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U izmijenjenoj optužnici vjerojatno nece biti optužbe za genocid nad Hrvatima, jer haški sud nema dovoljno vremena. Haško tužiteljstvo razmišlja da se u izmijenjenoj optužnici Karadžica nece teretiti za genocid nad bosansko-hercegovackim Hrvatima, rekao je za Pink izvor blizak tužiteljstvu haškog suda. To bi se moglo dogoditi zbog nedostatka vremena, a hrvatske žrtve ostat ce u dijelovima optužnice koji obuhvacaju ratne zlocine. Izvor kaže kako je haški sud svjestan hrvatskih žrtava tijekom rata 1992. godine, ali napominje kako nemaju vremena. Optužnica ce se skratiti te ce obuhvacati samo prostor nekadašnje zašticene zone UN-a u Srebrenici. U staroj optužnici, koju je potpisala Carla Del Ponte, Karadžica se najviše tereti za genocid nad Bošnjacima i Hrvatima. Prije rata na prostorima BiH živjelo je više od 200 000 Hrvata, dok ih je danas samo 10 000. THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIBUNAL AGAINST RADOVAN KARADZIC AMENDED INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ("the Statute of the Tribunal"), charges: Radovan KARADZIC, with GENOCIDE; CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY; VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR and GRAVE BREACHES OF THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS OF 1949, as set forth below THE ACCUSED Radovan KARADZIC was born on 19 June 1945 in the municipality of Savnik, presently Republic of Montenegro, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Radovan KARADZIC was a founding member of the Serbian Democratic Party (hereafter SDS) which was established within the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnia and Herzegovina) on 12 July 1990. From 12 July 1990 until his resignation on 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC was President of the SDS. In that capacity he also, inter alia, presided over meetings of the SDS Main Board. Radovan KARADZIC is a long-standing associate of Momcilo KRAJISNIK, former President of the Assembly of Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnian Serb Assembly) and member of the National Security Council and expanded Presidency of the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Serbian republic) and Biljana PLAVSIC, former member of the collective Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, acting President of the Serbian republic, member of the Presidency of the Serbian republic and Vice- President of Republika Srpska. Radovan KARADZIC became President of the National Security Council of the Serbian republic on 27 March 1992. Radovan KARADZIC, became a member of the three-member Presidency of the Serbian republic on 12 May 1992. On the same day Radovan KARADZIC was elected President of the Presidency. Radovan KARADZIC, together with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and other members of the SDS; served on the expanded Presidency of the Serbian republic from the beginning of June 1992 until 17 December 1992. Radovan KARADZIC, along with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, was a member of the Supreme Command of the armed forces of the Serbian republic from on or about the 30 November 1992. Radovan KARADZIC was sole President of Republika Srpska from 17 December 1992 until his resignation on 19 July 1996. From 20 December 1992, Radovan KARADZIC in his capacity as Supreme Commander of the armed forces presided over sessions of the Supreme Command. COUNTS Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992; participated in the below-charged crimes in order to secure control of those areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina which had been proclaimed part of the Serbian republic. Those areas include but are not limited to the municipalities of: Banja Luka; Bijeljina; Bileca; Bosanska Krupa; Bosanski Novi; Bosanski Petrovac; Bosanski Samac; Bratunac; Brcko; Cajnice; Celinac; Doboj; Donji Vakuf; Foca; Gacko; Hadzici; Ilidza; Ilijas; Jajce; Kljuc; Kalinovik; Kotor Varos; Nevesinje; Novi Grad; Novo Sarajevo; Pale; Prijedor; Prnjavor; Rogatica; Rudo; Sanski Most; Sekovici; Sipovo; Sokolac; Teslic; Trnovo; Visegrad; Vlasenica; Vogosca; Zavidovici; and Zvornik. In order to achieve this objective, the Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, and at relevant times Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, initiated and implemented a course of conduct which included the creation of impossible conditions of life, involving persecution and terror tactics, that would have the effect of encouraging non-Serbs to leave those areas; the deportation of those who were reluctant to leave; and the liquidation of others. Bosnian Serb forces including military, paramilitary, territorial defence and police units (hereafter Bosnian Serb forces), SDS and government authorities acting under the direction and control of Radovan KARADZIC, and at relevant times Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, were engaged in a variety of actions to significantly reduce the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of these municipalities. From late March to 31 December 1992, Bosnian Serb forces seized physical control of the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9, often through violent attacks. These attacks and take-overs occurred in a co-ordinated and planned manner. Organisation and direction of the take-overs that occurred between late March and 31 December 1992 and the continuing acts of persecution and deportation that occurred up to 30 November 1995, in particular from the municipalities of Bijeljina, Banja Luka and the UN designated "safe area" of Srebrenica (hereafter Srebrenica enclave) and its surroundings, were provided by the SDS, military and police leadership, and the governing organs of Serb municipalities, including the Crisis Staffs, War Presidencies and War Commissions. Between 1 April 1992 and 30 November 1995, Bosnian Serb forces were also engaged in a forty-four month attack of Sarajevo, which involved inflicting terror on persons living within Sarajevo. Between 11 and 18 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces killed thousands of Bosnian Muslim men, who had been captured in several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave. By 30 November 1995, this course of conduct resulted in the death or forced departure of a significant portion of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb groups from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 and in and around the Srebrenica enclave. COUNTS 1-6 (GENOCIDE, COMPLICITY IN GENOCIDE, EXTERMINATION, MURDER, WILFUL KILLING) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 1-15; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in Counts 1-6. Between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992, acting individually or in concert with others, including Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, and between early March 1995 and 30 November 1995, acting individually or in concert with others, Radovan KARADZIC; planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of the destruction, in whole or in part, of the Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat national, ethnical, racial or religious groups, as such, in several municipalities, including but not limited to: Bijeljina; Bratunac; Bosanski Samac; Brcko; Doboj; Foca; Ilijas; Kljuc; Kotor Varos; Novi Grad; Prijedor; Rogatica; Sanski Most; Srebrenica; Visegrad; Vlasenica; Zavidovici; and Zvornik. The destruction of these groups in these municipalities was effected by: the killing of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats which took place during and after the attacks on and within the municipalities; the killing of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in and after they had been taken away from camps and detention facilities; and the killing of Bosnian Muslims after their captivity in several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave; the causing of serious bodily or mental harm to Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats during their confinement in camps and detention facilities, and during their interrogations at these locations, police stations and military barracks, where detainees were continuously subjected to, or forced to witness, inhumane acts including murder, sexual violence, torture, beatings and robbery; and the detention of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in camps and detention facilities under conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction in whole or in part of those national, ethnical, racial or religious groups, as such, more fully set out in Paragraph 30. KILLINGS The killings by Bosnian Serb forces during and after the attacks on and within these municipalities include, but are not limited to: o the killing on or about 1-2 April 1992 of at least forty-eight Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat men, women and children in Bijeljina town - Bijeljina municipality; o the killing on or about 7-8 May 1992 of seventeen Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats at the Crkvina warehouse - Bosanski Samac municipality; o the killing on or about 4 May 1992 of approximately ten Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat males at the Hotel Posavina - Brcko municipality; o the killing on or about 10 May 1992 of thirty-four Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat civilians of the village of Gornja Grapska - Doboj municipality; o the killing on or about 1 May 1992 of over sixty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat villagers from Jelec - Foca municipality; o the execution on or about 5 June 1992 of eighteen Bosnian Muslim villagers from Ljesevo - Ilijas municipality; o the execution on or about 30 May 1992 of the Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat villagers of Prhovo, including women and children, and the mass execution on or about 1 June 1992 of over one hundred Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the village of Velagici - Kljuc municipality; o the killing on or about 13 August 1992 of seventeen Bosnian Muslim males of Dabovci village, and the killing in November 1992 of approximately one hundred and ninety Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat males of Grabovica village - Kotor Varos municipality. o the killing on or about 23 July 1992 of approximately ten Bosnian Muslim villagers of Carakovo - Prijedor municipality; o the killing on or about 25 May 1992 of more than thirty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat women and children in the village of Hrustovo - Sanski Most municipality; o the execution throughout June 1992 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men, women and children of Visegrad at various bridges over the Drina, and the 14 June 1992 killing of more than sixty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat villagers from Koritnik village -Visegrad municipality; o the killing on or about 2 May 1992 of approximately twelve Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the village of Drum, and the killing on or about 16 May 1992 of over sixty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat men, women and children of the village of Zaklopaca - Vlasenica municipality; o the killing on or about 25 June 1992 of twenty-one Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat civilians from Vozuca village - Zavidovici municipality; o the killing on or about 9 April 1992 of fifteen Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the town of Zvornik - Zvornik municipality. SDS and government authorities established camps and detention facilities in the municipalities. Following the attacks on the municipalities, Bosnian Serb forces rounded up tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats and forced them to march to assembly points, for transfer to the camps and detention facilities. Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats were pulled from the columns during these marches and executed. Many thousands of those Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats who survived the attacks and forced marches were taken to these camps and detention facilities, including but not limited to: o Manjaca in Banja Luka municipality, from about 21 April to 18 December 1992; o Batkovic in Bijeljina municipality, from about 1 June to 31 December 1992; o the Vuk Karadzic school in Bratunac municipality, from 1 May to 31 December 1992; o Luka in Brcko municipality, from 7 May to early July 1992; o Bare ammunition warehouse from 1 May 1992, Spreca prison from 1 May 1992, the SUP station from 1 May to 31 July 1992, Percin’s Disco from 1 May 1992, Sevarlije JNA barracks from 1 May to 30 June 1992, and the JNA hangars near the Bosanska plantation from May 1992, all in Doboj municipality; o KP Dom in Foca municipality, from 18 April to 31 December 1992; o Omarska from 15 May to 15 August 1992, Keraterm from 15 May to 6 August 1992, and Trnopolje from 15 May to 30 September 1992 in Prijedor municipality; o Rasadnik/Sladara from 1 May to 31 December 1992 and Veljko Vlahovic School from 1 May to 31 August 1992, in Rogatica municipality; o Betonirka from 27 May to 7 July 1992 in Sanski Most municipality; o Susica from 2 June to early September 1992 in Vlasenica municipality; o Celopek Dom Kultur from 29 May to 30 June 1992, Ekonomija Farm from about 7 May to 22 May 1992, Karakaj Technical School from 29 May to June 1992 in Zvornik municipality. These camps and detention facilities were staffed and operated by military and police personnel, under the ultimate direction and control of senior Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, more fully set out in Paragraphs 60-66. The killing by Bosnian Serb forces of Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croats in these camps and detention facilities, or after they had been taken away from them, includes but is not limited to: o the May 1992 summary execution of Bosnian Muslim detainees in Luka Camp - Brcko municipality; o the killings through May and June 1992 of military aged Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat male prisoners from Susica camp - Vlasenica municipality; o the killings in June 1992 of over thirty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croats male prisoners at the Celopek Dom Kultur; the mass killing on or about 1-5 June 1992 of approximately one hundred and sixty Bosnian Muslim males at Karakaj Technical School; the killing on or about 5-8 June 1992 of approximately one hundred and ninety Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat prisoners at Gero’s slaughterhouse - Zvornik municipality; o the mass killing on or about 14 June 1992 of forty-seven Bosnian Muslim men from Rajlovac camp - Novi Grad municipality; o the execution on or about 15 June 1992 of at least ten Bosnian Muslim males from Visegrad – Rogatica municipality; o the execution on or about 20 July 1992 of over one-hundred and fifty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the "Brdo" region of Prijedor at Omarska camp; the execution on or about 24-25 July 1992 of approximately one hundred and fifty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males in Room 3 of Keraterm camp; the mass execution on or about 21 August 1992 of approximately one hundred and fifty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from Trnopolje camp on Vlasic mountain in Skender Vakuf – Prijedor municipality; o the killing and repeated beating and torture over the month of July 1992 of thirty-six Bosnian Muslim detainees in Foca KP Dom; the killing on or about 5 August 1992 of over twenty Bosnian Muslim male detainees from Kalinovik municipality who were taken to Foca KP Dom, and from there later killed near Jelec - Foca municipality. The 1992 take-overs, referred to in paragraph 12, gave the Bosnian Serb forces control of the majority of major municipalities in eastern Bosnia and the "ethnic cleansing" that followed and continued through 1993-1995, especially from the municipalities of Bijeljina and Banja Luka, forced the Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats of these municipalities to leave. The Bosnian Muslims mainly fled into the thinly populated rural areas of eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina that had so far escaped the attention of the Bosnian Serb forces. The Bosnian Muslim populations within those areas, including Srebrenica, swelled dramatically. On 16 April 1993, the Security Council of the UN acting pursuant to Chapter VII of its Charter, adopted Resolution 819, in which it demanded that all parties to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina treat Srebrenica, Zepa, Gorazde, Sarajevo and Tuzla (and their surroundings) as "safe areas" which were to be free from any armed attack or any other hostile act. On 8 March 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, as Supreme Commander instructed the Bosnian Serb forces to create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival of life for the inhabitants of, inter alia, Srebrenica. On or about 6 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces shelled Srebrenica and attacked UN observation posts that were located in the "safe area". This attack on the Srebrenica "safe area" continued until 11 July 1995, when combined forces from several units of the Bosnian Serb forces entered Srebrenica. The Bosnian Muslims who were in Srebrenica after the beginning on the attack took two courses of action in response. One group of several thousand Bosnian Muslim men, women and children fled to the UN compound in Potocari, which was located within the "safe area" of Srebrenica. On 12 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces separated the Bosnian Muslim men and boys from the women and children and detained them in and around Potocari. The women and children were later transported by buses and trucks to areas outside the enclave. A second group of approximately 15, 000 thousands Bosnian Muslim men along with some women and children fled in a huge column, through the woods towards Tuzla. Thousands of Bosnian Muslim men from the retreating column were captured by or surrendered to the Bosnian Serb forces. Between 11 and 18 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces executed thousands of Bosnian Muslim men in an organised, widespread and systematic manner. In particular, those forces summarily executed Bosnian Muslim men at the places where they were detained shortly after they had been captured and at other sites to which they had been transported for execution. These killings were committed at several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave, including but not limited to: o the execution on or about the 12-13 July 1995 of numerous Bosnian Muslim men at diverse locations around the UN compound at Potocari; o the killings on or about the 12 to 15 July 1995 of numerous Bosnian Muslim men at various locations in and around Bratunac; o the execution on or about the 12 to 14 July 1995 of twenty-five Bosnian Muslim men near Tisca; o the execution on or about the 13 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men who had been imprisoned in a large warehouse in the village of Kravica; o the execution on or about the 14 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men at the Grbavci school complex and the nearby village of Orahovac (near Lazete) and ; o the execution on or about the 14 to 15 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men in and around the "Dam" near Petkovci; o the execution on or about the 14 to 21 July 1995 of over hundred Bosnian Muslim men along a dirt road in the Cerska Valley; o the execution on or about the 14 to 16 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men at the school at Pilica; o the execution on or about the 16 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men at Branjevo Military Farm; o the execution on or about the 16 July 1995 of approximately five hundred Bosnian Muslim men inside the Pilica Cultural Centre; o the execution on or about the 17 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men near Kozluk. CAUSING SERIOUS BODILY OR MENTAL HARM In the camps and detention facilities, referred to in paragraphs 20 and 22, Bosnian Serb forces and others who were given unrestricted access to the camps, subjected Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat detainees from the municipalities to physical and mental abuse, causing them serious bodily or mental harm. As a result of these inhumane acts, during the period from late March 1992 to 31 December 1992, thousands of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats died in these detention facilities. CONDITIONS CALCULATED TO BRING ABOUT PHYSICAL DESTRUCTION Conditions in the camps and detention facilities included inadequate food, often amounting to starvation rations, foul water, insufficient or non-existent medical care, inadequate hygiene conditions and lack of space. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 17 through 30 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraphs 17 through 30 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 1: GENOCIDE, punishable under Articles 4(3)(a), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 2: COMPLICITY IN GENOCIDE, punishable under Articles 4(3)(e), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 3: Extermination, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY punishable under Articles 5(b), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 4: Murder, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY, punishable under Articles 5(a), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 5: Murder, a VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as recognised by Common Article 3(1)(a) of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, punishable under Articles 3, and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 6: Wilful killing, a GRAVE BREACH OF THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS OF 1949, punishable under Articles 2(a) and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNT 7 (PERSECUTIONS) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 16-32; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 38-41 and 67-92 in count 7. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992; planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of persecutions of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 and the Srebrenica enclave. These persecutions included but are not limited to: the killing by Bosnian Serb forces of thousands of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, during and after the attacks on the areas and municipalities listed in Paragraphs 17 and 18; in the camps and detention facilities as described in Paragraphs 20 and 22; and after their captivity in several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave as described in Paragraph 28. the forced transfer or deportation by Bosnian Serb forces of tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non- Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9, and Bosnian Muslims from the Srebrenica enclave; the inhumane treatment and/or torture of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. During and after the attacks on these municipalities, whether they were taken to detention centers, police stations, military barracks, private homes or other locations, Bosnian Serb forces subjected Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serb civilians to brutal, inhumane treatment, which included beatings, sexual violence and death threats on a daily basis. Many were forced to witness executions and brutal assaults of other detainees; the constant humiliation and degradation by Bosnian Serb forces of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. In the detention facilities, Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb males and females suffered egregious, inhumane conditions on a daily basis. Detainees were deprived of adequate nutrition, adequate medical care, hygienic sanitation facilities, and were forced to endure inhumane accommodations. The detainees subsisted in an atmosphere of constant terror fostered by random brutality. Physical violence, mental suffering, sexual violence and other degrading and humiliating circumstances that constituted fundamental attacks on their humanity were repeatedly inflicted upon the detainees; the denial of fundamental rights by Bosnian Serb forces to Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9, including the right to work, freedom of movement, the right to judicial process, and the right of equal access to public services including proper medical care; the wanton destruction by Bosnian Serb forces of Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb cities, towns and villages in the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. During and after the attacks on these municipalities, Bosnian Serb forces systematically destroyed Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb cities, towns, villages and property, including homes, businesses and Muslim and Roman Catholic sacred sites. Buildings were shelled, torched or dynamited. The destruction was so extensive that nothing but portions of buildings and rubble remained in many of these municipalities. Buildings associated with the Serbian Orthodox religion remained untouched. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraph 34 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraph 34 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 7: Persecutions on political, racial and religious grounds, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY, punishable under Articles 5(h), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNTS 8-9 (DEPORTATION, OTHER INHUMANE ACTS) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 33-36; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in counts 8-9. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992; planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of the forced transfer and deportation of tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 and the Srebrenica enclave. From early April 1992, the organised forcible transfer of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 began. Between 1 January 1993 and 30 November 1995 the forcible transfers continued, especially from the municipalities of Bijeljina and Banja Luka. Between 11 July 1995 and 18 July 1995 thousands of Bosnian Muslims were forcible transferred from the Srebrenica enclave. As a result of these actions the Bosnian Serb forces virtually eliminated the presence of any Bosnian Muslims in the Srebrenica enclave area, thus further continuing an "ethnic cleansing" campaign which had begun in early April 1992. The Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and non-Serb groups were mainly deported to areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the control of the internationally recognised government and to Croatia and Serbia. The forced transfers and deportations were organised by the Bosnian Serb police forces and other Bosnian Serb municipal organs operating at the direction of the Crisis Staffs. In many cases, Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs were required to sign documents stating that they were turning over all of their property to the Bosnian Serb republic in order for Bosnian Serb authorities to allow them to leave or to release them from detention facilities. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 38 through 41 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraph 38 through 41 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 8: Deportation, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY punishable under Articles 5(d), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 9: Other inhumane acts (forcible transfer), a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY punishable under Articles 5(i), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNT 10 (UNLAWFULLY INFLICTING TERROR UPON CIVILIANS) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 1-15; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in count 10. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, individually or in concert with others, planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning, preparation or execution of a protracted campaign of shelling and sniping upon civilian areas of Sarajevo and upon the civilian population thereby inflicting terror upon its civilian population. Shortly after Bosnia and Herzegovina was internationally recognised as an independent state on 6 April 1992, armed hostilities broke out in Sarajevo. Even before the conflict began, armed forces supporting the SDS and elements of the Yugoslav Peoples Army (hereafter JNA) occupied strategic positions in and around Sarajevo. The city was subsequently subjected to blockade, bombardment and sniper attacks from these positions. Much of the bombardment and sniping was from positions in the hills around and overlooking Sarajevo, from which the attackers had a clear, detailed and commanding view of the city and its population. On or about 20 May 1992, after a partial withdrawal of JNA forces from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the JNA forces surrounding Sarajevo were effectively transformed into the Sarajevo Romanija Corps of the Army of the Serbian republic. For forty-four months, the Sarajevo Romanija Corps implemented a military strategy that used shelling and sniping to kill, maim, wound and terrorise the civilian inhabitants of Sarajevo. The shelling and sniping killed and wounded thousands of civilians of both sexes and all ages, including children and the elderly. The Sarajevo Romanija Corps directed shelling and sniping at civilians who were tending vegetable plots, queuing for and collecting water or bread, attending funerals, playing and watching football, shopping in markets, riding on trams, gathering wood, or simply walking with their children or friends. People were injured and killed, even inside their own homes, hit by bullets targeted through their windows. The attacks on Sarajevo civilians were often unrelated to military actions and were designed to keep the inhabitants in a constant state of terror. Because of the shelling and sniping against civilians, the life of every Sarajevo inhabitant became a daily struggle to survive. Without gas, electricity or running water, people were forced to venture outside to find basic living necessities. Each time they did, whether to collect wood, fetch water or buy some bread, they risked death. In addition to the sheer human carnage that the shelling and sniping caused, the endless threat of death and maiming caused extensive trauma and psychological damage to the inhabitants of Sarajevo. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control, were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 45 through 50 above or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraphs 45 through 50 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 10: Unlawfully inflicting terror upon civilians, a VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as set forth in Article 51 of Additional Protocol I and Article 13 of Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions of 1949; punishable under Articles 3, and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNT 11 (TAKING OF HOSTAGES) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 1-15; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in count 11. Between 25 and 26 May 1995 air strikes were undertaken by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (hereafter NATO) against Serbian forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Between 26 May 1995 and 2 June 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of the taking of UN military observers and UN peacekeepers as hostages, following the NATO air strikes on 25 and 26 May 1995. Bosnian Serb forces detained over two hundred UN peacekeepers and military observers in Pale, Sarajevo and other locations. They held them hostage by force at locations of strategic or military significance across Bosnia and Herzegovina, in order to render these locations immune from further NATO airstrikes and to prevent the airstrikes from continuing. Some of the hostages were assaulted and otherwise maltreated during their captivity. Some of these hostages were forced to warn their UN commanders that they would be killed if NATO continued to bomb. During and after protracted negotiations with Bosnian Serb leaders, including Radovan KARADZIC, the UN hostages were released in stages between 3 and 19 June 1995. Between 26 May 1995 and 2 June 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 55 and 56 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 3 June 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraphs 55 and 56 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 11: Taking of hostages, a VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as recognised by Common Article 3(1)(b) of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, punishable under Articles 3, and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. INDIVIDUAL CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY Radovan KARADZIC acting individually between 1 July 1991 and 19 July 1996, or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 to 31 December 1992; exercised both formal and/or de facto power and control over the Bosnian Serb forces and all SDS and government authorities who participated in the crimes alleged in this indictment. In particular, from 1 July 1991 to 31 December 1992, mainly through his positions as President of the SDS, including President of the Main Board; President of the National Security Council of the Serbian republic and President of the Presidency of the Serbian republic, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others; directed and controlled the Bosnian Serb forces and all SDS and government authorities who participated in the crimes alleged in this indictment: Radovan KARADZIC was President of the SDS and in that capacity was also, inter alia, President of the Main Board of the SDS. Effectively the Main Board was the main authority within the party’s hierarchy; it formulated the party’s policies and ensured they were put into effect. The Main Board, of which Momcilo KRAJISNIK was also a member from 12 July 1991, and SDS leaders exercised direct control over the activities and policies of all levels of the SDS, including the municipal boards. The Main Board ordered the creation of the SDS Crisis Staffs in municipalities where Bosnian Serbs lived. The chairmen of the SDS municipal boards were frequently the Presidents of or members of the Crisis Staffs. Crisis Staffs included military and police officials amongst their members. Crisis Staffs exercised complete executive, legislative and regulatory authority in the areas under their control and controlled the Bosnian Serb forces. From 28 February 1992 until 12 May 1992, Radovan KARADZIC acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, were jointly responsible for the deployment of the Bosnian Serb Territorial Defence in peace and in war, and for the utilisation of the police in war and other emergency situations. This became particular evident when the Bosnian Serb Assembly created the National Security Council of the Serbian republic on 27 March 1992. Radovan KARADZIC became President of the Council and Momcilo KRAJISNIK one of its members. The stated function of the National Security Council was to consider political, legal, constitutional and other issues of interest for the security of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Radovan KARADZIC was of the view that decisions of the National Security Council should bind all the executive organs, the police and the government, particularly in urgent situations where decisions had to be taken on war, peace and other matters of national security. Until the Presidency was formed on 12 May 1992, the National Security Council was effectively the main body of authority in the Serbian republic. The National Security Council exercised its authority on 15 April 1992 when it recommended an immediate threat of war be declared. That same day, signing as the Presidency, Biljana PLAVSIC and Nikola KOLJEVIC, declared the imminent threat of war and ordered the mobilisation of the Bosnian Serb Territorial Defence. On 12 May 1992 Radovan KARADZIC became a member of the three-member Presidency. On the same day Radovan KARADZIC was elected President of the Presidency. On or about 2 June 1992 the Presidency was formally expanded to include Momcilo KRAJISNIK and the President of the Government. From 12 May to 17 December 1992 the Presidency was the Supreme Commander of the Bosnian Serb army in peace and war and of the Bosnian Serb police forces in war and other emergency situations. The Presidency decided on the deployment of the army in war; appointed, promoted and discharged officers of the army of the Bosnian Serb republic (hereafter VRS). In addition the Presidency received reports on the activities of units under its command. During the period 1 July 1991 to 31 December 1992, the Bosnian Serb forces, SDS and governmental institutions were utilised by the Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, to execute the crimes alleged within this indictment. In some instances, with the support and encouragement of Radovan KARADZIC and others, the Bosnian Serb forces, SDS and governmental institutions acted in concert with forces from the Republics of Serbia and Montenegro. On 17 December 1992 the Presidency was disbanded and Radovan KARADZIC was elected sole President of the Serbian republic. (Republika Srpska). Further, from 1 January 1993 until his resignation on 19 July 1996, mainly through his positions as President of the SDS, including President of the Main Board; President of the National Security Council of the Serbian republic, President of Republika Srpska and Supreme Commander of the armed forces; Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, directed and controlled the Bosnian Serb forces and all SDS and government authorities who participated in the crimes alleged in this indictment: From 17 December 1992, Radovan KARADZIC was sole President of Republika Srpska and assumed all the powers of the Presidency, including that of Supreme Commander of the armed forces, as more fully set out in paragraph 61 (d). As Supreme Commander, Radovan KARADZIC, acting in concert with other members of the Supreme Command, commanded the armed forces. During the period 1 January 1993 to 30 November 1995, the Bosnian Serb forces, SDS and governmental institutions were utilised by the Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, to execute the crimes alleged within this indictment. In October and November 1991 the Bosnian Serb Assembly also authorised Radovan KARADZIC, Biljana PLAVSIC and other leading members of the SDS to "represent and protect the interests of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina vis-a-vis federal and international bodies;" and to negotiate with Muslim and Croatian representatives on the organisation of future common life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Radovan KARADZIC, both through the formal positions alleged above, and pursuant to his de facto power, also had the authority to punish or to initiate investigations or proceedings against any persons or members of the armed forces under his command who were believed to have committed crimes on the territory of the Serbian republic. Therefore, between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, both through the formal positions alleged above, and pursuant to his de facto power, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under the Bosnian Serb leadership direction and control; were committing the crimes alleged in this indictment or had done so, and failed to take necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC both through the formal positions alleged above, and pursuant to his de facto power, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under the Bosnian Serb leadership direction and control had committed the crimes alleged in this indictment, and failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. GENERAL ALLEGATIONS All acts or omissions charged as Genocide or Complicity in Genocide, were committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such. All acts and omissions charged as Crimes against humanity were part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and/or other non-Serb civilian populations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 6 April 1992, a state of international armed conflict and partial occupation existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. All acts and omissions charged as Grave Breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 ("grave breaches") occurred during the international armed conflict and partial occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Radovan KARADZIC was required to abide by the laws and customs governing the conduct of armed conflicts, including the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the additional protocols thereto. Radovan KARADZIC is individually responsible for the crimes alleged against him in this indictment, pursuant to Article 7(1) of the Tribunal Statute. Individual criminal responsibility includes planning, instigating, ordering, committing or otherwise aiding and abetting in the planning, preparation or execution of any crimes referred to in Articles 2 to 5 of the Tribunal Statute. Radovan KARADZIC while holding the positions of superior authority as set out in the foregoing paragraphs, is also criminally responsible for the acts of his subordinates, pursuant to Article 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. A superior is responsible for the acts of his subordinate(s) if he knew or had reason to know that his subordinate(s) were about to commit such acts or had done so and the superior failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. ADDITIONAL FACTS The SDS was one of the three ethnically oriented parties that emerged in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in preparation for multi-party elections to be held in November of that year. From its inception, Radovan KARADZIC was the SDS party’s president, whilst Biljana PLAVSIC and Momcilo KRAJISNIK were leading party members. Each of the three parties was aligned with one of the three principal ethnic groups in Bosnia: the SDS was the principal Serb national party; the Party of Democratic Action (hereafter SDA) was the main Bosnian Muslim national party; the Croatian Democratic Community (hereafter HDZ) was the leading Croat national party. The results of the elections reflected the dominance of these three main national parties. At the Republic level, the SDA won the most seats in the Assembly, followed by the SDS and then the HDZ. The remaining seats were split between other parties, including the former Communist Party. The central idea within the SDS political platform, as articulated by its leaders, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, was the unity of all Serbs within Yugoslavia as the only way of protecting the Serbian national interests. This idea was related to the concept of a "Greater Serbia" which began to openly circulate in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (hereafter SFRY) in the late 1980s. The SDS regarded the separation of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the federal Yugoslav system as a threat to the interests of the Serbs living in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results of the November 1990 elections meant that, as time went on, the SDS would have had insufficient political authority to keep Bosnia and Herzegovina in Yugoslavia through democratic political processes. In the spring of 1991 the SDS began to organise certain areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina into formal regional structures through the concept of "Associations of Municipalities" which existed under the 1974 Yugoslav constitutional regime. Parallel to its organisational structure, which covered republic, regional, municipal and local community levels, in 1991 the SDS leadership developed a closed, covert internal system of command, control and communications. In this system, the main authority belonged to the central SDS party organs and, in particular, to the President and the Main Board of the party, thus ensuring complete control by the party’s leadership. In late June 1991, the SFRY began to disintegrate in a succession of wars fought in Slovenia and Croatia after the two republics declared independence on 25 June. The JNA withdrew from Slovenia after a very short period, allowing for its secession from the SFRY. In Croatia, however, the fighting continued throughout the summer and into the autumn of 1991. For the war in Croatia, the JNA issued mobilisation orders to the male population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These orders were opposed by the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which issued orders to the population that they did not have to respond to the mobilisation. As a result, very few Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats answered the call-up. On the other hand, Bosnian Serbs responded in large numbers, exhorted to do so by the SDS. As the war in Croatia continued, it appeared increasingly likely that Bosnia and Herzegovina would also declare its independence from the SFRY. The SDS however, wanted Bosnia and Herzegovina to remain a part of Yugoslavia. As it became clear that they would not be able to hold Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Yugoslav federation, the SDS began in earnest the creation of a separate Serbian territory in Bosnia and Herzegovina. By September 1991 the SDS proclaimed one Serb Autonomous Region and four Serb Autonomous Districts (hereafter SAOs). The SAOs became the first territorial foundation on which the Serbian republic was to be founded. As viewed by the SDS leaders, a major problem in the creation and control of Serbian territory was the significant Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations that lived in areas the SDS claimed. Thus, a significant aspect of the plan to create a new Serbian state was the permanent removal or "ethnic cleansing" of nearly all of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations from those areas, allowing for the presence of only a small number of non-Serbs who would agree to the conditions for living in a Serb-dominated State. In the autumn of 1991, the JNA began to withdraw its forces out of Croatia and re-deploy them in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Working in conjunction with certain elements in the JNA, the SDS began to covertly arm the Bosnian Serb civilian population. A separate Bosnian Serb Assembly, dominated by the SDS, was founded on 24 October 1991 as the highest representative and legislative organ of Serbs in Bosnia. In late December 1991 the leaders of the SDS began preparations for the physical take-over of power in those municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina where Serbs did not have clear control, and for the subsequent implementation of a general plan for ethnically cleansing the areas they considered to be Serbian. The take-overs were executed following instructions issued by the SDS leadership, often through Crisis Staffs that were brought into being for this purpose. The Crisis Staff was modelled on an entity that had existed as part of the defence system in the SFRY, and was designated to take over the functioning of the municipalities or republic government, as the case may have been, during times of war or a state of emergency when the Assembly, normally the highest authority of government, would not have been able to function. The Crisis Staffs began functioning in SDS-claimed municipalities in late December 1991. They operated at both the regional and municipal levels of authority as the bodies that would be responsible for the co-ordination of the execution of most of the operational phase of the plan for ethnic cleansing. On 31 May and 10 June 1992, the Presidency ordered the re-designation of the Crisis Staffs as War Presidencies and then War Commissions in the municipalities. The War Presidencies/War Commissions maintained the same structure and virtually the same authority as the Crisis Staffs, and were still commonly referred to by the public as Crisis Staffs. The Crisis Staffs were to cease operation when the Assemblies were able to meet or to conduct business again. The regular municipal organs would then resume operation, generally under the direction of the same SDS leaders. These municipal organs then approved or validated the actions of the Crisis Staffs. On 9 January 1992, the Bosnian Serb Assembly proclaimed the "Serbian republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina". The territory of that republic was declared to include "the territories of the Serbian Autonomous Regions and Districts and of other Serbian ethnic entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the regions in which the Serbian people remained in the minority due to the genocide conducted against it in World War Two," and it was declared to be part of the Yugoslav federal state. From late March 1992, Bosnian Serb forces began to seize physical control of ethnically mixed municipalities that had been declared part of the Serbian state, including but not limited to the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. These attacks and take-overs occurred in a similar, co-ordinated and planned manner. The attacks, take-overs and subsequent events were planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted by Crisis Staffs, War Presidencies, War Commissions and other SDS and government authorities acting under the control and direction of the SDS leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC. Also on 12 May 1992 the Bosnian Serb Assembly voted to create the VRS, effectively transforming the JNA units remaining in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other armed forces working in concert in Bosnia and Herzegovina into commands of the new army. The Bosnian Serb Assembly appointed Ratko MLADIC as Commander of the VRS Main Staff. In this capacity Ratko MLADIC was directly subordinate to the Presidency. The JNA "officially" withdrew from Bosnia and Herzegovina on 19 May 1992, but military operations directed against the non-Serb population continued to be carried out by the VRS and Bosnian Serb police. The JNA, which had been re-named the Yugoslav Army (hereafter VJ) during the SFRY’s reconstitution as the FRY in April 1992, continued to have strong links with the VRS. It provided critical combat, financial, and logistic support to the Bosnian Serb military effort. Many officers, commanders, soldiers, logistical centres and much equipment and supplies of the former JNA was left behind for Bosnian Serb use. Former JNA officers were transferred from their posts in JNA units to the same unit’s VRS successor and most remained in command of those units throughout the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The salaries of VRS officers continued to be paid by Belgrade. Additionally, from time to time after 19 May 1992, elements of the VJ had a direct role in the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and provided critical combat support to the VRS. Carla Del Ponte Prosecutor Dated this 28th day of April 2000 At The Hague, The Netherlands P.S. nemam više komentara na ovu temu... Prijavite se u klub ili se učlanite ukoliko to još niste učinili. Učlanjenje je besplatno. Postanite član: Prijava registriranih članova: Članova kluba: 9064 Članova online: 2 Ukupno online: 522 vaše reklame
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809.3 809.4 809.5 809.6 810.1 811.1 811.2 811.3 811.4 811.5 811.6 811.7 811.8 811.9 811.10 811.11 811.12 811.13 811.14 811.15 811.16 811.17 811.18 811.19 811.20 811.21 811.22 811.23 811.24 811.25 811.26 811.27 811.28 811.29 811.30 811.31 811.32 811.33 811.34 811.35 811.36 811.37 811.38 811.39 811.40 811.41 811.42 811.43 811.44 811.45 811.46 811.47 812.1 813.1 813.2 813.3 813.4 813.5 814.1 814.2 814.3 814.4 814.5 814.6 814.7 814.8 814.9 814.10 814.11 814.12 814.13 814.14 814.15 814.16 814.17 814.18 814.19 814.20 814.21 814.22 814.23 814.24 814.25 814.26 814.27 815.1 816.1 816.2 816.3 816.4 816.5 816.6 816.7 816.8 816.9 816.10 816.11 816.12 816.13 816.14 816.15 816.16 817.1 817.2 817.3 817.4 817.5 817.6 817.7 817.8 817.9 817.10 817.11 818.1 818.2 818.3 818.4 818.5 818.6 818.7 818.8 818.9 818.10 818.11 818.12 818.13 818.14 818.15 818.16 818.17 818.18 818.19 818.20 818.21 818.22 818.23 818.24 818.25 818.26 818.27 818.28 818.29 818.30 818.31 818.32 818.33 818.34 818.35 818.36 818.37 818.38 818.39 818.40 818.41 818.42 818.43 818.44 818.45 818.46 818.47 819.1 820.1 820.2 820.3 820.4 820.5 820.6 820.7 820.8 820.9 820.10 820.11 820.12 820.13 820.14 820.15 820.16 820.17 820.18 820.19 821.1 821.2 822.1 822.2 822.3 822.4 822.5 822.6 822.7 822.8 822.9 822.10 822.11 822.12 822.13 822.14 822.15 822.16 822.17 822.18 822.19 822.20 822.21 822.22 822.23 822.24 822.25 822.26 822.27 822.28 822.29 822.30 823.1 824.1 824.2 824.3 824.4 824.5 824.6 824.7 824.8 824.9 824.10 824.11 824.12 824.13 824.14 824.15 824.16 824.17 824.18 824.19 825.1 825.2 825.3 825.4 825.5 825.6 825.7 825.8 825.9 825.10 825.11 825.12 825.13 825.14 825.15 825.16 825.17 825.18 825.19 826.1 826.2 826.3 826.4 826.5 826.6 826.7 826.8 827.1 827.2 827.3 827.4 827.5 827.6 827.7 827.8 827.9 827.10 827.11 827.12 827.13 827.14 828.1 829.1 829.2 829.3 829.4 830.1 831.1 831.2 831.3 832.1 832.2 833.1 833.2 833.3 833.4 833.5 834.1 834.2 835.1 835.2 835.3 835.4 835.5 835.6 835.7 835.8 836.1 837.1 837.2 837.3 838.1 838.2 838.3 839.1 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Ovaj tekst tiče se svakog pojedinog čovjeka zainteresiranog za svoj osobni rast i razvoj. Ovo su informacije koje vam mogu olakšati svakodnevni život ukoliko otvorite svoje oči i um. Ne postoji nikakva skrivena korist za mene ili bilo koga iza ovog teksta, postoji samo korist za one koji ga pročitaju i shvate. Vaše predznanje i ego stoje kao prepreka shvaćanja ovog teksta. Pročitajte i sami zaključite što je istina. Ovo su informacije. Čitajte polako i strpljivo jer, svaka rečenica je bitna. SISTEM Pojmovi koji danas postoje kao što je politika, edukacija, religije, mediji, ekonomija, države i novac nisu stvarni, već su izmišljeni dijelovi sistema. Na planeti Zemlji ima dovoljno resursa i energije u raznim oblicima da SVAKI čovjek može živjeti u blagostanju i imati sve što mu je potrebno za život. To je činjenica. Da napravite svoje osobno istraživanje, brzo bi potvrdili ovaj podatak. Sami sistem je razlog zašto resursi nisu raspoređeni ravnomjerno za sve, što bi omogućilo eksponencijalan rast i napredak, već šačica imućnih upravlja ovim svijetom kako samo njima odgovara. Sistem je utjecao na dosadašnji razvoj naše civilizacije i sada je postao prepreka našem daljnjem razvoju. Sve dok nema pravde; neće biti ni mira. Došlo je vrijeme kada padaju sve maske i sve istine izlaze na vidjelo. Došlo je vrijeme za veliku promjenu, ovakav loše osmišljen sistem počinje padati, bili mi (robovi sistema) toga svjesni ili ne. Naravno da je nama u interesu da razumijemo što se događa oko nas i to je glavni razlog zašto pišem ovaj tekst koji vi upravo čitate. Oni od vas koji već sada imaju predrasude i misle da je ovaj tekst još jedna glupa teorija zavjere zapravo se boje suočiti sa stvarnosti. "Teorija zavjere" bila bi ideja koja objašnjava nešto neobjašnjivo, ideja koja se ne može poduprijeti dokazima. Dokazi za ovo svuda su oko nas. Oni koji se ne boje slijediti nepristranu istinu kamo god ih ona vodila, jasno vide te dokaze. Prema tome; ne postoje "teorije zavjere", postoji jedna zavjera koja uopće nije teorija, nego je stvarna na tako visokoj razini da zvuči nevjerojatno i nestvarno. POČETAK ILI KRAJ Kraj ili početak, ovisi kako gledamo ovdje je i može se osjetiti svugdje oko nas i u nama. Došlo je vrijeme da se ovaj predivan planet očisti nametnute pohlepe, materijalizma i pretjeranog egoizma. Vrijeme kada svaki čovjek živi dostojanstveno, kako bi i živio, da nema manipulacije. Sve se događa s razlogom i sve je povezano. Vjerujem u sebe; dakle, vjerujem u svakog čovjeka! Cijeli sistem i sve što je vezano za ovakav način života sada pada i ovdje je početak nove, pravedne civilizacije u kojoj se svaki čovjek smatra uistinu jednako vrijednim. Novac je izum i bio rješenje za problem razmjene sredstava. Čovjek ga je izmislio da si olakša život (kakav apsurd kada pogledamo svijet oko sebe). Kasnije su novac pametno iskoristila tajna društva (kao iluminati i masoni) za porobljavanje čitave civilizacije i stvaranje nove vrste carstva (carstva u kojem danas svi mi živimo). Novac danas, samo je prepreka do resursa. Ego se razvio iz potrebe za preživljavanjem kataklizama koje su se događale u dalekoj prošlosti. Neću detaljno objašnjavati ego, informirajte se sami (Michael Tsarion – Origins and oracles). Danas, on je dio problema. Ego ima svoju svrhu, ali mi ga ne koristimo na pravi način. Ne za ono što za što je on namijenjen. Kasnije u tekstu, ponovno ću se dotaknuti ove problematike. "Najgore porobljeni robovi su oni koji misle da su slobodni." Sada ćemo se usuditi postaviti neka "velika" pitanja i potražiti neke "velike" odgovore. Sistem, koji je neprijatelj svakog čovjeka održao se do danas samo iz razloga što ljudi ne postavljaju pitanja i ne preispituju naredbe koje dolaze iznad njih (iz sistema). Svrha sistema je da od nas napravi egoiste i pojedince, tako da razmišljamo samo kako je nama pojedinačno, što nam ne dopušta da vidimo "veliku sliku" jer se koncentriramo samo na sebe individualno, što dalje rezultira naše ne postavljanje pitanja i slijepo izvršavanje naredbi. Sistem funkcionira na načelu: Podijeli i vladaj; i drži ljude u neznanju. Kontrola ne bi bila moguća da ovo nije situacija u kojoj se nalazimo. Najbolji primjer za ovo je vojska. Prvo što naprave mladim vojnicima kada im počne obuka je ispiranje mozga i brisanje osobnosti s ciljem stvaranja poslušnih strojeva za ubijanje bez savjesti. Vojska danas je skupina plaćenih ubojica bez časti, zdravog razuma i plemenitog cilja. Kao primjer može poslužiti i bilo koje poduzeće, crkva, država, škola, bilo koja institucija sistema uvijek drži pojedinca u neznanju i daje nadređenom moć nad podređenim samo zato što prvi ima više znanja od drugog. SVAKA institucija sistema uvijek funkcionira na ovaj način i samo na ovaj način. Edukacijski sistem po meni je jedan od najvažnijih, jer kada razmislimo malo o tome koja je njegova svrha, shvatimo da nas on odgaja, oblikuje stvarnost i određuje život novih generacija ljudske vrste. Prema tome, ima vrlo veliku moć stvaranja iluzije stvarnosti. Koja je svrha današnjeg školstva? Jesu li škole tu zbog učenika ili obrnuto? Kada ubacimo još i novac u ovo prethodno pitanje, imamo o čemu razmišljati. Koja bi bila svrha školstva u svijetu gdje je sve onako kako bi trebalo biti? Možda pomoći ljudima u razvijanju svojih talenata? Svakako bi nekakav cilj bio očuvanje i unaprjeđenje ljudske vrste. U ovom svijetu škole rade upravo suprotno od toga. Jedan od boljih Einsteinovih citata je: "Kada čovjek zaboravi sve što je naučio tokom školovanja, tek tada započinje proces edukacije." Škole samo ukalupljuju mlade umove i prave poslušne robote i robove sistema. Sve što škole uče su razni načini kako biti dio sistema i kako što brže doći do novca. Sve se vrti oko novca. Novac je simbol za mogućnost i moć, nije stvaran; mi ga činimo stvarnim. Novac je sredstvo, ne cilj!!!Novac nas ne ispunjava, što ga više imamo, više smo prazni. Sistem nam s nekim skrivenim razlogom sada izvlači novac iz džepova i to je zadnja faza kapitalizma, poslije koje, isti je odradio svoju svrhu. Kao neka recesija i kriza. Iz moje perspektive to izgleda smiješno jer ja vidim kroz veo laži i razumijem zašto je sve tako namješteno i iscenirano. Zato da bi imućni imali još više kontrole nad našim životima. Nije kriza ekonomije, već svijesti. Bitno je shvatiti da je glavno oružje sistema STRAH. Upravo zbog straha pojedinac ne postavlja pitanje ZAŠTO je nadređeni dao neku naredbu, a nadređeni tome pojedincu ima nekoga tko je iznad njega i isto zbog straha ne postavlja pitanje ZAŠTO je on dobio naredbu. Na samom vrhu piramide, u sjeni, stoji šačica pojedinaca čija imena nisu poznata, a te iste individue ograničavaju naše mogućnosti i slobode na svim razinama kroz svoju vladavinu straha. Idu tako daleko da na novčanicama otvoreno pokazuju o čemu se radi. Upišite u google "dollar bill illuminati", prebacite na slike i uvjerite se sami. Sada bi htio podsjetiti na podatak prije da na Zemlji postoji dovoljno resursa, i stotine tisuća puta više nego što je potrebno za sve ljude na Zemlji. Prepreka do tih resursa je cijeli sistem baziran na novcu. ZAŠTO kada ima svega više nego dovoljno? Ta nekolicina manipulatora sa vrha piramide nije ništa bolja ni pametnija od bilo koga od nas (robova), oni samo imaju pristup znanju sa viših razina (informacijama) od nas i to je jedino što drži sistem da se ne raspadne. U ovom tekstu naći ćete dio tog znanja, a prije svega, zapamtite; strah je oružje sistema! Kada se pomiješa veliko znanje bez mudrosti i strah, strašne stvari budu učinjene. Ovaj tekst samo je uvod u beskrajnoj knjizi postojanja. Svatko od nas bi se trebao sam baviti ovim pitanjima i sam doći do odgovora. Ego je postao zamka u svima nama iz koje se trebamo osloboditi, s kojom trebamo surađivati da bi napravili raj na Zemlji. Što je to ego? Ego je zamjena za ono što zovemo sobom, ego je postao lažni ja. Primjer: Ja nisam vozač autobusa, ja nisam prodavačica, nisam policajac, profesor, studentica, dijete, umirovljenik ili svećenik - to su stvari koje ja radim, ali to nisam ja. Ja sam nešto drugo. Tko sam ja? Prvi problem s kojim se suočavamo je laž. Mi smo zatrpani lažima, naši cijeli životi su laž. Najveća laž od svih je ta što smo povjerovali da smo mi nešto što zapravo nismo. Što je istina? Postoji samo jedna istina, a isto tako postoji onoliko putova do te jedne istine koliko postoji ljudi. Do istine svatko od nas jedino može doći sam. Netko nam može pokazati vrata, ali mi sami moramo proći kroz njih. Sada ću pokušati objasniti što sam do sada otkrio u potrazi za istinom. Čovjek je beskrajno duhovno biće, a NE samo fizičko tijelo. Mi smo višedimenzionalna bića koja su izmanipulirana i zatvorena u ove tri dimenzije koje su nam svima poznate. Ta manipulacija traje već tisućama godina i sada joj je došao kraj. Može se objasniti zašto baš sada, ali ideja ovog teksta je da bude koliko god može biti jednostavan, kratak i jezgrovit, te da se dotakne tema koje su po meni prioritetno najbitnije. Možete izabrati ne vjerovati ovom tekstu, ali razlog tome može biti samo strah. Jedini opravdani strah je strah od neznanja. Ljudi su toliko zarobljeni u laži i strahu da optužuju one pojedince koji govore istinu, da govore laži. U današnje vrijeme govoriti istinu revolucionaran je čin. Sve je naopako. Medicina uništava zdravlje, religije uništavaju duhovnost, pravo uništava istinu, politika uništava slobodu, pravi heroji se tretiraju kao zločinci, a zločinci kao heroji. Sve je obrnuto! Mi smo se rodili u takvom svijetu i mislimo da je to nešto normalno, da tako to mora biti. U ovo razmišljanje nas je uvjerio baš taj pokvareni sistem kojeg smo bili svi dio. Sve se eksponencijalno ubrzava kako se bližimo kraju ovog tamnog ciklusa koji je trajao tisućama godina i koji upravo sada završava. Vjerujem u čovjeka i vjerujem da nas ništa ne može zaustaviti u pozitivnom preobražaju cjelokupne civilizacije. Jedna od vrlo mogućih stvari što će se vjerojatno desiti u ubrzano padajućem sistemu je sljedeće: srušiti će dolar, a on će povući burze, banke, totalni financijski kolaps, kaos i panika (slično kao 1930-tih samo ovaj puta na globalnoj razini) sve to rade planirano (tajna društva) sa ciljem stvaranja potrebe za vodstvom i redom (NEW WORLD ORDER – novi svjetski poredak). Ti pojedinci sa vrha piramide žele iz pepela, poslije, s njihove strane iscenirane kataklizme napraviti svjetsku vladu, svjetskog predsjednika, svjetsku valutu, vojsku i centraliziranu moć. Otvorena diktatura i apsolutna moć, ako to dopustimo onda i zaslužujemo sve što dolazi s tim. Ukoliko ne želimo živjeti u svijetu gdje je apsolutna kontrola naših života normalna stvar, rješenje za ovu situaciju je vrlo jednostavno. Sve je uvijek vrlo jednostavno. Jedna od mogućnosti: mi smo zaboravili da novac zapravo ne okreće ovaj svijet. Čovjek može živjeti bez novca, kao davno prije, a pod time ne mislim na primitivnog čovjeka, već na naprednu civilizaciju koja je bila prije nego što smo se složili da uđemo u ovu igru manipulacije svijesti. Oni izmišljaju pravila, a mi smo oni koji biraju dali ćemo se držati njihovih pravila ili ne. U svakoj situaciji imamo ovaj izbor. OTKRIVANJE Plan tajnih društava je puno kompliciraniji od svega što sada mislite da je. Oni imaju rezervni plan za bilo koji scenarij odigran s naše strane. Razlog tome je što imaju pristup znanju koje se nalazi na višim razinama od onih kojima mi trenutno imamo pristup. Kada se mi otvorimo tim višim razinama znanja koje se nalaze unutar svakog pojedinog čovjeka tu igra postaje zanimljiva, jer tada situacija postaje izjednačena. Osim toga, način na koji manipuliraju mase puno nam govori o njihovoj razini znanja. Čovjek ima potencijala doći na tu i na mnoge više razine od one gdje su oni "zapeli". Bitno je shvatiti da je većina ljudske populacije pod potpunom hipnozom. Većina živi laž u koju smo izmanipulirani jer se boji istine. ISTINA OSLOBAĐA, a osim toga, stvarno se nemamo čega bojati. Strah je samo još jedna laž. Mi smo tako dobro izigrani i prevareni da je to nešto nevjerojatno. Gotovo je nemoguće riječima opisati veličinu prijevare. Kolektivno smo hipnotizirani u stanju amnezije i konstantnog straha od svega. Potrebno je da se sjetimo tko smo mi uistinu, a to znači kraj svim manipulacijama i početak novog ciklusa u kojem postajemo ponovno ono što smo oduvijek i jesmo, a to je beskrajno, vječno, sveznajuće, svemoguće biće bez ograničenja. U bilo kojem trenutku možemo probiti ovaj začarani, mračni krug u kojem smo zarobljeni. Potrebna je samo želja i odluka. Mi smo povezani u JEDNO sa svime što postoji, sa svim živim bićima i stvarima, kao i sve ostalo u prirodi. Svemir je "veliki", živi organizam, u kojem se nalazimo i kojega smo svi dio. Zbroj svih umova koji postoje, koji su ikada postojali i koji će ikada postojati je JEDAN! Taj jedan jedini um koji postoji ima beskrajno mnogo razina. Kroz svoju evoluciju mi širimo svoje spoznaje o sebi i uzdižemo svijest po razinama tog uma. Da budem određeniji, iz naše perspektive radi se o evoluciji živčanog sustava. Naša osjetila su ta koja evoluiraju i mi počinjemo percipirati više stvarnosti nego prije. Pogrešan način upotrebe ega toliko nas je degradirao da se mi odnosimo prema planeti Zemlji kao da je ona naše vlasništvo. Ako itko ikoga posjeduje u ovoj priči, onda Zemlja posjeduje nas, jer bez nje mi ne možemo preživjeti, a ona bez nas može – čista logika. Zemlja je živi organizam. Ona je naša majka i krajnje je vrijeme da se počnemo ponašati prema njoj s poštovanjem koje zaslužuje. Mi igramo ključnu ulogu u eksperimentu svjesnijih od nas i nalazimo se u karanteni. "Bogovi" starog svijeta nisu vrhovni BOG – stvaratelj – kreacija. Prisjetimo se što u bibliji piše kako je BOG sam sebe predstavio. Rekao je: Ja jesam (Ja postojim). Bog je doslovno sve što postoji. Mi se nalazimo u Njemu; a On u Nama – bez metafora, DOSLOVNO. Naši će se životi (koji su laž ionako) vrlo brzo, bitno promijeniti, a ta promjena može teći u dva smjera. Sve oči su na nama i vrijeme je za odluku. Mogućnosti su sljedeće: Jedan smjer vodi prema znanju, prihvaćanju beskrajnih mogućnosti, evoluciji i ka ponovnoj svjesnoj vezi sa čitavim postojanjem. Drugi smjer vodi prema kontroli, uništenju, paklu na Zemlji, ka onome što je suprotno ljubavi i evoluciji. "White lines on the road are the worst place to drive." Sve je onoliko jednostavno koliko mi želimo da bude. Čovjek kao beskrajno duhovno biće, danas živi na mikroskopskoj razini svog potencijala, samo zato što je zaboravio koliko ga ima. Izmanipulirani smo u ovo stanje. Promišljeno, kroz čitavu povijest čovječanstva pojedinci su nas sistematski, polagano trovali svojom ideologijom, te na taj način osigurali sebi mjesta velikih moćnika, dok su nas držali pod kontrolom na niskim frekvencijama vibracije. Cijeli sistem financija, zakona, politike, "edukacije" i religije danas postoji samo iz jednog jedinog razloga; a to je kontrola ljudi. Zapitajmo se zašto je kršćanstvo tako moćna religija? Zato što su poklali one koji se nisu slagali s njima. Mi se danas pravimo da smo to zaboravili. Postoje dokumenti i govori u kojima pape doslovno pozivaju u globalno ujedinjenje pod imenom NWO. Velika je razlika između crkve (religije) i duhovnosti. Religije služe za masovnu kontrolu i manipulaciju. U davnoj prošlosti religije su možda služile kao pomoć ljudima u duhovnom uzdizanju. Danas; upravo suprotno. Smiješno je promatrati koliko je daleko otišla ta glupost. Primjer: katolička crkva govori da svi trebamo čekati Isusa i da će nas on spasiti od nas samih. To govore iz razloga da ljudi ne bi ništa poduzimali dok ponizno čekaju, a oni uzimaju još više naše moći. Isusove riječi su: Nemojte imati idole; a katolici idealiziraju njega. Isto to tako rekao je: Sve što radim ja možete i vi; i još puno više. Daleko najironičnija stvar je raspelo. Zapitajte se, ako je Isus bio onakav čovjek kakvim ga predstavljaju, dali bi on htio da ga imamo u svojim kućama na raspelu kao simbol patnje, boli i mučenja ili bi htio biti simbol nade i bezuvjetne ljubavi? Kakav osjećaj imamo kada promatramo raspelo? Poniznost? Strah? Raspelo je samo još jedan od bezbrojnih primjera načina manipulacije. Katoličkoj crkvi je u interesu imati ljude neinformirane zato što je to jedini način na koji mogu držati ljude ograničene i kontrolirane opet uz pomoć straha. Isus, Buda, Muhamed i ostali proroci nisu nešto vanjsko, nešto drukčije od nas ostalih. Oni su jednostavno dosegli razinu znanja i svijesti koja "spava" u svima nama. Mi smo svi Isus, Buda i Muhamed samo ako si dopustimo da to budemo. Krajnosti do kojih idu stvarno su smiješne. Govore nam da se trebamo bojati Boga. To je najveća glupost od svih! Ne trebamo se bojati ničega, a najmanje Boga jer, Mi se nalazimo u Njemu, a On u Nama – DOSLOVNO i bez metafora. Bog je čista, bezuvjetna ljubav – nema smisla bojati se ljubavi. Gdje god je prisutan strah, to znači da je prisutna i manipulacija. A bolje da ne pričam što se događa sa "demokracijom" i kapitalizmom pogledajte Zeitgeist. Sve je više ljudi koji vide istinu, a ona nam je cijelo vrijeme bila pred očima, samo što smo bili hipnotizirani da ju ne vidimo. Ljudi su odavno, već masovno frustrirani i umorni od ogromne težine gluposti koju svakodnevno nose na leđima i počinju se buditi. ŠTO JE TO BUĐENJE? Prosvijetljen ili budan čovjek je onaj na koga emocionalno više ne utječu negativno ili pozitivno stvari koje drugi ljudi rade, govore ili misle. ENLIGHTENMENT is when you are no longer emotionaly affected, negatively or positively by what another does, says or thinks. Enlightenment je termin vezan za lakoću (masu), ne svijetlost. Zapravo, svaki čovjek već je prosvijetljen, samo se treba sjetiti toga. Budan čovjek je promatrač. Budan čovjek je svjestan onoga što se događa oko njega i u njemu. Budan čovjek je noćna mora manipulatora. Jedno od najjačih naših oružja je ljubav, kako god smiješno to zvučalo. Upravo nam se i čini smiješno zato što smo izmanipulirani da razmišljamo tako jer ovim svijetom vlada "tamna" ekipa koja je suprotni polaritet bezuvjetne ljubavi. Najjednostavniji način da se objasni ovo, obična je baterija koja ima dva pola + i –, iako ima dva pola ona je i dalje jedna baterija. Nadam se da počinjete shvaćati igru i veličinu obmane. Vrijeme je da zaustavimo tiraniju pojedinaca nad većinom. Takav sistem više nije potreban i pasti će puno brže nego što mislite. Kada se to desi, onda možete biti zatečeni u vrlo neugodnoj situaciji ako se nađete nespremni. Pripremimo se za ono što dolazi, što god to bilo i kako god izgledalo, jednu stvar možemo koristiti u procesu promjene, a to je ZNANJE. Vrijeme je da počnemo dijeliti znanje jedni sa drugima. Znanje je moć; na ovom svijetu u krivim rukama. Na globalnoj razini događa se kolektivno buđenje svijesti i širi se eksponencijalno. Upravo sada dok vi ovo čitate, imamo stotine milijuna ljudi po cijelom svijetu što vape za promjenom i već imaju gotova rješenja za "novi sistem" civilizacije koji je baziran na davanju umjesto uzimanju, međusobnom podržavanju i poticanju na rast. Sada bi htio da definiramo što znači biti normalan. Dali sam ja lud? Pod normalnim se smatraju postupci prihvaćeni od većine (mase) i to je nametnuto pravilo. Ako su normalni ljudi robovi novcu, egu, materijalnim stvarima i fizičkim, primitivnim užicima, društvenom statusu i socijalnoj prihvaćenosti, onda je moj odgovor da; ja ne želim biti normalan. Ja jesam lud i znam da nisam sam. Znam da postoji mnoštvo ljudi koji pokušavaju shvatiti svoju ulogu ovdje. Oni se suočavaju sa svojom "prljavštinom" i sa svojim strahovima. Oni rade na tome da se očiste od negative. Upravo oni i mijenjaju ovaj svijet, jer baš se o tome radi – postani promjena koju želiš vidjeti. Svaki čovjek u svojoj srži je sve što postoji. Neki su od nas izmanipulirani i hipnotizirani medijima, lošim navikama i iskustvima. Ne treba ih osuđivati zbog toga, treba im pomoći da se oslobode. Nikada nije kasno za promjenu. Zlo je uvijek vezano za neznanje i ljudi se uvijek boje nepoznatog. Ako ne poznaješ zlo; ne bojiš ga se. Ako ga poznaješ dovoljno dobro; ne bojiš ga se. Prema tome, kada bi shvatili kako sve funkcionira, ostavili bi strah i neznanje iza sebe, jer kada se izmaknemo dovoljno daleko i pogledamo veliku sliku; dobro i zlo ne postoje. Postoji naša perspektiva gledanja na stvari kao polarnosti npr. istina i laž, muškarac i žena, svijetlost i tama, znanje i neznanje... Ali u stvarnosti, sve je to iluzija odvojenosti. U stvarnosti sve je povezano u jednu cjelinu i svaki djelić te cjeline jednako je važan. Mi se nalazimo u dimenziji polarnosti i slobodne volje i ovdje smo da učimo o njima. Sva ostala pravila netko je izmislio! Na kraju; svi smo povezani u JEDNO i nitko nije izdvojen i sam. Tajna društva koja kontroliraju ovaj svijet žele da mi razmišljamo o sebi kao malima i usamljenima u beskrajnom svemiru, a to je upravo suprotno od istine. Tajna društva su naš strah manifestiran u fizičkom obliku. NAŠ strah od uzimanja odgovornosti nad svojim djelima i kontrole nad sobom jer, ako mi ne želimo biti odgovorni za sebe; naravno da ima onih koji će to raditi umjesto nas. A opet, oni su dio nas, jer sve što postoji smo mi, svi zajedno čineći vrhovno biće. Vrijeme je da izađemo iz djetinjstva i uđemo u doba puberteta na razini ljudske vrste. Zahvalimo se manipulatorima na predivnom iskustvu koje su nam darovali i preuzmimo kontrolu nad sobom. Igri je došao kraj, htjeli mi to priznati ili ne. Vrijeme je za novu, ugodniju, drukčiju i zanimljiviju igru. Ona će početi samo u slučaju ako se odlučimo za slobodu, a ne kontrolu, mir, a ne rat, ljubav, a ne zavist, znanje, a ne strah. NAŠ POTENCIJAL Vratio bih se na čovjekov duhovni potencijal. Ovaj život koji je nama poznat, svakome individualno, samo je mali dio velike slike. U svima nama spava toliko potencijala da to ne možemo ni zamisliti – moramo to doživjeti. Da bi shvatili "veliku sliku" potrebno je pomaknuti perspektivu promatranja na višu razinu; potrebno je odbaciti sva ograničenja koja nam je nametnuo sistem i na taj način isprogramirao naše osobnosti. Potrebno je otvoriti se beskrajnim mogućnostima. Bitno je shvatiti da se svako dijete rađa indiferentno i da svako dijete ima jednako potencijala. Kada se rodi, ono je nevino i ne zna ništa o "vanjskom" svijetu. Okolina u kojoj dijete odrasta je ta koje ga definira, oblikuje mu umjetnu osobnost i sve osobine koje svatko od nas ima. Ako se dijete rodi u nepravedni svijet, ono je osuđeno da bude nepravedno. A za sve to kriv je sistem. Daleko najgora stvar od svega lošeg u sistemu je sljedeća; ne samo da nas isprogramira da budemo pokvareni; on nas još natjera i da se osjećamo loše zbog toga. Tjera nas da se osjećamo krivi zbog tih svojih "loših" osobina koje nam je sam sistem nametnuo. Nadam se da shvaćate o kakvom apsurdu pričam. Dugi, začarani, mračni krug sada se raspada i vrijeme je za promjenu. Kada prestanemo sebe identificirati sa umjetnom osobnosti; tada započinjemo upoznavati pravog sebe, jer, ako posti lažni ja, onda mora postojati i pravi ja – i postoji. Upravo ste si sada pružili ruku i pogledali u oči prvi puta, a to se događa na globalnoj razini velikoj masi ljudi, znali vi za to ili ne i dalje se događa. Svijest se budi u svima nama; u nekima brže, u nekima sporije, a neki uopće ne shvaćaju što se događa. Ove zadnje će tajna društva kontrolirati, ali čak i to je u redu jer i oni imaju pravo birati za sebe. Što trebamo raditi u vezi svega ovoga? Umjesto da tražimo odgovore "vani", potrebno je pojedinačno se izmaknuti iz svega i zaboraviti sve što nas je naučio sistem, jer SVE JE KRIVO! Dovoljno je pogledati sebe unutra. Svi odgovori cijelo su vrijeme bili u nama i nestrpljivo su čekali da postavimo prava pitanja, a to vrijeme je upravo došlo. Uostalom, odgovori su uvijek jednostavni, prava pitanja su ono što je bitno. Tek kada smo "budni" shvaćamo istinski da je sve igra i da je igra vrlo, vrlo jednostavna. Problem je bio u tome što nas je sistem podijelio i maksimalno iskomplicirao što god je mogao. U tom procesu mi smo povjerovali da je igra stvarna, a zapravo nikad nije ni bila. Nema ništa loše u tome ako netko vjeruje da je svijet oko njega stvaran. Ali ukoliko dođe do situacije gdje se zidovi od tvrdih, teških cigala počnu urušavati, tada znanje o tim, zapravo ne fizičkim, nematerijalnim ciglama puno znači i sve je moguće. Oni koji se ne probude na vrijeme biraju iskusiti ono što većina nas ne želi. Ovaj cijeli svijet i sve što nam je poznato u ovoj dimenziji je iluzija i ne postoji nigdje osim u našim glavama. Upravo ovo ljudima je najteže prihvatiti, a prihvaćanje ove spoznaje ne mijenja apsolutno ništa osim naše perspektive gledanja. Naša fizička tijela su uređaji opremljeni za točno određeni, vrlo ograničeni kut gledanja na stvari. Mi smo izmanipulirani u razmišljanje da je život stvaran i da je smrt kraj – to je jedna od najvećih laži pomoću kojih drže ljude u strahu i pod kontrolom. Život je samo san, faza, kada "umremo" mi zapravo postajemo više mi. Iz perspektive duhovnog svijeta, više smo "mrtvi" u životu jer ovdje imamo vrlo ograničenu percepciju stvarnosti. Smrt nas zapravo oslobađa, a čak i kada umremo, možemo izabrati vratiti se u tijelo ukoliko to želimo, iako u većini slučajeva ljudi se osjećaju toliko dobro u duhovnoj stvarnosti (jer zapravo su doma) da jednostavno odluče ostati tamo. Ovo su važne informacije koje nas, kada ih uistinu shvatimo, uzdižu duhovno same po sebi. Svatko stvara svoju stvarnost, a svi zajedno stvaramo kolektivnu stvarnost. Možemo promijeniti stvarnost u bilo kojem trenutku. Kako to uraditi? Tako što ćemo pomagati jedni drugima i unositi znanje sa viših razina svijesti u ovu razinu. Tako što ćemo prebacivati svoju perspektivu gledanja sa samo individue i na cjelokupno postojanje istovremeno. Svemir je zrcalna slika (manifestacija) stanja naše svijesti, a mi smo zapravo jedno sa Zemljom, sa svim životinjama i biljkama, sa cijelim svemirom, sa svime što postoji. Sistem i oni iza njega hipnotiziraju nas na sve moguće načine da ne razmišljamo baš o ovakvim stvarima. Tisućama godina, tajna društva planiraju upravo ovo vrijeme u kojem mi danas živimo. Konstantno nam bombardiraju podsvijest, najviše kroz medije, porukama koje potiču na poslušnost, materijalizam i razmnožavanje. Kada promatramo životinjski svijet, prekomjerno razmnožavanje je način obrane od predatora. Do 2028. g. predviđa se da će na planeti Zemlji biti preko 10 milijardi ljudi. Što znači da se mi nalazimo u fazi obrane, a ne u fazi ekspanzije gdje je naglašena kvaliteta života. Manipulatori dobro znaju da je vrijeme iluzija, pa imaju i strpljenja. Manipulirali su nas tako laganim tempom, da mi to nismo ni primijetili. Neki od nas ovo neće shvatiti na vrijeme, ali nisu ni potrebni svi ako se odlučimo nešto poduzeti jer, vladajuća elita čini manje od 1% populacije, a svi ostali; njihovi robovi čine preko 99%. Ovaj predivan planet ovdje je za sva živa bića. Među nama ima genijalaca koji se samo trebaju odlučiti napraviti prave stvari u pravom trenutku. Upravo prolazimo proces buđenja svijesti globalno, nakon mnogo tisuća godina tame. Upravo ovdje, upravo sada došao je kraj svim manipulacijama i postajemo slobodni. Nema potrebe za strahom jer, radi se o spontanom procesu. Kako se sve veći broj individua oslobađa, to posljedično mijenja veliku sliku i nikakva borba protiv bilo koga nije potrebna zato što na kraju postojimo samo mi. Problem nasilja ne može se riješiti uz pomoć još nasilja. Ovo je samo vrhunac radnje "filma" koji mi zovemo prošlost, sadašnjost i budućnost (ili iluzija). - nastavlja se - Tekst je odličan. Mada sam već prije čitala, ne škodi opet... Osvrt na spominjanje obrazovanja... Ovoga sam se sjetila pa da vam kopiram iz jedne moje skripte s faksa... meni je bilo zanimljivo pa, ako želite, pročitajte... Bowles i Gintis – školovanje u kapitalističkoj Americi Bowles i Gintis pokazuju da je glavna uloga obrazovanja u kapitalističkom društvu reprodukcija radne snage koja će svojom strukturom ličnosti, stajalištima i vrijednostima biti kapitalistima najkorisniji. Kapitalizam zahtijeva marljivu, prilagodljivu, poslušnu i visoko motiviranu radnu snagu, koja je unutar sebe previše podijeljena i fragmentirana da bi se oduprla autoritetu rukovodstva. Postizanju tih ciljeva obrazovni sustav pomaže putem skrivenog nastavnog programa: Pomaže proizvodnji podložne radne snage nekritičkih, pasivnih i poslušnih radnika. Otkrili su da su niže ocjene povezane s kreativnošću, agresivnošću i neovisnošću, a više s upornošću, dosljednošću, pouzdanošću i točnošću. Skriveni nastavni plan potiče prihvaćanje hijerarhije. Škole su ustrojene na hijerarhijskom načelu autoriteta i nadzora. Nastavnici naređuju, učenici se pokoravaju. Učenici nemaju gotovo nikakva utjecaja na predmete koje uče i na način na koji ih moraju učiti. Time se pripremaju za odnose na radnom mjestu gdje će se, žele li izbjeći nevolje, morati pokoravati autoritetu rukovoditelja. Škola uči djecu da ih motiviraju nagrade, kao što radnu snagu u kapitalističkom društvu motiviraju izvanjske nagrade. Radnika se motivira platnom vrećicom, upravo onako kako se učenika motivira svjedodžbom kao izvanjskom nagradom. Bowles i Gintis tvrde da je fragmentacija predmeta sljedeći važan aspekt skrivenog nastavnog programa. Učenik se tijekom jednoga školskog dana kreće od predmeta do predmeta. Znanje je rascjepkano. Taj aspekt obrazovanja odgovara fragmentaciji radne snage. Autori napominju kako je većina poslova u tvornicama i uredima podijeljena na vrlo određene zadatke, koje obavljaju točno određeni pojedinci. Na taj način radnici ne mogu poznavati ukupnost proizvodnog procesa pa se zato ne mogu ni natjecati s drugim zaposlenicima. Osim toga, fragmentiranu i podijeljenu radnu snagu lakše se kontrolira. Stoga radnoj snazi postaje teško ujediniti se u otporu onima koji nad njima vladaju. Dakle, Bowles i Gintis smatraju da skriveni nastavni program proizvodi pasivnu i poslušnu radnu snagu, koja neupitno prihvaća autoritet, koju motiviraju izvanjske nagrade i koja je fragmentirana. Kapitalizam zahtijeva višak kvalificirane radne snage. Poslodavci mogu davati male plaće jer su u položaju da mogu prijetiti otkazom ili nadomještanjem iz rezervne gomile kvalificiranih radnika. Budući da su mentalni zahtjevi većine poslova prilično mali, a većina se vještina može naučiti na poslu, obrazovanjem se radna snaga „previše obrazuje“. Premda je školovanje besplatno i premda se svatko može prijaviti za posao, Bowles i Gintis smatraju da neki imaju veće šanse od ostalih. Djeca bogataša i moćnika uglavnom stječu visoke kvalifikacije i dobivaju dobro plaćene poslove bez obzira na svoje sposobnosti. A to obrazovni sustav prikriva svojim mitom o meritokraciji. Autori pokazuju da učenici i studenti s visokim kvalifikacijama uglavnom imaju višu inteligenciju od ostalih kao „nusprodukt“ produljena obrazovanja. Što dulje pojedinac ostaje u obrazovnom sustavu, to se više razvija njegov kvocijent inteligencije. Prema tome, kvocijent inteligencije jest posljedica duljine boravka, a ne njegov uzrok. Dokazali su da IQ nema gotovo nikakva utjecaja na razlike u prihodima odnosno da same po sebi visoke kvalifikacije ne vode izravno do dobro plaćenih poslova. Glavni čimbenici odgovorni za nagradu u zanimanju jesu pojedinčeva klasa, rasa i spol. Privilegiraniji su pripadnici više klase, bijele rase i muškog spola. Obrazovni sustav stvara i promiče sljedeće mitove: 1. obrazovni se uspjeh temelji na zasluzi, 2. nagrade u zanimanju se temelje na zasluzi, 3. školovanje je put koji vodi k uspjehu u svijetu rada. Obrazovanje reproducira nejednakost, opravdavajući posljedice i pripisujući siromaštvo osobnom neuspjehu i nesposobnosti. Ono uspješno prikriva da se ekonomski uspjeh nasljeđuje iz obitelji u obitelj, da povlastice donose povlastice. Prijavite se u klub ili se učlanite ukoliko to još niste učinili. Učlanjenje je besplatno. Postanite član: Prijava registriranih članova: Članova kluba: 9068 Članova online: 0 Ukupno online: 618 vaše reklame