA murdered Caitliceach 21 bliain d’aois, Paul Quinn i gContae Mhuineacháin, i bPoblacht na hÉireann, an dúnmharú brúidiúil agus cowardly de duine neamhchiontach óg léirigh arís go raibh an IRA níos mó cosúil le dúnmharfóirí an Moore ná mar a bhí siad le poblachtachas. Mar sin féin, bhí an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach lagú tromchúiseach a sheasamh mar an ‘easaontaigh’ chuir sí armtha ar dtús bhí ag glacadh anois ar móiminteam nua. Ar an 8 Meán Fómhair, 2008 Dúirt an Coimisiún Neamhspleách Monatóireachta (IMC) go raibh rialú an IRA Arm na Comhairle a thuilleadh oibriúcháin agus nach raibh an IRA bagairt ar an bpróiseas síochána. Mar sin, ba chosúil go raibh an (IMC) agus na Breataine sock-puipéad Thuaisceart Éireann um Chearta an Duine sásta súil dall dul chuig an dul ar aghaidh mí-úsáidí um Chearta an Duine á colbhaí ag an IRA i gceantair ina raibh siad rialú. Bhí sé ar eolas go maith gur thug Sinn Féin Uachtarán, Gerry Adams a athair ar shochraid stíl iomlán IRA nuair a bhí a fhios madraí ar an tsráid go raibh Gerry Adams Snr a rapist linbh sraitheach mar a bhí a mhac Liam Dominic Adams. Dhealraigh sé go bhfuil gach duine ag glacadh anois le dearcadh Mo Mowlam ná go raibh an dúnmharú, ciorrú agus céasadh agus éigniú na gCaitliceach ag na lámha ar an Mafia poblachtach rud níos mó ná ‘tí inmheánach’. Ba mhaith leis an dul ar aghaidh sáruithe ar Chearta an Duine ag an IRA go luath arís a chur amach atá déanta ag poblachtaigh ‘easaontacha’. Ar an 7 Márta, 2009 an IRA Real mharaigh dhá Saighdiúirí na Breataine agus wounded ceathrar eile ag Massereene bonn arm gar do Aontroma. Dhá lá ina dhiaidh sin bhí lámhaigh oifigeach PSNI marbh ag an Leanúnachas IRA i Craigavon. Mar sin, cé hiad na easaontaigh agus tá siad aon dlisteanacht. Sa bhliain 1986, nuair a Ruiri Ó Brádaigh gceannas ar ghrúpa le splinter na bpoblachtach ar shiúl ón gcomhlacht is mó de Sealadach Sinn Féin / IRA, sé nach ndearna sé amhlaidh mar gheall ar athrú beartais i ndáil le abstentionism ach i ndáil leis an athrú cumhachta. Adams agus Mc Guinness a rinneadh aon rún go bhfuil siad chun an bonn cumhacht ag an ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a ghlacadh chun an thuaidh agus an luaidhe garda sean athrú ag Ó Brádaigh as cumhacht. Ó Brádaigh ar bun Sinn Féin a bhfuil aon rud níos mó ná siopa ag caint do na fir d’aois a bhfuil cónaí i do chompord coibhneasta i bhfad ó na coimhlinte ó thuaidh feadh na mblianta. Ó Brádaigh masterminded freisin a chruthú Leanúnachas IRA, áfach, tá sé ach le blianta beaga anuas go Leanúnachas bhfuil tús a ghearradh a gcuid fiacla paraimíleata mar a n-céimeanna a bheith ataithe ag iarbhaill den IRA Sealadach. Sa bhliain 1996 phléasc an CIRA ar 1,200 punt meáchain inti buama ag óstán i bhFear Manach, áfach, ba é seo an obair ar fhoireann bheag atá bunaithe i Muineachán tuaithe, i bPoblacht na hÉireann. Tá Bluff O’Bradiagh ar siúl faoi shiúl ó na príomh-sruth Sinn Féin / IRA eagraíocht abstentionism nochta go héasca mar Poblachtach Sinn Féin tar éis suíochán sa Phoblacht nuair is féidir leo a fháil duine éigin tofa chun uirbeach nó comhairle contae. I Samhain 1997 d’éirigh an dá Mc Kenna Kevin agus Michael Mc Kevitt ar a seasaimh ar an Sealadach IRA Arm na Comhairle. Kevin Mc Kenna a dúirt sa bhliain 1994, “Chomh fada is na leaids leis na balaclavas atá ann chun súil a choinneáil ar rudaí Tá áthas orm a théann in éineacht leis”, a bhí Mc Kenna ag caint faoi na cainteanna idir Mc Guinness / Adams agus na Breataine Rialtais. Mar sin féin, i 1997 chinn Mc Kenna d’fhéadfadh sé a thuilleadh a bheith mar chuid de na Féin / IRA Sinn eagraíocht. Níl aon fhianaise ann a thabharfadh le fios go ndeachaigh Mc Kenna leis na easaontaigh ach go bhfuil sé socraithe go simplí i scoir i gContae Mhuineacháin. Michael Mc Kevitt ar an láimh eile a bhí an IRA Sealadach, bheadh Ráithe Máistir Ard foirm an IRA Real. Mc Kevitt a bhí in ann a ghlacadh pearsanra, airm agus pléascáin leis. Cé go bhfuil an IRA Sealadach beartas fada forghníomhaitheach aon duine a mí-úsáid as a bpearsanra nó airm tugadh Mc Kevitt lámh saor in aisce. Bheadh an béal-píosa don IRA Real polaitiúla an, 32 An Coiste Flaitheas Chontae. Ó thaobh poblachtach tá nach bhfuil an Leanúnachas IRA ná an IRA Real aon dlisteanacht. O’Bradaigh dá chuid a bhí sásta dul i ngleic le Rialtas na Breataine nuair a oireann sé a thuras egotistical; scoilt sé a thuilleadh le gluaiseacht phoblachtach thar pearsanta seachas spreagthaí fada polaitiúla téarma. Michael Mc Kevitt a bhí ar an Arm an IRA Comhairle nuair a bhí Martin Mc Guinness a bhfuil cruinnithe rúnda le M16, bhí Mc Kevitt pháirtí a thabhairt suas Poblachtánach cathach agus bhí sé pháirtí breise ar an executions mais Poblachtánaigh Éireannacha i gcontaetha na teorann mar gheall ar an IRA ceannaireacht ar chaimiléireacht. Bheadh easpa Mc Kevitt ar na hintleachta a fheiceáil ar deireadh thiar ag fónamh dó pianbhreith fiche bliain i bPríosún Phort Laoise na Poblachta i ndiaidh Mc Kevitt raibh a chara-Gníomhaire FBI a bheadh ag dul níos déanaí Stáit bhfianaise ina choinne. Is é an turas ar cheannaireacht an Adams / Mc Guinness aon éagsúla, áfach, Sinn Féin Sealadach Tá / IRA anois glacadh leis go hoscailte a ról mar polaiteoirí bunreachtúla i Tionól araon críochdheighilte Stormont agus Dáil Éireann sa Phoblacht. Fhágáil na teipeanna go leor de na ceannaireachta ar an Guinness / Adams Mc, lena n-áirítear mímhacántacht agus chaimiléireacht iad le roinnt ualach maidir le cruthú an lá nua-aimseartha ‘easaontaigh’. Tá scoil an-soiléir smaoinimh laistigh poblachtachas Éireannach a thugann le fios gur tugadh Michael Mc Kevitt lámh saor in aisce ag an ceannaireacht Óglaigh na hÉireann Provisonal mar chreid go cheannaireacht go mbeadh shootings íseal easaontach lárnacha agus buamáil cabhrú le fócas ar an intinn na hAontachtaithe, Rialtas na Breataine agus Rialtas na hÉireann. An buama na hÓmaí i mí Lúnasa 1998 d’fhág an IRA Sealadach ceannaireacht dearg aghaidh mar a thuig siad an futility agus meargántacht ligean Mc Kevitt chun siúl amach lena n-semtex. Mar sin féin, bhí sé ró-dhéanach, a bhí caillte cheana féin Murphy Slab agus daoine eile a d’fhéadfadh a raibh tionchar ag aon am amháin, a bhfuil tionchar acu ar na grúpaí ‘easaontacha’. Tugadh Fiú Martin Mc Guinness shrift gearr nuair a chuaigh sé go deisceart Ard Mhacha chun iarracht a fháil ar roinnt tionchar a imirt. Mar sin féin, cé go raibh an Ómaigh sprioc iontach féin do na ‘easaontaigh’ agus an cheannaireacht PIRA a bhí in iúl dóibh siúl amach lena n-semtex, athghrúpáil na easaontaigh go simplí agus bhí cónaí le dul i ngleic lá eile. Ionsaithe easaontacha le déanaí ar an baile Shinn Féin MP Conor Murphy agus eile Sinn Féin / IRA ball léiríonn go bhfuil na easaontaigh a glacadh ar fhoirm saol nua. Sula raibh Sinn Féin Uachtarán, Gerry Adams TD reáchtáil mar iarrthóir Shinn Féin i Lú in Olltoghchán na hÉireann Ginearálta 2011, bhí Sealadach IRA ceannaireacht i mBéal Feirste a reáchtáil roinnt cruinnithe leis na IRA Real i Lú d’fhonn a áirithiú le déileáil a bheadh chumas Gerry Adams a reáchtáil i Lú gan aon bhagairt ionsaí ó IRA Real nó freasúra polaitiúil ón gCoiste Flaitheas 32 Chontae. An IRA Estate (anois scoilt ach dírithe), Leanúnachas IRA, INLA agus iar-bhaill go leor de na PIRA a dhéanamh anois suas na céimeanna an bhagairt ‘easaontacha’. Tá an killings de dhá saighdiúirí ag Massereene arm bonn i 2009, marú PSNI oifigeach Stephen Carroll i Márta 2009 agus an PSNI oifigeach Ronan Kerr i 2011, léiríonn go soiléir go bhfuil an ‘easaontacha’ bagairt go bhfuil cuma cad a mbunús sásta leanúint ar aghaidh le futile, lochtach agus den chuid is mó thiomáint egotistically feachtas na n-ionsaithe cowardly. Tá an ‘easaontacha’ bagairt tiomáinte i bhformhór na gcásanna ag fiontar féin-freastal agus coiriúla. Is é an teacht chun cinn le déanaí ar Phoblacht na hÉireann Arm Fuascailte síos ag an gCoiste Monatóireachta Idirnáisiúnta mar, “grúpa go bunúsach ar choirpigh ag cur banner poblachtach chun stádas ceaptha a thabhairt dá ngníomhaíochtaí.” Easaontaigh a lán acu i bpríosún ar Oileán na hÉireann le haghaidh gníomhaíochtaí coiriúla ó sracaireacht ó chlubanna damhsa lap le déileáil drugaí. Mar sin féin, cosúil leis an Sealadach IRA / Sinn Féin roimh iad a mbeidh na easaontaigh coiriúla a bhaint as an scáileán deataigh de ionsaí frithshóisialta gnéithe a chur i bhfolach a n-intinn coiriúil féin. Deir bPróifíleoirí Síceolaíochta go bhfuil na baill IRA Real a stripped agus mharaigh Kieran Doherty i nDoire coirpigh gnéis is dóichí baint úsáide as a seasamh sa IRA Real chun gratify a tendencies Homophile. Níl aon amhras ach go bhfuil an bhagairt easaontacha faoi láthair níos airde i 2012 ná mar a bhí le blianta fada anuas, tá gach na gcodanna éagsúla a dhéanamh suas iomlán an bhagairt easaontacha anois ag obair go dlúth lena chéile. I réimsí oibre / underclass ina mbíonn na bandits beag nó rud ar bith tar éis athrú do na daoine ngnáthnós mar thoradh ar an ‘díbhinn síochána’ agus mar sin na huiscí ina riamh go bhfuil snámh / coiriúlacht seicteach imithe ar shiúl. An t-urrús seirbhísí luaidhe ag m15 tar isteach ar oibríochtaí easaontacha go leor i míonna beaga anuas, áfach, tá siad ach a fháil t-ádh uair amháin. An ionsaí buama carr ar Beairic Pálás, i Hollywood a bhfuil freisin an Ceanncheathrú na m15 an am céanna le haistriú cumhachtaí póilíneachta agus ceartais ó Westminster go Stormont thaispeáint go bhfuil an bhagairt easaontacha amháin go bhfuil a chomhordú agus a chinneadh, is cuma cad a spreagadh. Tugadh an buama déanta suas de thart ar 100/20lbs pléascáin bhaile go Béal Feirste agus ansin a chuirtear i dtacsaí Hi-jacked. Níl na easaontaigh strayed i bhfad ó chonair na a gcomhghleacaithe PIRA, an lucht déanta buama bunaithe in áiteanna beaga tuaithe den chuid is mó i gcontaetha, Muineachán, Lú, Ard Mhacha, Dún na nGall agus Fhear Manach. Féadfaidh an pearsanra a bhfuil tag ainm difriúil anois ach tá siad a rugadh den chuid is mó as an PIRA, tá roinnt fola nua agus tá sé á n-earcú agus cuntais do roinnt na n-oibríochtaí botched, páistí chomh hóg le 12 á groomed ar na bealaí seo na sceimhlitheoireachta daoine fásta. Mar a luadh thuas an ‘easaontaigh’ Tá freisin a maraíodh le déanaí 31 bliain d’aois Kieran Doherty a bhí ina bhall de a n-eagraíocht i nDoire, bhí Doherty fuair oibriú móra drugaí ag déileáil oibriú i gContae Dhún na nGall. Níl sé soiléir más rud é a maraíodh Doherty toisc go raibh sé ag oibriú fiontar taobh amuigh de rialú na IRA Real i nDoire nó toisc go raibh sé ina dealer drugaí iarbhír, is é an dara ceann nach dócha. Bhí Doherty rith oibríocht mangaireacht drugaí ó theach le duine eile sinsearach easaontacha Seamus Mc Greevy, a bhí bunaithe ar a sa Mhí. Seamus Mc Creevy crochadh é féin ar 31 Eanáir, 2010. I nDeireadh Fómhair 2009 ghlac eile easaontacha John Brady sinsearach a shaol féin agus á sealbhú ag Bóthar na Trá PSNI stáisiún. Tagann an dúnmharú déanaí Real IRA cheannaire Alan Ryan i mBaile Átha Cliath ag am nuair na línte blurred idir sceimhlitheoirí agus mangairí drugaí a bheith scriosadh é, ‘easaontacha’ gníomhaíocht ach gníomhaíocht choiriúil fillte i bratach áise. Mar sin tá sé go bhfuil mearbhall i bhfad agus neamhchinnteacht sa teaghlach easaontacha. Dealraíonn a tactic reatha cúis discomfort chun Sinn Féin agus éiginnteacht ar an Tionól ag Stormont gearr radharcach agus counterproductive. Mar sin féin, sightedness gearr rud riamh a ghluaiseacht phoblachtach a bhí as ghearr. An próiseas polaitiúil ar aghaidh i 2012 agus tá dul chun cinn atá á dhéanamh. Ar an 27 Meitheamh, 2009 dúirt an sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha i bhfoirm an UVF a chríochnaigh siad de-choimisiúnú agus an UDA dúirt go raibh a thosaigh sé ar an bpróiseas dí-choimisiúnaithe, áfach, fanann na sceimhlitheoirí dílseacha ar nós a n-áiteanna gcuntar phoblachtach go hiomlán ag gabháil do coireachta cineál Mafia. Grúpa eile splinter phoblachtach dúirt an INLA ar an 10 Deireadh Fómhair, 2009 go mbeidh sé a feachtas foréigin a thabhairt chun críche, is é fírinne an scéil go bhfuil an INLA curtha torn go comhsheasmhach óna chéile ag feuds inmheánacha agus leanann an príomhfhócas a bhallraíocht a bheith coiriúlachta le roinnt INLA a cheanglaíonn na céimeanna an IRA Real agus Leanúnachas. Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann fuair spreagadh mór é ar an 12 Deireadh Fómhair, 2009 nuair a labhair Hillary Clinton, an Rúnaí Stáit Aontaithe Stáit dá chomhaltaí agus labhair leis na ceannairí polaitiúla sa tuaisceart. Aird bhog ansin leis an cineachadh na gcumhachtaí póilíneachta agus ceartais do Thionól Thuaisceart Éireann, i ngleic le sceimhlitheoireacht a bheadh fós, áfach, le MI5. Ar an 25 Eanáir, 2010 premiers na Breataine agus na hÉireann, Gordon Brown agus Brian Cowen, le chéile i mBéal Feirste a iarann amach aon fhadhbanna leis an cineachadh póilíneachta agus an cheartais. Bhí sé suimiúil a thabhairt faoi deara go raibh ceachtar premier a bhfuil deiseanna grianghraf le Peter Robinson nó Gerry Adams an bheirt acu a bhí beo sa chuimhne ó scannail pearsanta. Ar deireadh, i mí Feabhra go luath thángthas ar Chomhaontú ar póilíneachta agus an cheartais ag Hillsborough Caisleán agus síníodh an déileáil amach ag an premiers beirt. Ar an 9 Márta, 2010 a vótáil an Tionól i bhfabhar na socruithe nua do phóilíneacht chineachadh agus an cheartais. Bheadh David Ford de chuid an Pháirtí Comhghuaillíochta neamhsheicteach Dlí agus Cirt an Tuaiscirt Aire in Aibreán 2010. I mBealtaine 2010 bunaíodh an Rialtas nua na Breataine as comhrialtas idir na Conservatives agus an Páirtí Daonlathach Liobrálach agus Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann a bhí ag feidhmiú go maith. HAontachtaithe i deacracht mar theip ar na hAontachtaithe Uladh a fháil ar aon Básanna tofa chuig Teach na dTeachtaí agus an Aontachtach Uladh ceannaire Sir Reg Empey tar éis éirí as a bpostanna. An DUP fós láidir cé gur theip a n-cheannaire Peter Robinson a fháil atoghadh chun suíochán MP d’Oirthear Bhéal Feirste a léirigh sé mar MP do duine is tríocha bliain. Peter Robinson cosúil gur fhulaing mar gheall ar an fallout ó scannal a bhaineann lena Iris bhean chéile. Sinn Féin arís amach polled an SDLP náisiúnach. Ceann de na fadhbanna leanúnach do Shinn Féin i bPoblacht na hÉireann ná go raibh siad iarracht ró-deacair a bhaint amach do na meánranganna agus mar sin caillte i bhfad tacaíochta traidisiúnta. Veterans Poblachtach ba chóir dóibh a bheith freastal orthu i dtéarmaí ainmniúcháin do thoghcháin gur caitheadh ar leataobh agus daoine a raibh siad rannpháirteach sa choimhlint a bheith parachuted isteach an traidisiúnta rang Sinn Féin ag obair ionadaithe a n-ionad ag dea-groomed agus in iúl rang ar lár newbie Tá. Cuireadh duine cosúil Mary Lou Mc Donald, TD i mBaile Átha Cliath, a bhfuil aithne laistigh ciorcail poblachtacha mar ‘Mary Cé, ar aghaidh mar Iarrthóir Shinn Féin do na Toghcháin Eorpacha fad is a bhí neamhaird poblachtaigh veteran. Mary Lou fheictear lár-rang, oideachas agus an cineál iarrthóir gur mian Sinn Féin anois a chur i láthair do na toghthóirí. Cé go bhféadfadh daoine cosúil Caoláin Caoimhghin Sinn Féin O ‘TD a fheiceáil mar rang lár-, is é an bhfíric go bhfuil sé sráide creidmheasa mar a bhí sé ann le linn na stailceanna ocrais agus thug suas a post maith i mBanc na hÉireann a bheith ag obair go lánaimseartha mar a gníomhaíoch Shinn Féin phobal. Is é an cineál seo inchreidteacht go bhfuil ann i go leor de na newbie tá anois a bheith lámh-roghnaíodh ag an cheannaireacht poblachtach mar iarracht iad a bhaint amach do lár na hÉireann. Ach d’éirigh ball eile próifíl ard Shinn Féin i mBaile Átha Cliath ón bpáirtí i 2010, dúirt Killian Forde go raibh sé ag fágáil Sinn Féin toisc go raibh sé “mhaithe le staid agus unresponsive.” Killian Forde Chuaigh triúr ball próifíl eile ard Sinn Féin a d’fhág an páirtí thar an cúpla bliain anuas lena n-áirítear carraig leaba Shinn Féin i mBaile Átha Cliath, Christy Burke. Christy Burke, Louise Minihan, John Dwyer agus anois Killian Forde tar éis a chinneadh go léir a fhágáil Sinn Féin. Cén fáth ansin tar éis éirí an lucht tacaíochta RA club an “RA-Ts” thréigean long fiachmhúchta. Ní leor é do Shinn Féin a eisiúint ráitis mouthed mealy ionsaí gach duine aonair ar leibhéal pearsanta gach uair amháin acu jumps long. “Is é an fhoirm is fearr de chosaint ionsaí” an tactic Leabhar Glas de i seilbh uisce beag i ndaonlathas nua-aimseartha an lae, a thaispeáint Sinn Féin ach iad féin a bheith níos leithlisí agus insular nuair a ionsaí siad daoine aonair a bhraitheann go bhfuil an páirtí chaill sé a bhealach. Ní mór do Shinn Féin le maireachtáil i ndaonlathas nua-aimseartha ceisteanna tromchúiseacha acu-selves, cén fáth a bhfuil gníomhaígh an oiread sin tiomnaithe léim long nuair ba chóir iad a marcaíocht ard ar an tonn a bhfuil bainte amach sa tuaisceart. Cad é a d’fhág páirtí freasúra uair amháin bríomhar agus gutha i sórt sin shambles? I mo lá mar ghníomhaíoch ar Sinn Féin oibrigh mé fada agus deacair le haghaidh feachtais toghcháin go leor riamh, ghlac mé uair amháin an oiread agus is mar aon ní amháin cent do mo blianta fada d’obair tiomanta do Shinn Féin. Nuair is gá mé lads a chur suas póstaeir do Shinn Féin raibh mé in ann a iarraidh ar arm na oibrithe deonacha, nuair is gá mé lads dul thart ar an teach tábhairne ar oíche Dé Sathairn a dhíol An Phoblacht raibh mé in ann roghnú agus a roghnú a bhí ag iarraidh mé, sa lá atá inniu, áfach, Sinn Is Féin ina pháirtí de gníomhaígh íoctha agus dochtúirí casadh leath-gairmiúla. Daoine cosúil le Christy Burke bhí taobh neartófaí ionas go geansaithe woolly oilte cosúil le ‘Máire Cé is féidir mairg an vóta rang lár, is é seo áit a ndeachaigh Sinn Féin mícheart. Ó mo chuid tuairimí féin a fheiceáil mé cúpla i céimeanna Sinn Féin anois sásta a dhéanamh tiomantas na daoine cosúil Christy Burke, tá an gníomhaí obair go dian curtha ar leataobh. Anois, ag súil i Sinn Féin leis an ghníomhaí a fháil a íocadh, ba mhaith leo go mbeadh a fhios cad atá ann dóibh, ar ndóigh beidh ann i gcónaí ar an fools a dhéanamh ar fad do na ‘chúis’ ach tá siad ag fáil níos lú ag an lá. Sinn Féin má tá sí le maireachtáil agus amhras orm go mbeidh sé, go háirithe sa deisceart, ní mór a fháil ar ais go Basics, ní mór é a iarraidh ar cén fáth a bhfuil na fir a bhí uair sin réidh agus toilteanach chun obair dheonach a gcuid seirbhísí a thuilleadh a dhéanamh, cén fáth a bhfuil daoine cosúil le Christy ag siúl ar shiúl náire ar a bhfuil Sinn Féin anois. Ní leor go bhfuil a fhios Sinn Féin go mbeidh siad a fháil ar vótaí sa tuaisceart toisc nach bhfuil aon rogha eile inchreidte i bpobail fada ó dearmad ag an Stát agus a ceannairí cheer; nach bhfuil sé go leor chun íoc dochtúirí casadh a chur i láthair réaltacht fhíorúil nuair a bhíonn a gcuid tacaíochta féin a ina gcónaí i ar fud an domhain fíor. Cé go taitneamh as Sinn Féin na torthaí vóta agóid i Olltoghchán na Poblachta sa bhliain 2011, beidh Sinn Féin i bPoblacht na hÉireann a mhealladh dheireadh a bheith ar an céimeanna ar cheann de na páirtithe polaitiúla príomhshrutha mar a rinne Oifigiúil Sinn Féin os a gcomhair. Cé go raibh boasted Sinn rath Féin le linn Olltoghchán 2011 Ginearálta i bPoblacht na hÉireann nuair a mhéadaigh siad a n-ionadaíocht Dála 4-14 Dála, an léiriú ar an phobail fearg leis an gcoiriúlacht agus éilliú Fhianna Fáil agus a gcuid bedfellows seachas aon dlisteanú ar pholaitíocht sheicteach de Sinn Féin. Tá líon suntasach de phoblachtánaigh rá go bhfuil gceannteideal i dtreo a pinsean sean-aoise agus thar na deich mbliana atá romhainn beidh Sinn Féin ag cailleadh go leor de na príomhphearsana, beidh sé seo dul i thoradh ar scoilt thuaidh / theas. Beidh Sinn Féin bheith gníomhach sa tuaisceart amháin, áit a mbeidh ar a gcomhar leanúnach le siúd atá i mbun coiriúlacht a bheith ina titim síos agus cuirfear polaitíocht eile a fháil. Deireadh Caibidil 12 Is é seo an Leabhar obair atá ar siúl agus déanfar athbhreithniú go leanúnach agus suas dáta. Do thuairimí Cuirtear fáilte roimh agus i gcás inar cuí do thuairimí a úsáid chun feabhas a chur ar cháilíocht a chuid á