http___lolamagazin.com_2017_03_03_rosa-luxemburg-zena-koja-se-borila-protiv-stereotipa-u-politici-zena-koja-se-borila-za-rijec-zena-koja-se-borila-za-slobodu__1.xml
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Rosa Luxemburg, (born March 5, 1871, Zamość, Poland, Russian Empire [now in Poland]—died January 15, 1919, Berlin, Germany), Polish-born German revolutionary and agitator who played a key role in the founding of the Polish Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League, which grew into the Communist Party of Germany. As a political theoretician, Luxemburg developed a humanitarian theory of Marxism, stressing democracy and revolutionary mass action to achieve international socialism. Rosa Luxemburg was the youngest of five children of a lower middle-class Jewish family in Russian-ruled Poland. She became involved in underground activities while still in high school. Like many of her radical contemporaries from the Russian Empire who were faced with prison, she emigrated to Zürich in 1889. There she studied law and political economy, receiving a doctorate in 1898. In Zürich she became involved in the international socialist movement and met Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov, Pavel Axelrod, and other leading representatives of the Russian social democratic movement, with whom, however, she soon began to disagree. Together with a fellow student, Leo Jogiches, who was to become a lifelong friend and sometime lover, she challenged both the Russians and the established Polish Socialist Party because of their support of Polish independence. Consequently, she and her colleagues founded the rival Polish Social Democratic Party, which was to become the nucleus of the future Polish Communist Party. The national issue became one of Luxemburg’s main themes. To her, nationalism and national independence were regressive concessions to the class enemy, the bourgeoisie. She consistently underrated nationalist aspirations and stressed socialist internationalism. This became one of her major points of disagreement with Vladimir Lenin and his theory of national self-determination. In 1898, after marrying Gustav Lübeck to obtain German citizenship, she settled in Berlin to work with the largest and most powerful constituent party of the Second International, the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Almost at once, she jumped into the revisionist controversy that divided the party. In 1898 the German revisionist Eduard Bernstein argued that Marxist theory was essentially outdated and that socialism in highly industrialized nations could best be achieved through a gradualist approach, using trade-union activity and parliamentary politics. This Luxemburg denied categorically in Sozialreform oder Revolution? (1889; Reform or Revolution), in which she defended Marxist orthodoxy and the necessity of revolution, arguing that parliament was nothing more than a bourgeois sham. Karl Kautsky, the leading theoretician of the Second International, agreed with her, and revisionism consequently became a socialist heresy both in Germany and abroad, though it continued to make headway, especially in the labour movement. The Russian Revolution of 1905 proved to be the central experience in Luxemburg’s life. Until then she had believed that Germany was the country in which world revolution was most likely to originate. She now believed it would catch fire in Russia. She went to Warsaw, participated in the struggle, and was imprisoned. From these experiences emerged her theory of revolutionary mass action, which she propounded in Massenstreik, Partei und Gewerkschaften (1906; The Mass Strike, the Political Party, and the Trade Unions). Luxemburg advocated the mass strike as the single most important tool of the proletariat, Western as well as Russian, in attaining a socialist victory. The mass strike, the spontaneous result of “objective conditions,” would radicalize the workers and drive the revolution forward. In contrast to Lenin, she deemphasized the need for a tight party structure, believing that organization would emerge naturally from the struggle. For this she was repeatedly chastised by orthodox communist parties. Released from her Warsaw prison, she taught at the Social Democratic Party school in Berlin (1907–14), where she wrote Die Akkumulation des Kapitals (1913; The Accumulation of Capital). In this analysis, she described imperialism as the result of a dynamic capitalism’s expansion into underdeveloped areas of the world. It was during this time also that she began to agitate for mass actions and broke completely with the established Social Democratic party leadership of August Bebel and Kautsky, who disagreed with her incessant drive toward proletarian radicalization. The Social Democratic Party backed the German government at the outbreak of World War I, but Luxemburg immediately went into opposition. In an alliance with Karl Liebknecht and other like-minded radicals, she formed the Spartakusbund, or Spartacus League, which was dedicated to ending the war through revolution and the establishment of a proletarian government. The organization’s theoretical basis was Luxemburg’s pamphlet Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie (1916; The Crisis in the German Social Democracy), written in prison under the pseudonym Junius. In this work she agreed with Lenin in advocating the overthrow of the existing regime and the formation of a new International strong enough to prevent a renewed outbreak of mass slaughter. The actual influence of the Spartacus group during the war, however, remained small. Released from prison by the German revolution (November 1918), Luxemburg and Liebknecht immediately began agitation to force the new order to the left. They exercised considerable influence on the public and were a contributing factor in a number of armed clashes in Berlin. As a result, Luxemburg was vilified as “Bloody Rosa” in the bourgeois press. Like the Bolsheviks, Luxemburg and Liebknecht demanded political power for the workers’ and soldiers’ soviets but were frustrated by the conservative Socialist establishment and the army. In late December 1918, they became founders of the German Communist Party, but Luxemburg attempted to limit Bolshevik influence in this new organization. In fact, her Die russische Revolution (1922; The Russian Revolution) chastised Lenin’s party on its agrarian and national self-determination stands and its dictatorial and terrorist methods. Luxemburg always remained a believer in democracy as opposed to Lenin’s democratic centralism. She was never able, however, to exercise a decisive influence on the new party. Because of their role in fomenting a communist uprising known as the Spartacus Revolt, she and Liebknecht were arrested and murdered in Berlin on January 15, 1919, by members of the Free Corps (Freikorps), a loose assemblage of conservative paramilitary groups. A large selection of her translated correspondence was published as The Letters of Rosa Luxemburg (2011).
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Rosa Luxemburg rođena je 5. ožujka 1871. kao peto, najmlađe dijete židovske obitelji u Zamošću u Poljskoj. Značajnu ulogu u njezinom djetinjstvu imao je otac koji se u ranoj dobi udaljio od ortodoksnog židovstva te je od njega usvojila liberalne ideje, zanimanje za međunarodne politiku i zadovoljstvo u čitanju zapadnjačke literature. Obitelj Luxemburg se preselila u Varšavu te se Rosa ondje i školovala. Bila je odlična učenica, ali su već tada njezini profesori uočili njezine “pobunjeničke stavove”. Već se od 1886. godine priključila Proletarijatu, ilegalnoj poljskoj stranci ljevice. 1889. bježi u Švicarsku jer joj je prijetilo uhićenje zbog njezinih političkih aktivnosti. Ondje nastavlja školovanje na sveučilištu u Cirihu, jednom od malobrojnih institucija koje su primale muškarce i žene kao ravnopravne, gdje je studirala prirodne znanosti i političku ekonomiju. Značajnu ulogu u njezinom djetinjstvu imao je otac koji se u ranoj dobi udaljio od ortodoksnog židovstva te je od njega usvojila liberalne ideje, zanimanje za međunarodne politiku i zadovoljstvo u čitanju zapadnjačke literature. Zajedno sa Leom Jogichesom i Julianom Marchlewskim 1893. osniva novine “Prava radnika” kao opoziciju nacionalističkoj politici Poljske socijalističke stranke, vjerujući da samo socijalistička revolucija u Njemačkoj, Austriji i Rusiji može osigurati postojanje neovisne Poljske. 1898. udajom za njemačkog radnika Gustava Lübeka dobiva njemačko državljanstvo te se seli u Berlin i ondje se učlanjuje u Socijaldemokratsku stranku Njemačke (SPD) koja je tada bila vodeća organizacija socijalista. Predviđajući rat, žestoko je napadala njemački militarizam i imperijalizam zalažući se za opći strajk koji bi solidarizirao radnike i spriječio rat. Međutim, vodstvo SPD-a zajedno s Karlom Krautskyem na čelu stranke takvu je ideju odbilo. Nakon izlaska iz zatvora u Varšavi, gdje je ilegalno otišla kako bi pomogla u borbi u vrijeme Ruske revolucije, vraća se u Njemačku gdje predaje marksizam i ekonomiju u SPD-ovoj školi. Nakon što je SPD dao podršku ratu 1914. godine, Luxemburg zajedno s Karlom Liebknechtom, Clarom Zetkin i Franzom Mehringom osniva Internacionalu (kasnije poznatu kao Savez Spartaka)- revolucionarnu frakciju koja je žestoko odbacivala SPD-ovu potporu ratu te je pokušala predvoditi njemački proletarijat u općem štrajku protiv rata. Već se od 1886. godine priključila Proletarijatu, ilegalnoj poljskoj stranci ljevice. 1889. bježi u Švicarsku jer joj je prijetilo uhićenje zbog njezinih političkih aktivnosti. Ondje nastavlja školovanje na sveučilištu u Cirihu, jednom od malobrojnih institucija koje su primale muškarce i žene kao ravnopravne, gdje je studirala prirodne znanosti i političku ekonomiju. Zbog javnog političkog angažmana, Luxemburg završava u zatvoru odakle i dalje piše pamflete protiv rata. 1918. godine, po izlasku iz zatvora, sudjeluje u transformiranju Spartakovaca u Komunističku partiju Njemačke (KPD). U siječnju 1919. Luxemburg sudjeluje u pokušaju ustanka protiv vlade, ali Socijaldemokrati uspijevaju ugušiti pobunu. Luxemburg i Liebknecht uhićeni su 15. siječnja i nakon nasilnog ispitivanja pogubljeni. Tijelo Rose Luxemburg pronađeno je četiri mjeseca nakon pogubljenja u berlinskom Landwehr kanalu i pokopana je na središnjem gradskom groblju Friedrichsfelde u Berlinu. Rosa Luxemburg imala je značajnu ulogu u političkoj povijesti, ali je značajno utjecala i na ideju ravnopravnosti žena i muškaraca. Sebe je prvenstveno promatrala kao osobu, a ne kroz prizmu roda, etniciteta ili invaliditeta (kao dijete se razboljela i nikad potpuno oporavila pa je cijeli život šepala). Odlikovala ju je snažna osobnost i još veće samopuzdanje. Nije priznavala stereotipne uloge žena u okviru političkih organizacija. Uvijek bi se izborila za vidljivost na političkoj sceni i nije priznavala nikakva ograničenja kao posljedice pripadanja ženskom spolu. Dobivene bitke temeljile su na snazi argumenta i logičkih činjenica. Imala je hrabrost ući u svijet politike koja je smatrana muškom sferom i izboriti se za riječ, izlagati svoje stavove i ideje i stajati iza njih. Nakon što je SPD dao podršku ratu 1914. godine, Luxemburg zajedno s Karlom Liebknechtom, Clarom Zetkin i Franzom Mehringom osniva Internacionalu (kasnije poznatu kao Savez Spartaka)- revolucionarnu frakciju koja je žestoko odbacivala SPD-ovu potporu ratu te je pokušala predvoditi njemački proletarijat u općem štrajku protiv rata. SPD-ov prijedlog da bi se trebala baviti njihovom organizacijom za žene odmah je odbila i to ne zbog toga što je tu organizaciju smatrala nevažnom, nego stoga što nije htjela prihvatiti tradicionalnu ulogu žena u političkim strankama. Svojim je djelima nastojala ohrabriti i druge žene da slijede njezin primjer. Luxemburg je smatrala da žene mogu postići potpunu slobodu jedino kroz socijalističku revoluciju i eliminaciju ekonomskog ropstva instituciji obitelji. Žene je zajedno sa radničkom klasom, nacionalnim manjinama i seljacima smatrala izbrabljenim društvenim skupinama. Rosa Luxemburg bila je, po mnogim aspektima, žena ispred svog vremena. Vrijednosti poput prava žena i radničkih prava za koje se tako zdušno borila i danas su ciljevi koje se još uvijek pokušava u potpunosti ostvariti. Univerzalna poruka koju iz pogleda na njezin život možemo izvući je da se moramo boriti za ono u što vjerujemo, bez obzira na druge. Tekst prenosimo sa libela.org.