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tenebra_dea (2) ljubljeniucenik (2) sanjalica_m (2) amma (2) misao (2) Tishh (2) morena (2) bobbinlace (2) aromaterapijaviola (2) CieAura (2) Stella27 (2) proba (2) Kali (2) profektus (2) MilanTarot (2) hermelinda (2) switch (2) cici (2) blackwidow (2) sretnasam (2) Bijeli. Snovi (2) arminavuk (2) Feris (2) zgubired (2) biljanaiguga (2) montezaro (2) igypop (2) CuvariSnova (2) Karadžića neće teretiti za genocid nad Hrvatima...? U izmijenjenoj optužnici vjerojatno nece biti optužbe za genocid nad Hrvatima, jer haški sud nema dovoljno vremena. Haško tužiteljstvo razmišlja da se u izmijenjenoj optužnici Karadžica nece teretiti za genocid nad bosansko-hercegovackim Hrvatima, rekao je za Pink izvor blizak tužiteljstvu haškog suda. To bi se moglo dogoditi zbog nedostatka vremena, a hrvatske žrtve ostat ce u dijelovima optužnice koji obuhvacaju ratne zlocine. Izvor kaže kako je haški sud svjestan hrvatskih žrtava tijekom rata 1992. godine, ali napominje kako nemaju vremena. Optužnica ce se skratiti te ce obuhvacati samo prostor nekadašnje zašticene zone UN-a u Srebrenici. U staroj optužnici, koju je potpisala Carla Del Ponte, Karadžica se najviše tereti za genocid nad Bošnjacima i Hrvatima. Prije rata na prostorima BiH živjelo je više od 200 000 Hrvata, dok ih je danas samo 10 000. THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIBUNAL AGAINST RADOVAN KARADZIC AMENDED INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ("the Statute of the Tribunal"), charges: Radovan KARADZIC, with GENOCIDE; CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY; VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR and GRAVE BREACHES OF THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS OF 1949, as set forth below THE ACCUSED Radovan KARADZIC was born on 19 June 1945 in the municipality of Savnik, presently Republic of Montenegro, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Radovan KARADZIC was a founding member of the Serbian Democratic Party (hereafter SDS) which was established within the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnia and Herzegovina) on 12 July 1990. From 12 July 1990 until his resignation on 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC was President of the SDS. In that capacity he also, inter alia, presided over meetings of the SDS Main Board. Radovan KARADZIC is a long-standing associate of Momcilo KRAJISNIK, former President of the Assembly of Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnian Serb Assembly) and member of the National Security Council and expanded Presidency of the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Serbian republic) and Biljana PLAVSIC, former member of the collective Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, acting President of the Serbian republic, member of the Presidency of the Serbian republic and Vice- President of Republika Srpska. Radovan KARADZIC became President of the National Security Council of the Serbian republic on 27 March 1992. Radovan KARADZIC, became a member of the three-member Presidency of the Serbian republic on 12 May 1992. On the same day Radovan KARADZIC was elected President of the Presidency. Radovan KARADZIC, together with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and other members of the SDS; served on the expanded Presidency of the Serbian republic from the beginning of June 1992 until 17 December 1992. Radovan KARADZIC, along with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, was a member of the Supreme Command of the armed forces of the Serbian republic from on or about the 30 November 1992. Radovan KARADZIC was sole President of Republika Srpska from 17 December 1992 until his resignation on 19 July 1996. From 20 December 1992, Radovan KARADZIC in his capacity as Supreme Commander of the armed forces presided over sessions of the Supreme Command. COUNTS Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992; participated in the below-charged crimes in order to secure control of those areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina which had been proclaimed part of the Serbian republic. Those areas include but are not limited to the municipalities of: Banja Luka; Bijeljina; Bileca; Bosanska Krupa; Bosanski Novi; Bosanski Petrovac; Bosanski Samac; Bratunac; Brcko; Cajnice; Celinac; Doboj; Donji Vakuf; Foca; Gacko; Hadzici; Ilidza; Ilijas; Jajce; Kljuc; Kalinovik; Kotor Varos; Nevesinje; Novi Grad; Novo Sarajevo; Pale; Prijedor; Prnjavor; Rogatica; Rudo; Sanski Most; Sekovici; Sipovo; Sokolac; Teslic; Trnovo; Visegrad; Vlasenica; Vogosca; Zavidovici; and Zvornik. In order to achieve this objective, the Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, and at relevant times Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, initiated and implemented a course of conduct which included the creation of impossible conditions of life, involving persecution and terror tactics, that would have the effect of encouraging non-Serbs to leave those areas; the deportation of those who were reluctant to leave; and the liquidation of others. Bosnian Serb forces including military, paramilitary, territorial defence and police units (hereafter Bosnian Serb forces), SDS and government authorities acting under the direction and control of Radovan KARADZIC, and at relevant times Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, were engaged in a variety of actions to significantly reduce the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of these municipalities. From late March to 31 December 1992, Bosnian Serb forces seized physical control of the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9, often through violent attacks. These attacks and take-overs occurred in a co-ordinated and planned manner. Organisation and direction of the take-overs that occurred between late March and 31 December 1992 and the continuing acts of persecution and deportation that occurred up to 30 November 1995, in particular from the municipalities of Bijeljina, Banja Luka and the UN designated "safe area" of Srebrenica (hereafter Srebrenica enclave) and its surroundings, were provided by the SDS, military and police leadership, and the governing organs of Serb municipalities, including the Crisis Staffs, War Presidencies and War Commissions. Between 1 April 1992 and 30 November 1995, Bosnian Serb forces were also engaged in a forty-four month attack of Sarajevo, which involved inflicting terror on persons living within Sarajevo. Between 11 and 18 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces killed thousands of Bosnian Muslim men, who had been captured in several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave. By 30 November 1995, this course of conduct resulted in the death or forced departure of a significant portion of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb groups from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 and in and around the Srebrenica enclave. COUNTS 1-6 (GENOCIDE, COMPLICITY IN GENOCIDE, EXTERMINATION, MURDER, WILFUL KILLING) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 1-15; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in Counts 1-6. Between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992, acting individually or in concert with others, including Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, and between early March 1995 and 30 November 1995, acting individually or in concert with others, Radovan KARADZIC; planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of the destruction, in whole or in part, of the Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat national, ethnical, racial or religious groups, as such, in several municipalities, including but not limited to: Bijeljina; Bratunac; Bosanski Samac; Brcko; Doboj; Foca; Ilijas; Kljuc; Kotor Varos; Novi Grad; Prijedor; Rogatica; Sanski Most; Srebrenica; Visegrad; Vlasenica; Zavidovici; and Zvornik. The destruction of these groups in these municipalities was effected by: the killing of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats which took place during and after the attacks on and within the municipalities; the killing of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in and after they had been taken away from camps and detention facilities; and the killing of Bosnian Muslims after their captivity in several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave; the causing of serious bodily or mental harm to Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats during their confinement in camps and detention facilities, and during their interrogations at these locations, police stations and military barracks, where detainees were continuously subjected to, or forced to witness, inhumane acts including murder, sexual violence, torture, beatings and robbery; and the detention of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in camps and detention facilities under conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction in whole or in part of those national, ethnical, racial or religious groups, as such, more fully set out in Paragraph 30. KILLINGS The killings by Bosnian Serb forces during and after the attacks on and within these municipalities include, but are not limited to: o the killing on or about 1-2 April 1992 of at least forty-eight Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat men, women and children in Bijeljina town - Bijeljina municipality; o the killing on or about 7-8 May 1992 of seventeen Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats at the Crkvina warehouse - Bosanski Samac municipality; o the killing on or about 4 May 1992 of approximately ten Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat males at the Hotel Posavina - Brcko municipality; o the killing on or about 10 May 1992 of thirty-four Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat civilians of the village of Gornja Grapska - Doboj municipality; o the killing on or about 1 May 1992 of over sixty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat villagers from Jelec - Foca municipality; o the execution on or about 5 June 1992 of eighteen Bosnian Muslim villagers from Ljesevo - Ilijas municipality; o the execution on or about 30 May 1992 of the Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat villagers of Prhovo, including women and children, and the mass execution on or about 1 June 1992 of over one hundred Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the village of Velagici - Kljuc municipality; o the killing on or about 13 August 1992 of seventeen Bosnian Muslim males of Dabovci village, and the killing in November 1992 of approximately one hundred and ninety Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat males of Grabovica village - Kotor Varos municipality. o the killing on or about 23 July 1992 of approximately ten Bosnian Muslim villagers of Carakovo - Prijedor municipality; o the killing on or about 25 May 1992 of more than thirty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat women and children in the village of Hrustovo - Sanski Most municipality; o the execution throughout June 1992 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men, women and children of Visegrad at various bridges over the Drina, and the 14 June 1992 killing of more than sixty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat villagers from Koritnik village -Visegrad municipality; o the killing on or about 2 May 1992 of approximately twelve Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the village of Drum, and the killing on or about 16 May 1992 of over sixty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat men, women and children of the village of Zaklopaca - Vlasenica municipality; o the killing on or about 25 June 1992 of twenty-one Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat civilians from Vozuca village - Zavidovici municipality; o the killing on or about 9 April 1992 of fifteen Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the town of Zvornik - Zvornik municipality. SDS and government authorities established camps and detention facilities in the municipalities. Following the attacks on the municipalities, Bosnian Serb forces rounded up tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats and forced them to march to assembly points, for transfer to the camps and detention facilities. Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats were pulled from the columns during these marches and executed. Many thousands of those Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats who survived the attacks and forced marches were taken to these camps and detention facilities, including but not limited to: o Manjaca in Banja Luka municipality, from about 21 April to 18 December 1992; o Batkovic in Bijeljina municipality, from about 1 June to 31 December 1992; o the Vuk Karadzic school in Bratunac municipality, from 1 May to 31 December 1992; o Luka in Brcko municipality, from 7 May to early July 1992; o Bare ammunition warehouse from 1 May 1992, Spreca prison from 1 May 1992, the SUP station from 1 May to 31 July 1992, Percin’s Disco from 1 May 1992, Sevarlije JNA barracks from 1 May to 30 June 1992, and the JNA hangars near the Bosanska plantation from May 1992, all in Doboj municipality; o KP Dom in Foca municipality, from 18 April to 31 December 1992; o Omarska from 15 May to 15 August 1992, Keraterm from 15 May to 6 August 1992, and Trnopolje from 15 May to 30 September 1992 in Prijedor municipality; o Rasadnik/Sladara from 1 May to 31 December 1992 and Veljko Vlahovic School from 1 May to 31 August 1992, in Rogatica municipality; o Betonirka from 27 May to 7 July 1992 in Sanski Most municipality; o Susica from 2 June to early September 1992 in Vlasenica municipality; o Celopek Dom Kultur from 29 May to 30 June 1992, Ekonomija Farm from about 7 May to 22 May 1992, Karakaj Technical School from 29 May to June 1992 in Zvornik municipality. These camps and detention facilities were staffed and operated by military and police personnel, under the ultimate direction and control of senior Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, more fully set out in Paragraphs 60-66. The killing by Bosnian Serb forces of Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croats in these camps and detention facilities, or after they had been taken away from them, includes but is not limited to: o the May 1992 summary execution of Bosnian Muslim detainees in Luka Camp - Brcko municipality; o the killings through May and June 1992 of military aged Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat male prisoners from Susica camp - Vlasenica municipality; o the killings in June 1992 of over thirty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croats male prisoners at the Celopek Dom Kultur; the mass killing on or about 1-5 June 1992 of approximately one hundred and sixty Bosnian Muslim males at Karakaj Technical School; the killing on or about 5-8 June 1992 of approximately one hundred and ninety Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat prisoners at Gero’s slaughterhouse - Zvornik municipality; o the mass killing on or about 14 June 1992 of forty-seven Bosnian Muslim men from Rajlovac camp - Novi Grad municipality; o the execution on or about 15 June 1992 of at least ten Bosnian Muslim males from Visegrad – Rogatica municipality; o the execution on or about 20 July 1992 of over one-hundred and fifty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from the "Brdo" region of Prijedor at Omarska camp; the execution on or about 24-25 July 1992 of approximately one hundred and fifty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males in Room 3 of Keraterm camp; the mass execution on or about 21 August 1992 of approximately one hundred and fifty Bosnian Muslim and/or Bosnian Croat males from Trnopolje camp on Vlasic mountain in Skender Vakuf – Prijedor municipality; o the killing and repeated beating and torture over the month of July 1992 of thirty-six Bosnian Muslim detainees in Foca KP Dom; the killing on or about 5 August 1992 of over twenty Bosnian Muslim male detainees from Kalinovik municipality who were taken to Foca KP Dom, and from there later killed near Jelec - Foca municipality. The 1992 take-overs, referred to in paragraph 12, gave the Bosnian Serb forces control of the majority of major municipalities in eastern Bosnia and the "ethnic cleansing" that followed and continued through 1993-1995, especially from the municipalities of Bijeljina and Banja Luka, forced the Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats of these municipalities to leave. The Bosnian Muslims mainly fled into the thinly populated rural areas of eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina that had so far escaped the attention of the Bosnian Serb forces. The Bosnian Muslim populations within those areas, including Srebrenica, swelled dramatically. On 16 April 1993, the Security Council of the UN acting pursuant to Chapter VII of its Charter, adopted Resolution 819, in which it demanded that all parties to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina treat Srebrenica, Zepa, Gorazde, Sarajevo and Tuzla (and their surroundings) as "safe areas" which were to be free from any armed attack or any other hostile act. On 8 March 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, as Supreme Commander instructed the Bosnian Serb forces to create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival of life for the inhabitants of, inter alia, Srebrenica. On or about 6 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces shelled Srebrenica and attacked UN observation posts that were located in the "safe area". This attack on the Srebrenica "safe area" continued until 11 July 1995, when combined forces from several units of the Bosnian Serb forces entered Srebrenica. The Bosnian Muslims who were in Srebrenica after the beginning on the attack took two courses of action in response. One group of several thousand Bosnian Muslim men, women and children fled to the UN compound in Potocari, which was located within the "safe area" of Srebrenica. On 12 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces separated the Bosnian Muslim men and boys from the women and children and detained them in and around Potocari. The women and children were later transported by buses and trucks to areas outside the enclave. A second group of approximately 15, 000 thousands Bosnian Muslim men along with some women and children fled in a huge column, through the woods towards Tuzla. Thousands of Bosnian Muslim men from the retreating column were captured by or surrendered to the Bosnian Serb forces. Between 11 and 18 July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces executed thousands of Bosnian Muslim men in an organised, widespread and systematic manner. In particular, those forces summarily executed Bosnian Muslim men at the places where they were detained shortly after they had been captured and at other sites to which they had been transported for execution. These killings were committed at several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave, including but not limited to: o the execution on or about the 12-13 July 1995 of numerous Bosnian Muslim men at diverse locations around the UN compound at Potocari; o the killings on or about the 12 to 15 July 1995 of numerous Bosnian Muslim men at various locations in and around Bratunac; o the execution on or about the 12 to 14 July 1995 of twenty-five Bosnian Muslim men near Tisca; o the execution on or about the 13 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men who had been imprisoned in a large warehouse in the village of Kravica; o the execution on or about the 14 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men at the Grbavci school complex and the nearby village of Orahovac (near Lazete) and ; o the execution on or about the 14 to 15 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men in and around the "Dam" near Petkovci; o the execution on or about the 14 to 21 July 1995 of over hundred Bosnian Muslim men along a dirt road in the Cerska Valley; o the execution on or about the 14 to 16 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men at the school at Pilica; o the execution on or about the 16 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men at Branjevo Military Farm; o the execution on or about the 16 July 1995 of approximately five hundred Bosnian Muslim men inside the Pilica Cultural Centre; o the execution on or about the 17 July 1995 of hundreds of Bosnian Muslim men near Kozluk. CAUSING SERIOUS BODILY OR MENTAL HARM In the camps and detention facilities, referred to in paragraphs 20 and 22, Bosnian Serb forces and others who were given unrestricted access to the camps, subjected Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat detainees from the municipalities to physical and mental abuse, causing them serious bodily or mental harm. As a result of these inhumane acts, during the period from late March 1992 to 31 December 1992, thousands of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats died in these detention facilities. CONDITIONS CALCULATED TO BRING ABOUT PHYSICAL DESTRUCTION Conditions in the camps and detention facilities included inadequate food, often amounting to starvation rations, foul water, insufficient or non-existent medical care, inadequate hygiene conditions and lack of space. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 17 through 30 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraphs 17 through 30 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 1: GENOCIDE, punishable under Articles 4(3)(a), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 2: COMPLICITY IN GENOCIDE, punishable under Articles 4(3)(e), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 3: Extermination, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY punishable under Articles 5(b), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 4: Murder, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY, punishable under Articles 5(a), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 5: Murder, a VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as recognised by Common Article 3(1)(a) of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, punishable under Articles 3, and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 6: Wilful killing, a GRAVE BREACH OF THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS OF 1949, punishable under Articles 2(a) and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNT 7 (PERSECUTIONS) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 16-32; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 38-41 and 67-92 in count 7. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992; planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of persecutions of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 and the Srebrenica enclave. These persecutions included but are not limited to: the killing by Bosnian Serb forces of thousands of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, during and after the attacks on the areas and municipalities listed in Paragraphs 17 and 18; in the camps and detention facilities as described in Paragraphs 20 and 22; and after their captivity in several different locations in and around the Srebrenica enclave as described in Paragraph 28. the forced transfer or deportation by Bosnian Serb forces of tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non- Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9, and Bosnian Muslims from the Srebrenica enclave; the inhumane treatment and/or torture of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. During and after the attacks on these municipalities, whether they were taken to detention centers, police stations, military barracks, private homes or other locations, Bosnian Serb forces subjected Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serb civilians to brutal, inhumane treatment, which included beatings, sexual violence and death threats on a daily basis. Many were forced to witness executions and brutal assaults of other detainees; the constant humiliation and degradation by Bosnian Serb forces of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. In the detention facilities, Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb males and females suffered egregious, inhumane conditions on a daily basis. Detainees were deprived of adequate nutrition, adequate medical care, hygienic sanitation facilities, and were forced to endure inhumane accommodations. The detainees subsisted in an atmosphere of constant terror fostered by random brutality. Physical violence, mental suffering, sexual violence and other degrading and humiliating circumstances that constituted fundamental attacks on their humanity were repeatedly inflicted upon the detainees; the denial of fundamental rights by Bosnian Serb forces to Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9, including the right to work, freedom of movement, the right to judicial process, and the right of equal access to public services including proper medical care; the wanton destruction by Bosnian Serb forces of Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb cities, towns and villages in the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. During and after the attacks on these municipalities, Bosnian Serb forces systematically destroyed Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb cities, towns, villages and property, including homes, businesses and Muslim and Roman Catholic sacred sites. Buildings were shelled, torched or dynamited. The destruction was so extensive that nothing but portions of buildings and rubble remained in many of these municipalities. Buildings associated with the Serbian Orthodox religion remained untouched. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraph 34 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraph 34 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 7: Persecutions on political, racial and religious grounds, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY, punishable under Articles 5(h), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNTS 8-9 (DEPORTATION, OTHER INHUMANE ACTS) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 33-36; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in counts 8-9. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 and 31 December 1992; planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of the forced transfer and deportation of tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs from the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 and the Srebrenica enclave. From early April 1992, the organised forcible transfer of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations of the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9 began. Between 1 January 1993 and 30 November 1995 the forcible transfers continued, especially from the municipalities of Bijeljina and Banja Luka. Between 11 July 1995 and 18 July 1995 thousands of Bosnian Muslims were forcible transferred from the Srebrenica enclave. As a result of these actions the Bosnian Serb forces virtually eliminated the presence of any Bosnian Muslims in the Srebrenica enclave area, thus further continuing an "ethnic cleansing" campaign which had begun in early April 1992. The Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and non-Serb groups were mainly deported to areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the control of the internationally recognised government and to Croatia and Serbia. The forced transfers and deportations were organised by the Bosnian Serb police forces and other Bosnian Serb municipal organs operating at the direction of the Crisis Staffs. In many cases, Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serbs were required to sign documents stating that they were turning over all of their property to the Bosnian Serb republic in order for Bosnian Serb authorities to allow them to leave or to release them from detention facilities. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 38 through 41 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraph 38 through 41 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 8: Deportation, a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY punishable under Articles 5(d), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. Count 9: Other inhumane acts (forcible transfer), a CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY punishable under Articles 5(i), and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNT 10 (UNLAWFULLY INFLICTING TERROR UPON CIVILIANS) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 1-15; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in count 10. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, individually or in concert with others, planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning, preparation or execution of a protracted campaign of shelling and sniping upon civilian areas of Sarajevo and upon the civilian population thereby inflicting terror upon its civilian population. Shortly after Bosnia and Herzegovina was internationally recognised as an independent state on 6 April 1992, armed hostilities broke out in Sarajevo. Even before the conflict began, armed forces supporting the SDS and elements of the Yugoslav Peoples Army (hereafter JNA) occupied strategic positions in and around Sarajevo. The city was subsequently subjected to blockade, bombardment and sniper attacks from these positions. Much of the bombardment and sniping was from positions in the hills around and overlooking Sarajevo, from which the attackers had a clear, detailed and commanding view of the city and its population. On or about 20 May 1992, after a partial withdrawal of JNA forces from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the JNA forces surrounding Sarajevo were effectively transformed into the Sarajevo Romanija Corps of the Army of the Serbian republic. For forty-four months, the Sarajevo Romanija Corps implemented a military strategy that used shelling and sniping to kill, maim, wound and terrorise the civilian inhabitants of Sarajevo. The shelling and sniping killed and wounded thousands of civilians of both sexes and all ages, including children and the elderly. The Sarajevo Romanija Corps directed shelling and sniping at civilians who were tending vegetable plots, queuing for and collecting water or bread, attending funerals, playing and watching football, shopping in markets, riding on trams, gathering wood, or simply walking with their children or friends. People were injured and killed, even inside their own homes, hit by bullets targeted through their windows. The attacks on Sarajevo civilians were often unrelated to military actions and were designed to keep the inhabitants in a constant state of terror. Because of the shelling and sniping against civilians, the life of every Sarajevo inhabitant became a daily struggle to survive. Without gas, electricity or running water, people were forced to venture outside to find basic living necessities. Each time they did, whether to collect wood, fetch water or buy some bread, they risked death. In addition to the sheer human carnage that the shelling and sniping caused, the endless threat of death and maiming caused extensive trauma and psychological damage to the inhabitants of Sarajevo. Between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control, were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 45 through 50 above or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraphs 45 through 50 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 10: Unlawfully inflicting terror upon civilians, a VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as set forth in Article 51 of Additional Protocol I and Article 13 of Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions of 1949; punishable under Articles 3, and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. COUNT 11 (TAKING OF HOSTAGES) The Prosecutor re-alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 1-15; and alleges and incorporates by reference Paragraphs 67-92 in count 11. Between 25 and 26 May 1995 air strikes were undertaken by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (hereafter NATO) against Serbian forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Between 26 May 1995 and 2 June 1995, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the planning, preparation or execution of the taking of UN military observers and UN peacekeepers as hostages, following the NATO air strikes on 25 and 26 May 1995. Bosnian Serb forces detained over two hundred UN peacekeepers and military observers in Pale, Sarajevo and other locations. They held them hostage by force at locations of strategic or military significance across Bosnia and Herzegovina, in order to render these locations immune from further NATO airstrikes and to prevent the airstrikes from continuing. Some of the hostages were assaulted and otherwise maltreated during their captivity. Some of these hostages were forced to warn their UN commanders that they would be killed if NATO continued to bomb. During and after protracted negotiations with Bosnian Serb leaders, including Radovan KARADZIC, the UN hostages were released in stages between 3 and 19 June 1995. Between 26 May 1995 and 2 June 1995, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control were committing the acts described in Paragraphs 55 and 56 above, or had done so. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 3 June 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under his direction and control had committed the acts described in Paragraphs 55 and 56 above. Radovan KARADZIC failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. By these acts and omissions, Radovan KARADZIC participated in: Count 11: Taking of hostages, a VIOLATION OF THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as recognised by Common Article 3(1)(b) of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, punishable under Articles 3, and 7(1) and 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. INDIVIDUAL CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY Radovan KARADZIC acting individually between 1 July 1991 and 19 July 1996, or in concert with others, including acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC between 1 July 1991 to 31 December 1992; exercised both formal and/or de facto power and control over the Bosnian Serb forces and all SDS and government authorities who participated in the crimes alleged in this indictment. In particular, from 1 July 1991 to 31 December 1992, mainly through his positions as President of the SDS, including President of the Main Board; President of the National Security Council of the Serbian republic and President of the Presidency of the Serbian republic, Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others; directed and controlled the Bosnian Serb forces and all SDS and government authorities who participated in the crimes alleged in this indictment: Radovan KARADZIC was President of the SDS and in that capacity was also, inter alia, President of the Main Board of the SDS. Effectively the Main Board was the main authority within the party’s hierarchy; it formulated the party’s policies and ensured they were put into effect. The Main Board, of which Momcilo KRAJISNIK was also a member from 12 July 1991, and SDS leaders exercised direct control over the activities and policies of all levels of the SDS, including the municipal boards. The Main Board ordered the creation of the SDS Crisis Staffs in municipalities where Bosnian Serbs lived. The chairmen of the SDS municipal boards were frequently the Presidents of or members of the Crisis Staffs. Crisis Staffs included military and police officials amongst their members. Crisis Staffs exercised complete executive, legislative and regulatory authority in the areas under their control and controlled the Bosnian Serb forces. From 28 February 1992 until 12 May 1992, Radovan KARADZIC acting in concert with Momcilo KRAJISNIK, Biljana PLAVSIC and others, were jointly responsible for the deployment of the Bosnian Serb Territorial Defence in peace and in war, and for the utilisation of the police in war and other emergency situations. This became particular evident when the Bosnian Serb Assembly created the National Security Council of the Serbian republic on 27 March 1992. Radovan KARADZIC became President of the Council and Momcilo KRAJISNIK one of its members. The stated function of the National Security Council was to consider political, legal, constitutional and other issues of interest for the security of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Radovan KARADZIC was of the view that decisions of the National Security Council should bind all the executive organs, the police and the government, particularly in urgent situations where decisions had to be taken on war, peace and other matters of national security. Until the Presidency was formed on 12 May 1992, the National Security Council was effectively the main body of authority in the Serbian republic. The National Security Council exercised its authority on 15 April 1992 when it recommended an immediate threat of war be declared. That same day, signing as the Presidency, Biljana PLAVSIC and Nikola KOLJEVIC, declared the imminent threat of war and ordered the mobilisation of the Bosnian Serb Territorial Defence. On 12 May 1992 Radovan KARADZIC became a member of the three-member Presidency. On the same day Radovan KARADZIC was elected President of the Presidency. On or about 2 June 1992 the Presidency was formally expanded to include Momcilo KRAJISNIK and the President of the Government. From 12 May to 17 December 1992 the Presidency was the Supreme Commander of the Bosnian Serb army in peace and war and of the Bosnian Serb police forces in war and other emergency situations. The Presidency decided on the deployment of the army in war; appointed, promoted and discharged officers of the army of the Bosnian Serb republic (hereafter VRS). In addition the Presidency received reports on the activities of units under its command. During the period 1 July 1991 to 31 December 1992, the Bosnian Serb forces, SDS and governmental institutions were utilised by the Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, to execute the crimes alleged within this indictment. In some instances, with the support and encouragement of Radovan KARADZIC and others, the Bosnian Serb forces, SDS and governmental institutions acted in concert with forces from the Republics of Serbia and Montenegro. On 17 December 1992 the Presidency was disbanded and Radovan KARADZIC was elected sole President of the Serbian republic. (Republika Srpska). Further, from 1 January 1993 until his resignation on 19 July 1996, mainly through his positions as President of the SDS, including President of the Main Board; President of the National Security Council of the Serbian republic, President of Republika Srpska and Supreme Commander of the armed forces; Radovan KARADZIC, acting individually or in concert with others, directed and controlled the Bosnian Serb forces and all SDS and government authorities who participated in the crimes alleged in this indictment: From 17 December 1992, Radovan KARADZIC was sole President of Republika Srpska and assumed all the powers of the Presidency, including that of Supreme Commander of the armed forces, as more fully set out in paragraph 61 (d). As Supreme Commander, Radovan KARADZIC, acting in concert with other members of the Supreme Command, commanded the armed forces. During the period 1 January 1993 to 30 November 1995, the Bosnian Serb forces, SDS and governmental institutions were utilised by the Bosnian Serb leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, to execute the crimes alleged within this indictment. In October and November 1991 the Bosnian Serb Assembly also authorised Radovan KARADZIC, Biljana PLAVSIC and other leading members of the SDS to "represent and protect the interests of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina vis-a-vis federal and international bodies;" and to negotiate with Muslim and Croatian representatives on the organisation of future common life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Radovan KARADZIC, both through the formal positions alleged above, and pursuant to his de facto power, also had the authority to punish or to initiate investigations or proceedings against any persons or members of the armed forces under his command who were believed to have committed crimes on the territory of the Serbian republic. Therefore, between 1 July 1991 and 30 November 1995, both through the formal positions alleged above, and pursuant to his de facto power, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under the Bosnian Serb leadership direction and control; were committing the crimes alleged in this indictment or had done so, and failed to take necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or punish the perpetrators thereof. In addition, between 1 December 1995 and 19 July 1996, Radovan KARADZIC both through the formal positions alleged above, and pursuant to his de facto power, Radovan KARADZIC knew or had reason to know that Bosnian Serb forces under the Bosnian Serb leadership direction and control had committed the crimes alleged in this indictment, and failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to punish the perpetrators thereof. GENERAL ALLEGATIONS All acts or omissions charged as Genocide or Complicity in Genocide, were committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such. All acts and omissions charged as Crimes against humanity were part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and/or other non-Serb civilian populations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 6 April 1992, a state of international armed conflict and partial occupation existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. All acts and omissions charged as Grave Breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 ("grave breaches") occurred during the international armed conflict and partial occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Radovan KARADZIC was required to abide by the laws and customs governing the conduct of armed conflicts, including the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the additional protocols thereto. Radovan KARADZIC is individually responsible for the crimes alleged against him in this indictment, pursuant to Article 7(1) of the Tribunal Statute. Individual criminal responsibility includes planning, instigating, ordering, committing or otherwise aiding and abetting in the planning, preparation or execution of any crimes referred to in Articles 2 to 5 of the Tribunal Statute. Radovan KARADZIC while holding the positions of superior authority as set out in the foregoing paragraphs, is also criminally responsible for the acts of his subordinates, pursuant to Article 7(3) of the Statute of the Tribunal. A superior is responsible for the acts of his subordinate(s) if he knew or had reason to know that his subordinate(s) were about to commit such acts or had done so and the superior failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. ADDITIONAL FACTS The SDS was one of the three ethnically oriented parties that emerged in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 in preparation for multi-party elections to be held in November of that year. From its inception, Radovan KARADZIC was the SDS party’s president, whilst Biljana PLAVSIC and Momcilo KRAJISNIK were leading party members. Each of the three parties was aligned with one of the three principal ethnic groups in Bosnia: the SDS was the principal Serb national party; the Party of Democratic Action (hereafter SDA) was the main Bosnian Muslim national party; the Croatian Democratic Community (hereafter HDZ) was the leading Croat national party. The results of the elections reflected the dominance of these three main national parties. At the Republic level, the SDA won the most seats in the Assembly, followed by the SDS and then the HDZ. The remaining seats were split between other parties, including the former Communist Party. The central idea within the SDS political platform, as articulated by its leaders, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC, was the unity of all Serbs within Yugoslavia as the only way of protecting the Serbian national interests. This idea was related to the concept of a "Greater Serbia" which began to openly circulate in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (hereafter SFRY) in the late 1980s. The SDS regarded the separation of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the federal Yugoslav system as a threat to the interests of the Serbs living in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results of the November 1990 elections meant that, as time went on, the SDS would have had insufficient political authority to keep Bosnia and Herzegovina in Yugoslavia through democratic political processes. In the spring of 1991 the SDS began to organise certain areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina into formal regional structures through the concept of "Associations of Municipalities" which existed under the 1974 Yugoslav constitutional regime. Parallel to its organisational structure, which covered republic, regional, municipal and local community levels, in 1991 the SDS leadership developed a closed, covert internal system of command, control and communications. In this system, the main authority belonged to the central SDS party organs and, in particular, to the President and the Main Board of the party, thus ensuring complete control by the party’s leadership. In late June 1991, the SFRY began to disintegrate in a succession of wars fought in Slovenia and Croatia after the two republics declared independence on 25 June. The JNA withdrew from Slovenia after a very short period, allowing for its secession from the SFRY. In Croatia, however, the fighting continued throughout the summer and into the autumn of 1991. For the war in Croatia, the JNA issued mobilisation orders to the male population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These orders were opposed by the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which issued orders to the population that they did not have to respond to the mobilisation. As a result, very few Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats answered the call-up. On the other hand, Bosnian Serbs responded in large numbers, exhorted to do so by the SDS. As the war in Croatia continued, it appeared increasingly likely that Bosnia and Herzegovina would also declare its independence from the SFRY. The SDS however, wanted Bosnia and Herzegovina to remain a part of Yugoslavia. As it became clear that they would not be able to hold Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Yugoslav federation, the SDS began in earnest the creation of a separate Serbian territory in Bosnia and Herzegovina. By September 1991 the SDS proclaimed one Serb Autonomous Region and four Serb Autonomous Districts (hereafter SAOs). The SAOs became the first territorial foundation on which the Serbian republic was to be founded. As viewed by the SDS leaders, a major problem in the creation and control of Serbian territory was the significant Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations that lived in areas the SDS claimed. Thus, a significant aspect of the plan to create a new Serbian state was the permanent removal or "ethnic cleansing" of nearly all of the Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat and other non-Serb populations from those areas, allowing for the presence of only a small number of non-Serbs who would agree to the conditions for living in a Serb-dominated State. In the autumn of 1991, the JNA began to withdraw its forces out of Croatia and re-deploy them in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Working in conjunction with certain elements in the JNA, the SDS began to covertly arm the Bosnian Serb civilian population. A separate Bosnian Serb Assembly, dominated by the SDS, was founded on 24 October 1991 as the highest representative and legislative organ of Serbs in Bosnia. In late December 1991 the leaders of the SDS began preparations for the physical take-over of power in those municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina where Serbs did not have clear control, and for the subsequent implementation of a general plan for ethnically cleansing the areas they considered to be Serbian. The take-overs were executed following instructions issued by the SDS leadership, often through Crisis Staffs that were brought into being for this purpose. The Crisis Staff was modelled on an entity that had existed as part of the defence system in the SFRY, and was designated to take over the functioning of the municipalities or republic government, as the case may have been, during times of war or a state of emergency when the Assembly, normally the highest authority of government, would not have been able to function. The Crisis Staffs began functioning in SDS-claimed municipalities in late December 1991. They operated at both the regional and municipal levels of authority as the bodies that would be responsible for the co-ordination of the execution of most of the operational phase of the plan for ethnic cleansing. On 31 May and 10 June 1992, the Presidency ordered the re-designation of the Crisis Staffs as War Presidencies and then War Commissions in the municipalities. The War Presidencies/War Commissions maintained the same structure and virtually the same authority as the Crisis Staffs, and were still commonly referred to by the public as Crisis Staffs. The Crisis Staffs were to cease operation when the Assemblies were able to meet or to conduct business again. The regular municipal organs would then resume operation, generally under the direction of the same SDS leaders. These municipal organs then approved or validated the actions of the Crisis Staffs. On 9 January 1992, the Bosnian Serb Assembly proclaimed the "Serbian republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina". The territory of that republic was declared to include "the territories of the Serbian Autonomous Regions and Districts and of other Serbian ethnic entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the regions in which the Serbian people remained in the minority due to the genocide conducted against it in World War Two," and it was declared to be part of the Yugoslav federal state. From late March 1992, Bosnian Serb forces began to seize physical control of ethnically mixed municipalities that had been declared part of the Serbian state, including but not limited to the municipalities listed in Paragraph 9. These attacks and take-overs occurred in a similar, co-ordinated and planned manner. The attacks, take-overs and subsequent events were planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted by Crisis Staffs, War Presidencies, War Commissions and other SDS and government authorities acting under the control and direction of the SDS leadership, including Radovan KARADZIC, Momcilo KRAJISNIK and Biljana PLAVSIC. Also on 12 May 1992 the Bosnian Serb Assembly voted to create the VRS, effectively transforming the JNA units remaining in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other armed forces working in concert in Bosnia and Herzegovina into commands of the new army. The Bosnian Serb Assembly appointed Ratko MLADIC as Commander of the VRS Main Staff. In this capacity Ratko MLADIC was directly subordinate to the Presidency. The JNA "officially" withdrew from Bosnia and Herzegovina on 19 May 1992, but military operations directed against the non-Serb population continued to be carried out by the VRS and Bosnian Serb police. The JNA, which had been re-named the Yugoslav Army (hereafter VJ) during the SFRY’s reconstitution as the FRY in April 1992, continued to have strong links with the VRS. It provided critical combat, financial, and logistic support to the Bosnian Serb military effort. Many officers, commanders, soldiers, logistical centres and much equipment and supplies of the former JNA was left behind for Bosnian Serb use. Former JNA officers were transferred from their posts in JNA units to the same unit’s VRS successor and most remained in command of those units throughout the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The salaries of VRS officers continued to be paid by Belgrade. Additionally, from time to time after 19 May 1992, elements of the VJ had a direct role in the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and provided critical combat support to the VRS. Carla Del Ponte Prosecutor Dated this 28th day of April 2000 At The Hague, The Netherlands P.S. nemam više komentara na ovu temu... Prijavite se u klub ili se učlanite ukoliko to još niste učinili. Učlanjenje je besplatno. Postanite član: Prijava registriranih članova: Članova kluba: 8611 Članova online: 0 Ukupno online: 227 vaše reklame
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Stella27 (2) » 763. proba (2) Kali (2) » 765. profektus (2) MilanTarot (2) Vizije Novog Svijeta 1: Svjesne Zajednice Temelji novog svijeta, onog koji podržava slobodu, zajedništvo, obilje, povezanost i suživot s prirodom, leže u našoj namjeri, spremnosti i odlučnosti da istupimo iz postojećeg sustava i započnemo stvarati jedan drugačiji, humaniji način života. Leže u našoj spremnosti da zamislimo i počnemo stvarati viziju alternativnog modela življenja koji će zamijeniti bešćutan i neosoban sustav kapitalističke eksploatacije kojemu je u interesu jedino to da nas u potpunosti učini ovisnima o njemu samome, da nas drži što više zaposlenima i da svu svoju kreativnu energiju predajemo njemu, umjesto da ju iskoristimo za vlastiti rast i razvoj... Temelji novog svijeta, onog koji podržava slobodu, zajedništvo, obilje, povezanost i suživot s prirodom, leže u našoj namjeri, spremnosti i odlučnosti da istupimo iz postojećeg sustava i započnemo stvarati jedan drugačiji, humaniji način života. Leže u našoj spremnosti da zamislimo i počnemo stvarati viziju alternativnog modela življenja koji će zamijeniti bešćutan i neosoban sustav kapitalističke eksploatacije kojemu je u interesu jedino to da nas u potpunosti učini ovisnima o njemu samome, da nas drži što više zaposlenima i da svu svoju kreativnu energiju predajemo njemu, umjesto da ju iskoristimo za vlastiti rast i razvoj. Sustav koji centralizacijom nepostojećeg novca gazi dostojanstvo svakog čovjeka perfidno ga ucjenjujući krilaticom "radi ili umri", u kojem je čovjek sveden na razinu radilice čiji život ima vrijednost samo u kontekstu održavanja tog sustava. Sustav koji svojim nezajažljivim i neodrživim megalomanskim mehanizmom pohlepe i konkurencije nanosi štetu prirodi i njezinim resursima masovnom sječom šuma, zagađenjem voda i zraka korištenjem zastarjelih i štetnih fosilnih goriva, kemikalija, kao i stvaranjem masovnih odlagališta otpada koji se ne može iskoristiti, a koja su u velikoj mjeri posljedica nesvjesnog konzumerističkog stila života. Sustav koji je, u svojoj osnovi, parazitski i neodrživ... Pitanje koje se nameće je ovo: Je li drukčiji način života moguć i kako bi on izgledao u praksi? Već sam neko vrijeme fasciniran modelom svjesnih i namjernih zajednica okupljenih u eko-selima i duboko vjerujem da je upravo takav model življenja onaj koji učinkovito može zamijeniti postojeći. U sljedećih nekoliko odlomaka opisat ću svoju viziju jedne takve zajednice, njezinih osnovnih načela te društvenog i funkcionalnog uređenja. Zamislite sljedeći scenarij: Određena grupa ljudi jednakih životnih uvjerenja i sklonosti, okupljena u jasnoj namjeri da stvori drukčiji i smisleniji model života, kupi određeni komad zemlje negdje izvan urbane sredine, po mogućnosti u blizini šume, gdje bi osnovali svjesnu, duhovnu zajednicu utemeljenu na načelima ekološke održivosti i suživota s Majkom Zemljom. Mjesto istinske ljepote koje bi slavilo veličanstvenost i raznovrsnost prirodnih bogatstava, mjesto koje bi bilo zaštićeno od razornih utjecaja "civilizacije", područje na kojem se ne bi rušila stabla, gdje bi životinje živjele slobodno i u miru, bez straha, dobrodošle i uključene u svakodnevni život zajednice. Drugim riječima, mjesto koje bi postalo oaza poštovanja prema prirodi. ZAŠTO ZAJEDNICA? Razlog zbog kojeg je model života u zajednici toliko esencijalan za postizanje globalne društvene promjene i stvaranje novog i humanijeg načina življenja leži u činjenici da smo se, prihvaćajući moderni konzumeristički stil života u velikim urbanim sredinama otuđili jedni od drugih, izgubili svoju vezu s prirodom i sva svoja stremljenja usmjerili prema surovoj individualizaciji i nadmetanju s drugima u cilju ostvarivanja svog uskogrudnog ekonomskog profita u okviru kapitalističkog sustava eksploatacije. Urbanizacija je također vremenom doprinijela i slabljenju sela s obzirom da su mnogi ljudi odlazili u velike gradove u potragu za "boljim životom". U samom tom procesu, izgubili smo srž onoga što nas čini ljudima – sposobnost suosjećanja i zajedništva. Postali smo društvo izoliranih obitelji i stranaca koje nije briga za ništa drugo osim zadovoljavanja vlastitih interesa. To otuđenje dovelo je do niza devijantnih i destruktivnih obrazaca ponašanja, porasta nasilja i društvenih podjela. Dovelo je do izrazito neprirodnog ozračja među ljudima, do stava - ja protiv svih. Sve to skupa nas je oslabilo kao društvo i učinilo nas podložnima kontroli i ovisnima o centralizaciji moći u pojedinačnim središtima, što savršeno odgovara sustavu koji nas nastoji i dalje eksploatirati i učiniti nas sudionicima u svojoj namjeri daljnjeg iscrpljivanja resursa i narušavanja ekosustava Zemlje. Život u zajednici pruža priliku da se ponovo prisjetimo svog prirodnog stanja, što to znači biti društveno biće, živjeti u zajedništvu i slozi s drugim ljudima jednakih životnih uvjerenja koji dijele zajedničku viziju života čiji je naglasak na njegovoj kvaliteti i razvoju pojedinačnih i općih potencijala. Pruža priliku da iznova izgradimo odnose koji se temelje na suradnji i shvaćanju da ne možemo i ne trebamo sve u životu činiti sami nego da smo zajedno jači, mudriji i pametniji, da je svaki od nas drukčiji izraz onog drugog i da u našem međudjelovanju možemo ostvariti veličanstvene stvari. U srži ovakve zajednice vladalo bi međusobno razumijevanje, osjećaj obiteljske povezanosti i povjerenja između svih njezinih članova, kao i posvećenost najvišem zajedničkom dobru. Upravo je taj duh zajedništva i podrške, ta pozitivna i iskrena energija među ljudima bila ono vezivno tkivo koje je nekada bilo prisutno u malim lokalnim zajednicama, gdje su svi svakoga poznavali i međusobno si pomagali. Povratak takvom zdravom, plemenskom načinu života u skladu s prirodom gdje ljudi zajednički uređuju svoj život na način na koji njima najbolje odgovara u namjeri da stvore zajednicu koja je samodostatna u pogledu proizvodnje vlastite hrane, energetike i stvaranju lokalne ekonomije je jedini način da se postigne decentralizacija moći i da se na lokalnoj razini stvori ogledni primjerak društva koje može koegzistirati u miru, toleranciji i dijeljenju na način koji je održiv i koji nema negativan utjecaj na prirodni okoliš. Dieter Duhm, osnivač eko-zajednice Tamera u prilog tome kaže: "Izvorna zajednica ljudskih bića nije obitelj, nego pleme. Izvorna zajednica je vozilo ljudske svijesti, u koje je ljudski život, uključujući i obitelj, ugrađen. To je dio nečega što zovem svetom matricom, koja prožima cijeli život. U njoj se kozmički red povezuje s društvenim redom. Ona nije povezana s određenim vremenima ili kulturama nego je, štoviše, sastvni dio ljudskog društvenog postojanja koje nadilazi povijesne okvire. Zajednica je prijelazni stadij na ljestvici života, i ne može ga se preskakati. Ona povezuje individuu sa višim redom i izoštrava njegova/njezina osjetila cjeline. Zdrava zajednica odražava univerzalni red sa kojim se lakše možemo povezati. Preko te povezanosti funkcionalna zajednica crpi kreativnu snagu. Prirodna zajednica je slična organizmu u kojem ljudi i grupe predstavljaju organe. Organi zdravog organizma imaju različite funkcije i zadatke; jetra se ponaša drugačije od bubrega, a mozak funkcionira drugačije od srca, pa ipak, oni zajednički pripadaju istom organizmu. Kada žive u takvom organizmu, ljudi postupno prestaju živjeti prema principima uspoređivanja i nadmetanja te počinju živjeti prema principima međusobnog nadopunjavanja i podržavanja. Sustav drukčije ne bi mogao funkcionirati". DRUŠTVENO UREĐENJE I ODLUČIVANJE Kako su ljudi i njihovi odnosi pokretačko gorivo i sama srž života zajednice, od presudne je važnosti da se ljudi što više druže, zabavljaju i povezuju na razini živog i neposrednog kontakta. Odličan način da se to postigne su zajednički ručkovi, večere, jutarnja okupljanja u meditaciji i izražavanju zahvalnosti za svaki novi dan, zajedničko vježbanje, igre, grupne aktivnosti i međusobno pomaganje, sve situacije u kojima ljudi imaju priliku razvijati odnose povjerenja i bliskosti. Kroz zajedničke razgovore, pjevanje, skupno izvođenje ceremonija i proslave stvara se osjećaj jedinstva koje održava i povezuje sve članove u širu obitelj. Jedino na takvim čvrstim temeljima zajednica doista može rasti i biti stabilna. Lynne McTaggart je u svojoj knjizi "Polje" navela jedan zanimljiv primjer koji potkrepljuje ovo stajalište. "Temeljno pitanje koje proizlazi iz Braudova rada tiče se čovjekove individualnosti. Gdje je svršetak svakoga od nas, a gdje početak? Ako je svaki ishod, odnosno svaki događaj u stvari odnos, i ako su misli zajednički proces, tada trebamo jaku zajednicu dobre namjere kako bismo mogli dobro funkcionirati u svijetu. Brojna druga istraživanja dokazala su da je snažna uključenost u zajednicu jedan od najvažnijih pokazatelja čovjekova zdravlja. Najzanimljiviji primjer za to je gradić Roseto u Pennsylvaniji u kojem su živjeli isključivo doseljenici iz istog područja u Italiji. Zajedno s ljudima, u cijelosti je preseljena i njihova kultura. Mještani su dijelili vrlo kohezivan osjećaj zajedništva; premda su bogati živjeli zajedno sa siromašnima, svi su imali tako jak osjećaj uzajamne povezanosti da je ljubomora bila svedena na minimum. Roseto je tada imao sjajnu zdravstvenu statistiku. Premda je u zajednici postojalo mnogo činitelja visokog rizika (pušenje, ekonomski stres, masna hrana), u Rosetu je učestalost srčanih udara bila više nego upola manja nego u susjednim gradovima. Generaciju kasnije kohezivnost grada se raspala: mladi nisu nastavili osjećaj zajedništva i uskoro je Roseto počeo podsjećati na tipični američki grad koji je samo zajednica izoliranih pojedinaca, a učestalost srčanih udara brzo se popela na razinu susjednih područja. Tih nekoliko dragocjenih godina Roseto je bio koherentan." Prirodno je, također, da se u svakodnevnim interakcijama između ljudi koji, premda dijele zajedničku viziju, imaju izraženu individualnost, različite sklonosti i različite zamisli o načinima ostvarivanja određenih ideja, rađaju nesuglasice i konflikti. No, ukoliko su prisutne gore spomenute vrijednosti i odnosi, svi konflikti i neslaganja će se razriješiti na konstruktivan način, u atmosferi otvorenosti i iskrenosti, gdje su svi spremni razgovarati o osjetljivim temama bez agresivnosti, optuživanja i zamjerki. Još jedan od ključnih preduvjeta za zdravo okruženje u zajednici je prakticiranje izravne demokracije, u smislu da ne postoji hijerarhijski poredak u kojem jedna osoba ili mala grupa donosi sve značajne odluke, jer se time narušava ravnoteža moći i stvara atmosfera nejednakosti. Donošenje odluka o svim važnim pitanjima bilo bi organizirano na način da svatko ima pravo odlučivati o pitanjima od zajedničkog interesa koji će utjecati na njegov/njezin život u zajednici, drugim riječima, na temelju konsenzusa. Konsenzus je postupak donošenja odluka koji se temelji na najvećoj mogućoj suglasnosti unutar skupine, pri čemu se o određenom pitanju raspravlja sve dok ga svi nisu prihvatili u cilju najvišeg općeg dobra. EKO-SELO I PERMAKULTURA Imajući na umu jednu od primarnih ideja zajednice, a to je očuvanje prirode i stvaranje što slabijeg "ekološkog otiska" na okoliš, svi segmenti organizacijskog uređenja slijedili bi osnovne principe permakulture. E sad, vjerojatno se neki od vas pitaju što se u stvari krije iza tog relativno nejasnog i apstraktnog pojma kao što je permakultura. Ukratko, nastao kao izvedenica iz termina permanentna agrikultura, riječ je o konceptu koji, jednostavno rečeno, uključuje primjenu raznih alternativnih disciplina, znanja i vještina iz različitih područja ljudskog djelovanja koje za cilj imaju ekološki održiv suživot s prirodnim okolišem kao i ekonomsku neovisnost unutar lokalne zajednice. EKOLOŠKA GRADNJA Kuće koje bi sačinjavale to eko-selo bile bi izgrađene od prirodnih materijala, a njihova izgradnja uključivala bi alternativne, ekološki prihvatljive stilove gradnje, poput gradnje kuća od slame, kombinacijom balirane slame, blata i drveta koje bi se koristilo za potpornu konstrukciju, zemljanih kuća (poznatijih pod nazivom earthships) ili kombinacijom raznih stilova, čime bi se eksploatacija prirodnih resursa svela na minimum, a ujedno bi u takvim kućama bilo mnogo zdravije i prirodnije boraviti. Osim toga, treba naglasiti da su troškovi za izgradnju kuća od slame višestruko manji od konvencionalno građenih kuća istih dimenzija, a zbog fleksibilnosti i odličnih svojstava slame kao građevnog materijala, više-manje ih svatko može izgraditi i oblikovati po volji. O samom načinu i prednostima takve gradnje više pročitajte ovdje i ovdje. Prilikom izgradnje kuće za jednog člana ili obitelj, svi članovi zajednice bi mu nesebično pomagali i kroz tu pozitivnu sinergiju, svaki pothvat, za koji bi inače bilo potrebno mnogo mukotrpnog rada, bio bi ostvaren s lakoćom i radošću. S obzirom da se takvim načinom života ne radi o povratku u srednji vijek nego se teži postizanju visoke učinkovitosti i stvaranju ugodnog okruženja za sve članove, fokus bi bio na dizajniranju kuće koja bi bila u potpunosti energetski neovisna i samodostatna. U tu svrhu bi se koristili obnovljivi izvori energije, prvenstveno energija vjetra i sunca. Tako bi svaka kuća imala struju dobivenu korištenjem solarnih ploča ili vjetrenjača i toplu vodu. Na krovove bi se instalirali žljebovi za prikupljanje kišnice koja bi se skupljala u posebnom kontejneru i koristila u kućanstvu za pranje posuđa i tuširanje. Pri gradnji kuća vodilo bi se računa o tome da one budu građene po načelima pasivnog solarnog dizajna, kako bi se optimalno iskoristila energija sunca za njihovo grijanje zimi i hlađenje ljeti. Naime, pasivne solarne kuće su građevine u kojima nema aktivnog sustava za zagrijavanje. Osnovna ideja pasivne solarne kuće je da se samim oblikovanjem, orijentacijom prema suncu i visokim stupnjem toplinske izolacije, uz kvalitetnu ventilaciju prostora, stvori optimalna kuća koja ne treba konvencionalne izvore grijanja, u kojoj se toplina ne gubi i u kojoj je temperatura uvijek jednaka neovisno o godišnjem dobu. Strana kuće koja je okrenuta prema suncu najčešće je cijela obložena staklenim površinama koje upijaju toplinu sunca i ravnomjerno ju prenose na ostatak kuće čiji su zidovi sastavljeni od nekog oblika termičke mase koja pohranjuje toplinu. Termička masa uključuje zemlju u koju dio takve kuće može biti ukopan ili primjerice, zidove napravljene od automobilskih guma napunjenih zemljom. Ono što je toliko fascinantno u pogledu permakulturnih rješenja je njihova prirodnost, logičnost i iznad svega, učinkovitost po pitanju sanacije otpada. Naime, kod permakulture se ništa ne smatra otpadom nego se sve ponovo koristi u zatvorenom održivom kružnom toku. KRUŽNI TOK HRANE Primjer jednog takvog kružnog toka je kružni tok hrane. On počinje posebnom vrstom organskog uzgoja hrane po načelu "vrt bez motike" kod kojeg se ne primjenjuju tradicionalne i nasilne mehaničke metode obrade tla, nego se procesom nastiranja tla slamom i ostalim prirodnim materijalima (poznato još i kao malčiranje) stvara bogato i plodno tlo koje onda daje mnogo veći prinos. Radi se o tome da iz poštovanja prema zemlji i prirodi ne radimo nešto čime ćemo uzrokovati nasilnu promjenu, poput oranja ili prekopavanja, nego blagim intervencijama kod sijanja i sađenja dopuštamo prirodi da sama proizvede obilje. To je princip suradnje sa zemljom. Osim što je takav pristup uzgoju hrane mnogo humaniji i prirodniji, on ne zahtijeva mnogo napora kao što je slučaj kod tradicionalne poljoprivrede, gdje se neprestano borimo sa korovom, štetočinama i ostalim "napastima". Ovdje se jednostavnim nanošenjem slame i sijena sprječava razvoj korova a zemlja se održava vlažnom dok ju takav pokrov istodobno štiti od jakog sunca. Cjelokupni proces takvog uzgoja detaljno je opisala Ruth Stout u knjizi "Vrt bez motike". Svaki član bi imao vlastiti vrt u kojem bi uzgajao hranu potrebnu za prehranjivanje sebe i svoje obitelji. Jedan dio mogućeg viška hrane bi se sušio i na razne načine konzervirao za zimske dane, dok bi se drugi dio prodavao na lokalnim sajmovima ili zamjenjivao za neke druge proizvode. Nakon što smo pojeli zdravu i ukusnu hranu koju smo uzgojili na ovaj način, događa se neizbježno – tijelo se nakon procesa probave oslobađa viška tvari koji mu ne treba u obliku izmeta (kolokvijalno poznatijeg kao "dreka":D). U ovom stupnju većina "intelektualno razvijenog" i "društveno naprednog" dijela svjetske populacije prekida krug hrane na način da svoj izmet ispire najčešće čistom pitkom vodom koju onečišćava i kao takvu ju pušta u kanalizaciju, po principu "pusti i zaboravi", što za posljedicu ima stvaranje jednog od najproblematičnijih ekoloških onečišćenja pored kemijske i petrokemijske industrije s kojim se susrećemo u našem "modernom" svijetu. Razlog zbog kojeg dolazi do takve vrste zagađenja je prije svega posljedica naše emocionalne nezrelosti i duboke podsvjesne nelagode koja nam je ucijepljena dugogodišnjim društveno-psihološkim uvjetovanjem preko kojeg nas uče da na svoj vlastiti izmet gledamo kao na nešto prljavo, nepoželjno, zarazno, smrdljivo i ogavno, nešto čega se treba čim prije riješiti pod svaku cijenu kako ne bismo bili smatrani društveno nepodobnima nego bili pristojni i uvaženi članovi "čistog društva", društva koje si ne želi i ne smije priznati da sere. Ovako, pustimo vodu i mi smo sve svoje probleme riješili...naša kuća i kupaona su čisti i uredni, a mi smo pristojni i bezbrižni. Kamo ta voda odlazi i gdje završava jednostavno nije naša briga, većina o tome niti ne razmišlja jer ih i sama pomisao na to sablažnjava i stvara im nelagodu. Shvaćate, naš odnos prema nusproduktu vlastitog tijela je sam po sebi devijantan i neprirodan i zbog toga smo odlučili pretvoriti ga u otpad, umjesto u resurs. Jednom kada prihvatite da je prirodno da vaš izmet smrdi, i kada ga, primjerice, počnete doživljavati kao vrlo vrijedno i visokokvalitetno gnojivo, tada se vaš cjelokupni svjetonazor mijenja. Shvaćate da je stvaranje otpada pitanje vašeg izbora i da ste vi sami odgovorni za svoje tjelesne izlučevine. Shvaćate da je u najmanju ruku neodgovorno odbacivati svoj izmet kao otpad, i njime opterećivati prirodne ekološke sustave te da ga umjesto toga možete iskoristiti tako što ćete ga procesom kompostiranja pretvoriti u gnojivo i humus, koje će vam onda pomoći da uzgojite još bolju i kvalitetniju hranu i samim time zatvorite krug hrane. Ovdje na scenu stupa upotreba suhog ili kompostnog wc-a. Postoje mnoge izvedbe i rješenja za kompostni wc koje variraju od jednostavnih konstrukcija koje svatko može sam napraviti doma, do složenih i komercijalno razvijenih sustava koji se mogu ugrađivati u gotove stambene objekte, kao što je primjer u zemljama "trećeg svijeta" u kojima nema razvijene kanalizacijske mreže. Sama metoda kompostiranja izmeta je vrlo jednostavna. Naime, nakon nužde, wc posipate piljevinom, lišćem, zemljom ili drugim organskim materijalima, čime se neutralizira smrad. Nakon što se sadržaj spremnika napuni, ispraznite ga na posebnu kompostnu hrpu gdje se, zajedno sa ostacima od hrane, sve zajedno kompostira u periodu od godine dana, nakon čega se dobiva bogati bezmirisni humus koji se koristi kao gnojivo. Kao odličan izvor informacija o procesu kompostiranja ljudskog izmeta preporučam stranicu humanurehandbook.com na kojoj možete preuzeti iscrpan priručnik o prirodnom procesu gnojenja ljudskim izmetom. RECIKLIRANJE OTPADNIH VODA U zajednici bi se također pridavala pažnja pročišćavanju i recikliranju takozvanih "sivih voda". To je naziv za vodu koja se u kućanstvu koristi za tuširanje, pranje rublja, u kuhinji za pranje suđa i slično i koja svakodnevno nepovratno odlazi nakon što smo ju jednom koristili jer ju općenito smatramo neupotrebljivom. Osobno, nikada mi nije pala na pamet pomisao da se takva voda može pročistiti. U permakulturi se primjenjuju razne, meni osobno zadivljujuće i revolucionarne metode pročišćavanja sivih voda. Jedan od primjera je da se pored kuće iskopa umjetno jezerce u koje dotiče siva voda. Voda se pritom pročišćava na dva načina – mehanički i biološki. Mehanički se pročišćava tako što na svom putu prolazi kroz različite granulacije šljunka, a biološki tako da se u šljunak zasade biljke koje svojim mikrobiološkim djelovanjem dodatno pročišćavaju vodu. Kao biljni pročistivači se koriste trska, šaš, vrba i ostale močvarne biljke kojima odgovara kisela sredina dobivena razgradnjom organskih materijala i deterdženata koji dolaze iz kućanstva. Svojim korijenskim sustavima, biljke upijaju nutrijente iz otpadnih voda i na taj način ih pročišćavaju. U takvim jezercima se onda mogu, primjerice, uzgajati biljke za hranu. Dakle, sve je kružno, sve se može iskoristiti. Imajući to na umu, za osobnu higijenu upotrebljavali bi se prirodni i biološko razgradivi sapuni i šamponi koji bi se proizvodili unutar zajednice. Vidljivo je iz priloženoga da pristup koji nudi permakultura otvara jedan sasvim novi način razumijevanja i doživljavanja našeg odnosa s Majkom Zemljom. Pristup koji nas potiče na dublje promišljanje i preispitivanje naših dosadašnjih životnih stilova. On nam ukazuje na činjenicu da prirodnih bogatstava uvijek ima u izobilju kako bi se zadovoljile svačije potrebe, ali da ih nema dovoljno da bi se zadovoljila svačija pohlepa. Također, pokazuje nam kako uspješno djelovati u simbiozi s prirodom, kako svojim svjesnijim odnosom pridodati njezinoj bioraznolikosti, umjesto da stalno uzimamo od nje. Pokazuje nam kako možemo učinkovito održavati svoj stil života bez da uzrokujemo opterećenje ili trajnu štetu svojem prirodnom okruženju. LOKALNA VALUTA Život u zajednici, upravo zbog činjenice što na jednom užem području žive ljudi sličnih životnih uvjerenja i svjetonazora, pruža idealnu priliku za razvoj alternativnih, lokalnih valuta ili ostalih oblika lokalne razmjene i njihovu učinkovitu primjenu. Kroz međusobnu razmjenu proizvoda i usluga eko-sela sa širom lokalnom zajednicom unutar koje se nalazi, ljudi bi učvrstili lokalnu ekonomiju i u znatnoj mjeri smanjili izravnu ovisnost zajednice o dostupnosti ili nedostupnosti nacionalne valute i hirovitim te umjetno induciranim ekonomskim odnosima koji diktiraju kvalitetu života svakoga od nas. Zbog opširnosti i kompleksnosti koju za sobom povlači razrada priče o lokalnim valutama, neka ovo bude samo kratak kontekstualni uvod u mnogo složeniju temu kojom ću se detaljno pozabaviti u sljedećem postu. Ovakav model življenja nije tek utopija. Diljem svijeta postoje mnogobrojni primjeri razvijenih i stabilnih svjesnih zajednica koje su uspjele svoje vizije i namjere pretočiti u praksu. Nedavno je mladi austrijski redatelj Stefan Wolf snimio dokumentarac o društvenom uređenju i načinu života deset najvećih zajednica i eko-sela u Europi pod nazivom "A New We" (Novi Mi). Dokumentarac, nažalost, još uvijek nije u internetskom opticaju, no na You Tubeu možete pogledati službeni foršpan. Jedna od najnaprednijih i najrazvijenijih zajednica ove vrste na svijetu je Damanhur koji se nalazi u Italiji, nedaleko od Torina. Osnovan još 1975. kao vizija grupe od dvadesetak ljudi na čelu s Obertom Auraudijem, razvio se u zajednicu koja trenutačno broji tisuću članova, sa vlastitim ustavom, valutom Credito, te ogromnim podzemnim kompleksom hramova, od kojih je najpoznatiji Hram Čovječanstva, kao posveta kulturama i duhovnim tradicijama svijeta. Damanhur je poligon za eksperimentiranje u raznim područjima društvenog života i uređenja, ekologije, duhovnosti, razvoja mentalnih i parapsiholoških sposobnosti, liječenja, filozofije i umjetnosti u kojoj se odražava dubok i snažan utjecaj kulture Atlantide i drugih drevnih civilizacija. Za sam opis Damanhura bio bi potreban jedan poseban post, no slijedeći dokumentarac može poslužiti kao upoznavanje sa osnovnim idejama i filozofijom. Pogedajte i epizodu Mišakove "Na rubu znanosti" koja se bavi mistikom Damanhura. U Portugalu, u pokrajini Alentejo je smještena Tamera, biotop iscjeljenja kako ju zovu njihovi članovi. Riječ je o društveno-ekološkoj zajednici usmjerenoj ka stvaranju uvjeta za postizanje globalnog mira kao i aktivnom promoviranju nenasilne komunikacije u kriznim područjima svijeta. Zajednicu su osnovala tri Nijemca, Dieter Duhm, Sabine Lichtenfels i Rainer Ehrenpreis. U njoj živi otprilike 180 stalnih članova i više od pedeset studenata, gostiju i privremenih posjetitelja. Tamera je prva započela s projektom solarnog sela, mjesta koje bi isključivo korištenjem energije sunca osiguravalo sve energetske potrebe i proizvodnju hrane za zajednicu od pedeset ljudi. Priču o ovoj zajednici možete pogledati u trenutačno jedinom dostupnom isječku iz Wolfovog dokumentarca "A New We" u trajanju od dvadeset minuta. O tehnologiji i temeljnim principima prema kojima funkcionira solarno selo kao i mirovnom aktivizmu u Tameri pogledajte ovdje. Ovdje možete pročitati manifest Tamere na bosanskom Sieben Linden (Sedam lipa) u Njemačkoj je eko-zajednica od 120 članova koja je sagradila prvu zajedničku kuću na dva kata od balirane slame u kojoj živi dvadeset ljudi. Evo i kratkog pregleda ostalih zajednica i eko sela u svijetu. Eco Village at Ithaca, New York Rodnoe, Rusija Arca Verde i Karaguata, Brazil Yacu Yura, Argentina Dancing Rabbit, Missouri Odlična stranica na kojoj možete saznati više o raznim ekoselima u svijetu je Global Eco-village Network (GEN) (Globalna mreža ekosela), međunarodna organizacija za povezivanje i edukaciju o dizajniranju i osnivanju eko-sela i zajednica. O ekoselima i aktivnostima s područja Hrvatske i susjednih zemalja možete više saznati na stranicama Mreže ekosela Balkana Literatura: Knjižare/Knjižnice: Jeff Merrifield: Damanhur – Stvarni san Linkovi za skidanje knjiga u pdf formatu: Ecovillage Design Education – priručnik/tečaj za osnivanje zajednica Beyond You And Me – priručnik za uređenje društvenih odnosa u zajednicama. Gaian Economics – priručnik o humanoj ekonomiji. Designing Ecological Habitats Creating A Life Together – Diana Leafe Christian Sa stranice MEB-a možete skinuti seriju brošura pod nazivom "Održivost u praksi". Dokumentarci: 2012: A Time For Change – odličan i inspirativan dokumentarac novinara i pisca Daniela Pinchbecka koji govori o učinkovitim i praktično opipljivim načinima pomoću kojih se može postići globalna društvena promjena. Torrent download Garbage Warrior – dokumentarac koji govori o životu i viziji ekološkog arhitekta Michaela Reynoldsa koji je sedamdesetih godina započeo graditi "Earthshipove", energetski samodostatne kuće od zemlje i otpadnih materijala. Pogledajte film izravno na YouTubeu torrent download ZAKLJUČAK Jasno, svjestan sam obujma i izazova, kako organizacijskih tako i financijskih, jednog takvog projekta kakav je osnivanje eko-sela i svjesne zajednice. Međutim, ono što sam htio postići ovim postom je izdići se iznad tih prepreka i zasaditi sjeme u kolektivnoj svijesti o realnoj mogućnosti stvaranja humanijeg i skladnijeg društva koje podjednako poštuje ljude, prirodu i sve oblike života. Tamo gdje postoji snažna i jasna težnja, postoji i način da se ona ostvari. Moramo početi razmišljati izvan nametnutih nam okvira. Jedini način da ljudi povrate vlastitu moć i kontrolu nad vlastitim životima jest taj da se svjesnim udruživnjem i stvaranjem široke mreže samostalnih lokalnih zajednica pokrene proces decentralizacije. Ukoliko vas ovakav način života privlači i zainteresirani ste za ovu temu, bilo bi mi drago čuti vaše konstruktivne ideje i razmišljanja. Mnogo je vizionara sanjalo i sanja UTOPIJU. Neki su je i ostvarili. Da bi komuna zaživjela i preživjela dječje bolesti potrebno je da ima ili karizmatičnog vođu ili sustav samoupravljanja. Osobno, gajim sklonost utopiji, a i posjetila sam u životu neke zajednice. Kod nas, nažalost, puno priče, a malo djela. Život kakav predlažeš veliki je izazov za većinu pa je onda lakše navući papuče i s kauča na televizoru promatrati svijet. A vrijeme prolazi! Prekrasno, pročitala sam od početka do kraja. Vrlo interesantno. U takvoj zajednici sam odrastala, samo nismo imali solarne energije. Mnoga sela u B i H i danas žive sličnim načinom života. Individualni pokušaji su O.k., ali društvena zajednica uz pojedince trebala bi osigurati uvjete. Vjerujem da će se to u skoroj budućnosti i dogoditi, te da će se ljudi masovno vraćati u okrilje sela zbog životnog opstanka. Svaki čovjek na selu imao je zaokruženu životnu cjelinu. Uzdržavao je i prehranjivao sam sebe. prije desetak godina aktivno sam sudjelovala u pokušaju stvaranja takve zajednice ali na žalost nismo uspjeli i život me odnio u drugom smjeru... no nikada nisam napustila ideju o takvom udruživanju i načinu života...tko zna, ponovno sam u ideji Prijavite se u klub ili se učlanite ukoliko to još niste učinili. Učlanjenje je besplatno. Postanite član: Prijava registriranih članova: Članova kluba: 8610 Članova online: 3 Ukupno online: 376 vaše reklame