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"1",2009-12-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-egypts-football-fundamentalists","In light of the ongoing Egypt-Algeria football controversy, local sports commentators and news outlets have spoken of the need for diehard football fans to support the Egyptian national team and to protect Egyptian spectators. Such calls have grown increasingly strident since the violent acts of hooliganism - variously referred to in the local press as ""Algerian terrorism"" and ""barbaric assaults"" - perpetrated in Sudan on 18 November, which resulted in the injury of some 15 Egyptian fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egyptian sportscasters and pundits have repeatedly called for the enlistment of rough-and-ready fans from working-class districts of Cairo ahead of scheduled matches in order to confront would-be hooligans. There have also been calls for the mobilization of Egypt's ""football fundamentalists,"" known as the ""Ultras."" Had these two elements been present at the match in Sudan, the Egyptian team would have won the game and Egyptian fans would have been safe from Algerian hooliganism - at least that's the argument. In Latin, the term ""Ultra"" means ""beyond,"" while its current, local usage refers to the enthusiasm of sports fans that goes far beyond that of normal people. The label first emerged in the late 1960s when it was used to describe the hardest-core fans of football teams in the UK, Europe and South America. With their choreographed ""tifo"" displays, these dedicated sports fundamentalists would show up at matches in the hundreds or thousands, often equipped with flares, drums and massive banners. The term ""Ultras"" does not only apply to fanatics of football, but also to those of other sports, including basketball, volleyball and handball. In Egypt, there are five distinct groups of Ultras that support five different football clubs. The Zamalek's White Knights and Ultras Ahlawy were established in 2007, to be followed by the Masry's Green Eagles, Ismaili's Yellow Dragons and the Ultras 300 of Tanta. A leading member of the White Knights, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the match in Sudan had been attended by only a handful of Ultras. ""Only a few of our members attended. This is because none of the Ultras support the national team per se,"" he said. ""There are no Ultras for the Egyptian national team - only normal fans and some ordinary hooligans. But we Ultras go above and beyond this level of support. ""While it's true there was a bus loaded with Ultras - including both White Knights and Ahly Ultras - in Sudan, this was an exception,"" he added. ""This isn't the way we operate. None of the Ultras would organize for the national team, only for their respective clubs."" Nonetheless, ""this busload of Ultras confronted the Algerian hooligans and was able to protect female Egyptian football fans in the area,"" he added. The White Knight went on to describe what happened in Sudan as ""nothing out of the ordinary."" ""The level of Algerian hooliganism was in no way exceptional. We frequently see higher levels of violent hooliganism between competing Egyptian clubs both during and after matches, where scuffles break out and stones are thrown,"" he said. ""In fact, we Ultras sometimes attack our own club members and managers when their performances fall into decline. This is our way of encouraging them to improve their performance."" He went on to refer to one Zamalek basketball fan who suffered serious burns in February 2008 when Ahly fans hurled incendiary bombs at Zamalek fans following the defeat of their team. ""Eleven of our fans have been imprisoned and nine have been charged with assaulting soldiers following a match in 2008 between the army's football team and Zamalek,"" he said. ""Following Zamalek's defeat, our fans pelted soldiers with stones and the soldiers retaliated in kind. Soldiers even unleashed dogs on us... The Algerian hooliganism that took place in Sudan pales in comparison to the violent hooliganism that takes place here in Egypt - or anywhere else in the world for that matter,"" he concluded. Similar ""football wars"" have been fought in the past, including a full-fledged military conflict in July 1969 following FIFA World Cup qualifying matches between El Salvador and Honduras. With El Salvador's victory, nationalist sentiments where whipped into a frenzy by media from both sides until war was formally declared. Over 2,000 civilians - mostly Honduran - and some 1,000 troops from both countries were killed in the violent aftermath, while another 300,000 civilians - mostly Salvadoran - were rendered homeless."
"2",2009-12-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/when-all-else-fails","Science is an engine of progress. Perhaps more importantly critical thinking, skepticism and a culture of research and contemplation are the engines of civilization. And so when Hazem Zohny in Science and faith among Egyptians: Compatible? googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); finds that less than 10 percent of Egyptians accept evolution theory while some 40 percent have never heard of Darwin we should be alarmed. In dealing with the scientific, we have capitulated to religion. But we should not be surprised. It is all too possible that as we face increased poverty, disparity, human rights abuses - in Rights groups call Egypt a ""police state"", we report that once again independent human rights organizations reiterate that police torture is systematic and that a ""state of impunity"" rules - and diminishing options people might opt to turn their backs on civilization. From hijab - towards which we have complex attitudes as Ashraf Khalil explains in Hijab-free Zones? - to niqab. From tolerance to bigotry. From basic street courtesy to mayhem. Last week's Eid vacation being a case in point as those - mostly of veiled women - who braved crowded streets were harassed by the masses of young men out to have a good time. There were no incidents as collectively violent as 2007's episodes but the level of tension women now face on Egyptian streets is intimidating nonetheless. There can be little doubt that this is the same mindset as those who descended on Zamalek before the holiday with the sole aim of attacked the Algerian Embassy after Egypt lost the World Cup qualifying match to Algeria in the Sudan. They are the young men whom the mainstream press has all but unanimously called ""the real Egyptians."" We have been told by all and sundry that these men would have represented us gloriously (read: beat the living daylights out of the Algerians) should the government had the sense to send them to Sudan instead of the artistic types (read: wimps). And so it has come to be: the hooligan is now the venerated Egyptian citizen. As a leading journalist commented to me at the height of the Egypt-Algeria hysteria: ""No one seems to care that these hooligans will be the very ones to burn down Cairo sometime in perhaps the not so distant future."" But then, critical, insightful thinking is not always a hallmark of our collective consciousness. I remind you of evolution theory never mind football."
"3",2010-12-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/19-zamalek-fans-handed-one-year-prison","The Qasr al-Nil Misdemeanor Court on Saturday sentenced 19 Zamalek football club fans to a year in prison, and referred 12 others to a juvenile court. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); 31 Zamalek ""Ultras"" were questioned on charges of rioting at the Ahly club, causing damage at the sports establishment and firing flares following a handball match between the two customary rivals. Meanwhile, Zamalek football club has called for reconciliation with Ahly and expressed readiness to compensate for the damages incurred. Translated from the Arabic Edition."
"4",2011-04-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/post-revolutionary-ultras-still-full-fight","The difference between ultras and casual soccer fans is simple but crucial. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""What separates ultras from normal fans is how radical they are,"" explains Mohamed Gamal, sportswriter, author of the upcoming ""Ultras Handbook"" and in 2007 founder of the Zamalek White Knights. In short, ultras are the type of supporters commonly referred to as ""soccer hooligans"" - a term that seems well-deserved considering their history of violent antics and vandalism. In a country where soccer is as much an issue of personal pride as a national sport, and where, until recently, 'freedom of expression' was largely limited to expressions of triumphant victory or crushing defeat on the field, it comes as no surprise that tensions constantly ran high between the opposing groups, as well as authorities. In recent weeks there has been a renewed focus on the ultras. Three weeks ago an all-out brawl erupted during a match between Tunisia and Zamalek in which several members of the Tunisian team and an Algerian referee were injured. Some local media reported that ultras were mobilized during the 18-day uprising that led to the ouster of president Hosni Mubarak, both on the anti- and pro-regime sides. But even in the new era of political openness, ultras plan to remain apolitical and committed to their usual antics. Despite being a die-hard Zamalek supporter, Gamal recently left the group (to ""focus on other interests,"" he claims) but is still considered an authority on the ultras movement in general. ""They are extremists, if you want to use that word,"" he says. ""And like all extremists, they make people a little anxious."" There is no shortage of well-documented incidents - including the recent Zamalek-Tunisia clash - between Egypt's two largest ultras groups, the White Knights and the Ultras Ahlawy, as well as other, smaller groups such as the Yellow Dragons from Ismalia, or Tanta's 300. However, Gamal argues that the media is partly to blame for the largely negative public opinion. ""First, there's the problem of the media not understanding the individual groups and, as such, not being able to differentiate between them,"" explains Gamal. ""So, they end up clumping them all together under the same name - ultras."" Another problem, he says, is the lack of what he calls ""respectable and reliable"" sports journalists. ""A lot of sportswriters and media personalities are paid to slander a certain group, or shift public opinion against them for the sake of an opposing team,"" he claims. Nevertheless, and as Gamal is quick to corroborate, ""the ultras do tend to get violent very quickly."" His explanation for the Zamalek-Tunisia brawl is simply that ""the fans were unhappy with a decision made by the referee, and they went down to the pitch. Which is normal."" Surprisingly, Gamal's dismissal of the stadium-wide altercation as a typical byproduct of ultra-fuelled belligerence is not shared by current members of the White Knights, particularly those who claim to have been there. Gathering in front of the Tunisian embassy days after the incident, a large group of White Knights held up banners and posters and called out chants, in an attempt to apologize for the assault. Those who had been directly involved in the ruckus seemed the most penitent. ""Most Tunisians wouldn't accept our apologies on Facebook and internet sports sites,"" complained 21-year-old Omar Madar. ""That's why we're here."" If the Tunisians rejected the initial wave of Facebook apologies, it's safe to assume that the White Knights' second attempt at reconciliation - which Gamal would probably describe as being ""typically"" aggressive - also failed to win them over. Despite being gathered for a shared purpose, the group of approximately 300 supporters argued loudly among themselves, trading insults, orders and threats. The less abrasive members playfully shoved each other into the street and passing traffic. The fact that they all seemed to be sober robbed them of any potentially redeeming excuse. ""We had no intention of destroying anything or attacking anyone,"" Madar said, recalling the Zamalek-Tunisia game. ""We even went to the game with banners supporting the Tunisians' revolution."" ""We cheered and saluted their team when they came onto the pitch,"" he said. ""I don't know what sparked that fight,"" says his friend and fellow White Knight Amir Mohamed. ""But I remember thinking it was weird that the police weren't searching anyone at the stadium. We [my friends and I] thought it probably had something to do with the tension that still existed between police and civilians, but they still should have searched people."" ""I'm a good person with good intentions,"" Mohamed says. ""But there were other people there who you couldn't say that about, and they should have been searched."" When asked about whether he joined the sudden violence or remained in the stands as many fans did, Mohamed answers without hesitation. ""Of course I went down there. The White Knights have one thing on their mind - the Zamalek team. I had to go down there and support them in any way that I could."" ""Besides,"" he insists, ""everyone else was doing it."" Ignoring all inquiries into the exact methods of his ""support,"" Mohamed instead clarified, ""We're not trying to blame this on the National Democratic Part, or suggest that there was some conspiracy behind the fight. It was just a bunch of excited fans with nobody to stop them."" ""It was a trap,"" he said, ""and we fell into it."" It remained unclear who Mohamed and other similarly-thinking White Knights believe was responsible for setting the trap, as at that point the interview was interrupted by an elderly Knight who pushed this Al-Masry Al-Youm reporter aside and asked for ""cover"" so that he could urinate against a parked car. This type of behavior is the lighter side of what people seem to expect from ultras in general, and while it is generally frowned upon, Gamal suggests that it gave them an upper hand in the chaos of the recent revolution. ""The ultras are not politically active,"" he says, dismissing recent suggestions extremist fan groups had mobilized in support of either the protesters or former president Hosni Mubarak. While several recognizable figures such as national team coach Hassan Shehata and Hossam and Ibrahim Hassan, who share a history as twin idols of pettiness and bad sportsmanship, took to the streets in support of the toppled dictator, encouraging intimidation tactics and outright violence, Gamal argues that the ultras failed to form a united front, and instead reacted as ""Egyptians rather than soccer fans."" ""They didn't mobilize as a group, or anything like that,"" Gamal states. ""The only difference between an ultra and a normal protester is that the former knows how to take on a state security officer, out of previous experience."" Four ultras were killed in the 18-day uprising that led to Mubarak's resignation. ""The ultras just treated it like a typical fight,"" he explains. ""They went in there and bashed heads and took rubber bullets, and kept fighting. They're used to it."""
"5",2011-05-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-activists-plan-15-may-march-gaza","In the wake of youth-led uprisings across the Arab world, several international activist groups are calling for a ""march of millions"" into Gaza. The march is scheduled for 15 May, the 63rd anniversary of the establishment of the state of Israel - commonly referred to in Arabic as googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); the Nakba, or catastrophe. The march seems to have resulted from simultaneous calls for a large initiative to mark the anniversary made by several unrelated international activist groups, including some inside the Palestinian territories. Since its announcement, the initiative has been described by various online groups as ""The 2011 March of Return,"" ""The Palestinian Refugees' Revolution,"" and, in some cases, ""The Third Palestinian Intifada."" The number of similar groups, both online and on the ground, multiplied shortly after Facebook, at the request of the Israeli government, shut down one of the earliest Palestinian-based pages calling for the march. In Egypt, the movement is being organized by a coalition of groups, including the seasoned pro-democracy movement Kefaya, a new pro-Palestinian group called Kollana Makawma (or We are All the Resistance) and two contingents of hardcore football enthusiasts, or Ultras. Buses will depart from Cairo's Tahrir Square at noon on 14 May and then meet up with more protesters in Suez. Planners say they hope to reach Gaza by the evening, march on the border crossing, and participate in the marches and protests inside the Palestinian territory scheduled for the following morning. Though many of the logistics of the trip remain unclear, activists say they are not concerned about the feasibility. Besides the march, protests are also scheduled to be held outside the Israeli embassy. Egyptian activists are using the opportunity to push for local demands regarding Israel as well. ""Through this initiative, we are calling for the cessation of gas exports to Israel and the release of all Palestinian prisoners held in Egyptian jails,"" explains Salma Shukrallah, an Egyptian and founding member of the Kollana Makawma movement, which is helping spearhead the local campaign. Other demands agreed upon by the coalition of participating Egyptian groups include the permanent reopening of the Rafah border, the normalization of Egypt-Gaza trade relations, and the cancellation of the QIZ (Qualifying Industrial Zones) agreement between Egypt and Israel. First and foremost among their demands, and one shared by all international groups participating in the march, is the ""assertion of the right of exiled Palestinians to return to their homeland,"" as stated on the press statement by the Egyptian coalition. ""The former [Egyptian] regime was largely responsible for driving and enforcing the sanctions on Gaza, even when international agreements called on Egypt to keep the Rafah border open,"" said Halim Heneish, a founding member of the Youth Movement for Justice and Freedom. Heneish believes that after the toppling of the former regime it is now possible to achieve the coalition's goals. Moreover, Heneish insists that the call for the liberation of Gaza will, in a way, help ensure the formation of an Egyptian government that represents Egyptians' concern for and allegiance to the Palestinian people. ""The Zionist government,"" he says, referring to the current Israeli regime, ""will never be satisfied with the formation of an Egyptian government that properly, and truthfully, represents the Egyptian people since, by definition, such a government would not be an ally to Israel, or willing to meet its demands."" ""Israel is the source of the counter-revolution now taking place in Egypt,"" Heneish said, reiterating his belief that the Israeli government will do whatever it takes to prevent the formation of a regime that reflects Egypt's largely anti-Israel constituents. Meanwhile, plans for the march do not seem to have been affected by the news of a reconciliation deal between Fatah and Hamas, signed last Tuesday in Cairo. ""The Nakba is marked by commemorative events every year, all round the world,"" Shukrallah said. ""Due to the recent revolutions, people expected this year's commemoration to be larger and more effective."" In response to suggestions that the march to Gaza might complicate or hamper the reconciliation, which stipulates the formation of a new technocratic government and could potentially lead to the revival of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), Shukrallah said, ""There's always a reason to criticize or delay initiatives such as [the march]. People have different opinions."" ""When people voice their demands and put pressure on the ruling powers, it makes a difference when the time comes for political changes,"" Shukrallah said. ""If anything, this march will hasten and assert Palestinian unity."" But the success of the 15 May march is far from assured. Activists say they are unsure ""whether or not we'll be granted entry into Gaza."" Meanwhile, Israel has received news of the march with growing concern. Israel National News, the online version of Arutz Sheva radio, has described the march as an ""assault"" with the intention of ""intimidating and embarrassing Israel."" Last year, a flotilla of ships bringing international aid to Gaza was attacked by Israeli commandos, leaving nine pro-Palestinian activists dead. The online news source also reported that in anticipation of the march, Egypt's army has heightened its alert and intensified its forces in areas around the border, reportedly planning to seal off all entries to North and South Sinai. Meanwhile, even some who are sympathetic to the cause question the potential of the 15 May march. ""Any gesture against the Israeli entity is a positive thing, but this doesn't seem to be a realistic plan,"" said Tamim al-Barghouti, a Palestinian-Egyptian poet, during a poetry event at the Journalists Syndicate last month."
"6",2011-07-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/trouble-zamalek-match-fans-riot-set-seats-fire","Ten Central Security recruits and officers were injured in clashes with football fans on Thursday evening during a match between Zamalek and Wadi Degla at Cairo Stadium that ended in a tie. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); According to Major General Salah al-Sherbiny, assistant interior minister for the Central Security Forces, initial reports said that eight recruits and two officers sustained fractures and bruises from the fighting. Ultras, a network of football supporters whose disenchantment with police has put them on the front line of the revolution, chanted before the clashes, ""Tomorrow in Tahrir: revolution and change."" The scuffle broke out in the third-tier seats as 400 fans protested against police, as well as referees, who they said were biased against Zamalek, according to security sources. Security officials asked Zamalek Club Director Ibrahim Hassan to calm the public, but a large number of fans refused to listen to him and set seats on fire. The Central Security Forces eventually emptied the stadium and arrested some spectators, after which the military inspected the damage. Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"7",2011-08-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/elbaradei-ultras-spread-message-graffiti-campaign-alexandria","A group of Mohamed ElBaradei supporters calling themselves ""ultras"" have started a campaign in Alexandria supporting him for the presidency and making use of graffiti slogans in poor neighborhoods. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ultras have sprayed the slogan ""The Dream is Approaching"" on the walls of the city and placed his picture next to it. ""This is the first time in Egypt that graffiti has been used for campaigning,"" said Mohamed Farouk, an ultra supporter of ElBaradei. ""We use the white, red and black colors, which are the colors of the Egyptian flag."" Farouk added that the campaign concentrates on the popular areas and poor quarters of the city. Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"8",2011-08-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/elbaradeis-supporters-use-street-art-highlight-presidential-bid","Supporters of presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei in Alexandria have decided to use graffiti to support his candidacy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The group calls itself Baradaawy Ultras, an apparent reference to radical football fans, and is touring streets at night to draw pro-ElBaradei graffiti on walls. It started its first campaign in the Mina al-Bassal area, west of Alexandria. The effort was not well-received by residents, some of whom said the group was defacing walls. The group also distributed leaflets to passers-by to explain the objectives of the campaign and list where their upcoming tours will be. Mohamed Farouq, a graffiti artist and member of the campaign, said this is the first time graffiti is being used in a presidential campaign in Egypt. Graffiti is not widespread in Egypt, but it does have enthusiasts, he said. Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"9",2011-08-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dos-and-donts-pregnancy","""Don't dye your hair, don't wear tight clothes, don't drive, don't leave the house..."" are common pieces of advice that pregnant women might hear during their pregnancy. ""They are unfounded, and there are even studies proving that these kinds of fears are not rationale,"" explains the Cairo-based gynecologist, Hussein Gohar. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Aya, is pregnant and she read that cycling or running should be avoided. Gohar explains that some women think that doing any form of exercise is bad for the baby. ""On the contrary, doing exercise is good and doesn't increase the risk of miscarriage, it is recommended to do exercise a few weeks before the delivery date. It is good for the baby's weight and height."" Batoul is seven months into her pregnancy; she was advised to avoid X-rays and any kind of radiation or electrical gates, just like Mohal and Aya. Again, ""This is not founded,"" asserts Gohar. In fact, those machines emit little radiation and if X-rays are recommended, it's certainly better to have those, to make sure the fetus is healthy. ""By the way,"" Gohar says, ""ultrasound machines do not reveal the fetus' soul."" Mohal is a future mother, and she was advised to listen to classical music, such as Mozart. ""I should start doing it, as it's good for the sense of listening"" she says. Same for Aya, ""I was told that I should either talk to my baby or make it listen to Mozart, but I don't really have time to do that unfortunately."" To this, Gohar replies, ""When Mozart's mum was pregnant, she obviously wasn't listening to her son's future compositions, so it won't make your baby more gifted by listening to classical music."" The doctor explains that some women fear that wearing tight clothes or sitting cross legged might suffocate the baby by putting the umbilical cord around its neck. ""The fetus is getting oxygen through blood and doesn't breathe, so there's no risk of strangling it except during delivery,"" says Gohar. Pregnant women, like Aya or Batoul, were told by their doctors that fasting was ok during Ramadan as long as they didn't feel dizzy or dehydrated. Both tried; Aya felt fine and so decided to carry on. ""I eat bean sandwiches, so they stay in my stomach, and I drink a lot of milk,"" says Aya. When Batoul tested herself, ""I felt thirsty and tired after the first day, so decided not to fast."" Gohar insists that it's not ok to fast while pregnant. ""The fetus needs to receive proteins and other essential nutriments continuously and not only once per day,"" he says. It's the same deal during breast feeding, he says. A woman feeding her baby through her blood or milk, should have a diet as healthy as possible to fill the baby's essential needs. Some of Gohar's patients believe that sexual intercourse or wearing high heels might be a cause for miscarriage. ""High heels will not lead to miscarriage, but they are a reason for back pain. As regards to sexual intercourse, it's untrue,"" says Gohar. On the contrary, sex might be more pleasurable because of the change in the woman's body, which might ease the vaginal lubrication. The Cairo-based gynecologist also saw women coming to him asserting that drinking too much water might harm the fetus, as it would increase the water around it. ""Yet, the water is actually mainly urine and will not prevent the baby from breathing,"" explains Gohar. Ahmed Fayed, a Cairo based psychiatrist, explains: ""Fears like those might happen during the pregnancy because women are more sensitive due the increase of hormones in their bodies."" ""Women probably wouldn't believe what people advise them to do during pregnancy, but because of their condition, they believe everything related to their baby."""
"10",2011-09-07,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/mubarak-trial-updates-tantawi-summoned-testify-court-reconvene-thursday","6:06 pm: googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The 8th and 9th witnesses will testify Thursday. 5:48 pm: The court acquits the fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, of perjury charges. 5:40 pm: The court has decided to summon Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, head of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, to testify in a secret session on Sunday. Also to be summoned are: Armed Forces Chief of Staff Sami Anan on Monday, former Intelligence Director Omar Suleiman on Tuesday, Interior Minister Mansour al-Essawy on Wednesday and former Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy on Thursday. The judge has imposed a gag order on media outlets and forbidden coverage of all sessions from Sunday to Thursday. 5:38 pm: Live broadcasts on state TV show an ambulance carrying Mubarak from the academy. 5:30 pm: Plaintiffs' lawyer Sameh Ashour, a former head of the Lawyers' Syndicate, told Al Jazeera that the plaintiffs' lawyers don't trust the witnesses since six of them come from the police. It's clear that their testimonies are made up, said Ashour, adding that the plaintiffs' lawyers will file a request to hold the first witness in custody on grounds of perjury. The first witness, General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa, head of communications for Central Security Forces, told the court that Adly didn't order the shooting protesters. This testimony contradicts with what Moussa claimed previously when investigated by prosecutors. 5:00 pm: Some of the plaintiffs' lawyers are demanding to reinvestigate the whole case and add high treason to Mubarak's criminal charges. 4:24 pm: Martyrs' families outside the Police Academy have expressed deep dissatisfaction over the witnesses' testimonies, which undermine the case against Mubarak and Adly. Mohamed Abdel Fatah, who said his son died by a bullet on 29 January, accused the witnesses of telling lies. He told Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent that he believes their testimonies were fabricated to favor Mubarak and Adly. 3:53 pm: Gameel Said, Ramzy's lawyer, was beaten by anti-Mubarak protesters outside the Police Academy, Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent reports. 3:48 pm: State TV reports that the seventh witness, former Police Major Tarek Abdel Moneim, told the court that he could not identify who exactly shot him when he was wounded by a pellet. Moneim also said he saw a man named Mostafa al-Sawy, who got injured in the face. Later on, he found out Sawy had died. He said he saw policemen carrying shields, sticks, guns, which were used to deploy tear gas bombs as well as pellets and rubber bullets. However, he did not see policemen armed with live ammunition weapons, Moneim said. 3:47 pm: The court is in recess. Most of the martyrs' families who were protesting outside the Police Academy have left, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent. Hassan Abu Aleneen, a plaintiff's lawyer, said that he believes today's session will end within 30 minutes, the correspondent says. 3:22 pm: State TV reports that the seventh witness, Tarek Abdel Moneim - a former police officer who joined protesters on 28 January - has told the court that he got injured by a pellet during the revolution. He affirmed that other protesters were wounded while walking by his side on 28 January. 3:20 pm: Prominent journalist and TV host Wael al-Ebrashy, who is attending the trial, told reporters that he believes the witnesses were pressured to undermine the prosecution. According to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent, Ebrashy said that holding the fifth witness in custody for perjury represents a warning to all witnesses. 3:18 pm: State TV reports that the defendants' lawyers asked the court to hold the first witness in custody on grounds of perjury. The first witness, General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa - the head of the Central Security Forces (CSF) communications - on Monday told the court he heard Ahmed Ramzy, the head of CSF and one of Adly's aides on trial, saying there would be attacks on police stations and the Interior Ministry headquarters. Moussa said Ramzy then decided unilaterally to arm policemen with automatic weapons and live ammunition. 3:12 pm: The seventh witness, Tarek Abdel Moneim, a former police officer who joined protesters on 28 January, testifies. 3:10 pm: Al Jazeera earlier spoke with a Mubarak supporter who denied that Mubarak and others on trial are responsible for killing the protesters. As shown in this video, the woman, raising Mubarak's picture and standing outside the courthouse, told the reporter: ""It is Iran, Hizbullah, Palestine, Qatar and some Iraqi Shia who killed protesters."" ""Mubarak, his sons, [the former] interior minister and generals are innocent,"" she added. 3:03 pm: Security is being tightened outside the court, state TV reports. 2:46 pm: The sixth witness, Police Sergeant Abdel Hameed Rashed Abul Yazeed, begins his testimony. 2:40 pm: The session resumes. 2:10 pm: Here's a summary of reactions over the fifth witness, Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeen Mohamed of Egypt's Central Security Forces. The most serious challenge for the defendants' lawyers so far has come after Judge Refaat decided to hold Mohamed in custody. Plaintiffs' lawyers and prosecutors told the judge that the captain changed his testimony, and accused him of perjury. During his testimony, Mohamed denied the use of live ammunition against protesters. But in March, he told prosecutors that Central Security Forces were supplied with live ammunition. So far, only one witness, General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa, head of communications for Central Security Forces, has testified against any of the accused. Moussa said Ahmed Ramzy, former assistant minister for the Central Security Forces, ordered the supply of the Central Security Forces with live ammunition. Nabil Medahat Salim, Ramzy's lawyer, told Al Jazeera that the first witness's testimony doesn't pose a challenge for Ramzy, because the witness didn't realize any orders to supply forces with automatic weapons and only heard it over a handheld radio. All the witnesses so far are various ranking police officers who belong to the same department in the Central Security Forces. Meanwhile, one of the lawyers has demanded that General Mohsen al-Fangary, assistant defense minister, be summoned to testify about the killing of protesters. 1:55 pm: The court is in recess. 1:44 pm: Judge decides to hold the fifth witness in custody on grounds of perjury. 1:30 pm: Prosecutors accuse the fifth witness of perjury. 1:21 pm: Prosecutors demand that the fifth witness be prosecuted on grounds of recanting his original testimony. Meanwhile, 20 young men rally outside the Police Academy and insult police. The police remain self-restrained. Military officers intervene to calm protesters down. 1:00 pm: Here's a wrap-up of the testimony of the fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed. Like the other prosecution witnesses, he denies the use of live ammunition during the revolution. He only learned about the shooting of protesters from TV, he says. State TV reports that Judge Refaat asked Mohamed, ""What were you assigned to do between 25 and 28 January?"" Mohamed replied, saying that between 25 and 27 January, he was stationed in the Central Security Forces camp. On the 28th, he was sent out with the first brigade. ""What kind of arms did you carry?"" Refaat asked. He said soldiers and officers were armed with sticks, shields, tear gas bombs and pistols loaded with pellets. He denied that Central Security Forces were armed with live ammunition. The judge said, ""Some victims were shot with live ammunition, who you think had shot them?"" He replied saying, ""I do not know."" He added that Central Security Forces officers are usually prohibited from carrying any machine guns or their personal pistols - which normally are loaded with live bullets - when they are sent out to demonstrations. 12:55 pm: Mubarak's main lawyer, Farid al-Deeb, leaves the courtroom, state TV reports. 12:50 pm: The plaintiffs' lawyers reject the participation of Kuwaiti lawyers in Mubarak's defense team. 12:45 pm: State TV reports that plaintiffs' lawyers agreed that Sameh Ashour, a former head of the Lawyers' Syndicate, will represent them during the current session. 12:30 pm: A woman who supported Mubarak went to the anti-Mubarak protesters and tried to defend the former president, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent outside the Police Academy. The move lead to clashes between the two sides, but the atmosphere is calm now. 12:29 pm: The fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, begins his testimony. 12:20 pm: The courtroom is calm after plaintiffs' lawyers reached an agreement about their demands, state TV reports. Meanwhile, Mubarak's supporters - around 10 people - leave the Police Academy area through a back door. Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent says they were guarded by police. 12:12 pm: State TV says that the plaintiffs' lawyers who withdrew from the hearings earlier returned back. Prior to the recess, they demanded a 15-minute break to coordinate among themselves. 12:06 pm: The session resumes. 12:02 pm: Around 10 Mubarak supporters have arrived at the Police Academy, Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent reports. Anti-Mubarak protesters approached them and started chanting anti-Mubarak slogans. 11:55 am: Journalist Farah Saafan tweets that police are sexually harassing anti-Mubarak female protesters. 11:50 am: The pro-Mubarak Facebook page ""I'm Sorry Mr. President"" expresses deep anger after one of the plaintiffs' lawyers insulted Mubarak during the hearings. The page administrator said that insulting the former president is ""the worst incident in the history of the Egyptian judiciary."" 11:48 am: Al Jazeera reports that the plaintiffs' lawyers demand that Prime Minister Essam Sharaf be summoned to testify about allegedly smuggled money. 11:40 am: Anti-Mubarak protesters are chanting against Egypt's military rulers outside the Police Academy, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent there, saying ""Expose your chest for bullets, we are calling for retribution,"" and ""Oh, mean Tantawi, the blood of martyrs is not cheap,"" among other slogans. 11:38 am: Judge Refaat orders a three-minute court recess, which is the first during this session. 11:32 am: Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent inside the courtroom confirms earlier reports that one of the plaintiffs' lawyers insulted Mubarak during the hearings. 11:17 am: In Wednesday's session, three witnesses from Egypt's are due to testify before the court - Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, Police Sergeant Abdel Hameed Rashed Abul Yazeed and former Police Major Tarek Abdel Moneim. Moneim has previously told the prosecutors that a police general and 15 of his aides broke into the building of the American University in Cairo, facing Tahrir Square, and opened fire against protesters from inside. 11:14 am: Al Jazeera's Mubashir Misr channel reports that Sameh Ashour, a former head of the bar association, and some of the lawyers representing victims' families have withdrawn from the hearings in objection to ""chaotic"" conditions inside the courtroom. 11:10 am: State TV reports that one of the plaintiff's lawyers insulted Mubarak during the hearings. 11:00 am: State TV says that the plaintiffs' lawyers demanded that Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, former intelligence chief Omar Suleiman, and former First Lady Suzanne Mubarak be summoned to court to give their testimonies. Meanwhile, Mohamed Zahran, a relative of one of the protesters killed during the revolution, shouts at the anti-Mubarak protesters, demanding that they stop cursing and chanting anti-police slogans. ""The media are deploying such acts to ridicule our cause and provide a legitimate pretext for the police to crackdown on us,"" Zahran told Al-Masry Al-Youm outside the courtroom. State TV airs live footage from outside the courtroom with protesters raising banners that depict Mubarak's head surrounded by gallows. The banners read: ""Put the serial killer on trial."" 10:55 am: Al-Arabiya channel, quoting a source inside the courtroom, reports that Judge Ahmed Refaat refused to enter the courtroom because of lawyers chanting anti-Mubarak slogans in the courtroom. 10:52 am: State TV says the plaintiffs' lawyers are telling the court their demands. 10:40 am: A group of Ultras Ahlawy are playing with firecrackers and chanting anti-Mubarak slogans. Clashes erupted between the ardent football fans and security forces outside the Police Academy. No casualties have been reported so far. 10:30 am: Egypt's flagship paper Al-Ahram reported today that the Interior Ministry has decided to tighten its security measures around Gate 8 of the Police Academy. 10:29 am: State TV reports that five Kuwaiti lawyers are being seen inside the courthouse. 10:26 am: State TV reports that the trial has started. 10:28 am: Verbal clashes erupted in the courtroom between the defendants' lawyers and members of martyrs' families. Judge Ahmed Refaat, according to state TV, refused to enter the courtroom unless lawyers of both sides keep quiet. 10:00 am: Images from state TV show an ambulance carrying Mubarak stopping outside the courtroom, guarded by armed and masked army officers. Mubarak entered a room in the academy and a hospital bed was brought outside the room. Mubarak is seen laying on the bed and wearing a blue Lacoste tracksuit (according to Egyptian law, defendants on trial must be dressed in white). 9:55 am: A plane carrying Mubarak arrives at the Police Academy from the International Medical Center, where the former president is being hospitalized. 9:25 am: Some people are starting to gather around the Police Academy. Eyewitnesses said they are mainly anti-Mubarak protesters; their numbers are much fewer than the previous sessions. Rumors are circulating that a number of ardent football fans, known as the Ultras, may join the crowd to protest what they perceived as police brutality against their members on Tuesday night when Central Security forces chased Ahly fans outside the Cairo Stadium premises after they chanted slogans against Mubarak and Adly. 8:15 am: A team of five Kuwaiti lawyers, who previously announced that they will join the defense team of the ousted president, is being kept in a room close to the courtroom. No information is provided as to whether they will be allowed to enter the courtroom or not. 8:00 am: State TV reports that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and his six aides, along with Mubarak's sons, arrived at the Police Academy. 7:00 am: Trial of former President Hosni Mubarak is to convene for its fourth session Wednesday morning. Summary of the 5 September session: Four policemen took the stand Monday to supposedly testify against Mubarak and his top security officials. However, their testimonies fell short of proving that Mubarak and his notorious former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly did not order the use of weapons against protesters. The first witness General Hussein Saeed Mohamed Moussa, head of communications for Central Security Forces, said Ahmed Ramzy, former assistant minister for the Central Security Forces, was responsible for the order to arm Central Security Forces with automatic guns. The courtroom became chaotic after a pro-Mubarak lawyer raised the former president's photo, a move that infuriated the lawyers of the plaintiffs and members of the martyrs' families. Outside the court, scores of people were injured in clashes between Mubarak's supporters and anti-Mubarak protesters."
"11",2011-09-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/mubarak-trial-updates-adly-implicated-mubaraks-fate-be-determined-sunday","Wrap-up of Thursday's session: googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); On Thursday, the fifth session of Mubarak's trial saw witnesses accuse the former minister of interior of ordering the shooting of protesters. Police Commander Essam Shawky, the eighth witness, told Judge Ahmed Refaat that Adly ordered to quell the anti-government protests this year by 'any means,' state television reported. Shawky, who served in the anti-riot police during the popular uprising against Mubarak, presented to the court a CD that he said contained scenes showing police firing on demonstrators. The ninth witness, Police General Hassan Abdel Hameed, confirmed Shawky's testimony. He told the court that he attended a meeting on 27 January in which Adly ordered implementation of ""Plan 100,"" a secret plan whereby police would deter protestors from reaching Tahrir Square by any and all means. ""[The eighth witness] has dropped a bombshell,"" said Mohamed Zarea, a lawyer representing 500 injured and martyrs, arguing that his testimony proves that Adly was involved in the killing of protesters. Zarea told Al-Masry Al-Youm in a phone interview that Shawky's testimony proves that Adly instigated ""all illegal practices that occurred during the revolution,"" added Zarea. ""By the same token, Mubarak, who authorized Adly to crush the demonstrations, should be held responsible for what happened,"" said Zarea. In the session, Adly's lawyer attempted to undermine the credibility of prosecution witness General Abdel Hameed, saying he has documentation of a dispute between Adly and Hameed. In the following session, scheduled for Sunday, Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi is due to testify in a closed session. ""The appearance of Tantawi, Anan, Soliman, a former interior minister and the incumbent minister proves that it is a serious trial and not a play,"" said Zarea who added that ""The testimonies of Tantawi will be critical."" On May, Tantawi said during the graduation ceremony at the Police Academy that the Armed Forces had refused to open fire on protesters. If Tantawi tells the court that he was asked to mobilize the armed forces to crush the protests,"" this will imply that that the same request was addressed to the Interior Ministry earlier,"" Zarea added. ""I think [Tantawi's] testimony will prove that Mubarak was involved and aware of the killing of protesters,"" he added. 4:42 pm: State TV broadcasts Mubarak being wheeled out of Police Academy on his gurney. 4:38 pm: Court adjourns until Sunday. 3:56 pm: Former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly's lawyer attempts to undermine the credibility of prosecution witness General Hassan Abdel Hameed, saying he has documentation of a dispute between Adly and Hameed, according to state TV. 3:48 pm: Court is in recess. 2:41 pm: A group of people are chanting against the police outside the academy while whacking a poster of Mubarak with their shoes, Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent reports. 2:40 pm: Al Jazeera reports Abdel Hameed as saying ""Plan 100"" includes shooting at protesters and securing Gamal Mubarak's transportation despite the earlier state TV report that he knows nothing about the plan. 2:28 pm: State TV quotes Abdel Hameed, the ninth witness, as saying ""'Plan 100' is a secret plan for Central Security Forces and I don't know it."" 2:20 pm: More than 10 Facebook pages have cropped up saluting Police Commander Essam Shawky, who testified today saying that Adly ordered protesters killed. 2:05 pm: More security forces are arriving outside the court, according to Al-Masry Al Youm's correspondent. 2:00 pm: General Hassan Abdel Hameed tells the court that, during a meeting with top police officials on 27 January at 1:30 pm, Adly discussed ""Plan 100."" Hameed says the plan authorized police to block Tahrir Square entrances and use any means to prevent protester numbers from reaching 1 million. Abdel Hameed says that Ahmed Ramzy, former assistant minister for Central Security Forces, said at the time that his forces could apply something stricter than ""Plan 100."" Abdel Hameed claims he objected to the plan, and Adly responded by transferring him to another post to ""learn how to disperse protesters."" Abdel Hameed also testifies Adly told his aides during the meeting that he would order internet and phone service cut. 1:30 pm: Police Commander Essam Shawky, the prosecution's eighth witness, has informed the court that General Hassan Abdel Hameed attended a meeting at the Ministry of Interior with Adly and his aides on 27 January. Shawky said Abdel Hameed, who is testifying before the court, told him that Adly ordered his aides to use any means necessary to disperse protesters, state TV reports. 1:13 pm: Head Judge Ahmed Refaat listens to the prosecution's ninth witness General Hameed. 1:10 pm: When asked if he had a comment about Police Commander Essam Shawky's testimony, Mubarak told the judge that he has no comment. Adly told the judge that the testimony was completely incorrect, state TV reports. 1:07 pm: The trial reconvened a few minutes ago, state TV reports. 1:00 pm: Anti-Mubarak protesters burn his photo while chanting ""Allah Akbar"" (God is great). 12:30 pm: Protesters outside the Police Academy are chanting against Egypt's military rulers, Mubarak and Adly. 12:17 pm: State TV reports court in recess. 11:15 am: Police Commander Essam Shawky: I warned the public prosecutor to seize all Central Security Forces records before they could be damaged. 11:12 am: Adly ordered internet and the phone service cut, according to Shawky. 11:08 am: Shawky: Adly ordered police officers to support Central Security Forces and ordered them armed with automatic weapons. He also gave orders to hide police vehicles inside the Police Academy. 10:52 am: Shawky says he told the public prosecutor during questioning that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and his aides ordered the killing of protesters. He also says Adly ordered protesters dispersed by any means. 10:45 am: Head Judge Ahmed Refaat calls the prosecution's eighth witness, Police Commander Essam Shawky, to the stand. 10:40 am: State TV reports that the trial has started. 10:13 am: A small group of martyrs' relatives are outside the Police Academy. Pro-Mubarak protesters have not yet appeared, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm's correspondent. ""It's obvious. They are playing with the people. The prosecution witnesses changed their testimonies. This is a charade,"" Abdel Karim Ibrahim, whose brother Moustafa Ibrahim was on 28 January, told Al-Masry Al-Youm. 10:08 am: State TV broadcasts footage of the ambulance carrying Mubarak arriving outside the Police Academy guarded by armed and masked army officers. A hospital bed is brought to a room where the former president is waiting to take him into the courtroom. 9:55 am: A plane carrying Mubarak arrives at the Police Academy from the International Medical Center, where the former president is being hospitalized between court sessions. 9:25 am: A small crowd is gathering outside the Police Academy. Eyewitnesses say they are mainly anti-Mubarak protesters; their numbers are much smaller than during previous sessions. Rumors are circulating that a number of ardent football fans, known as the Ahlawy Ultras, may join the crowd to protest what they perceive as police brutality. Central Security forces chased Ahly fans outside the Cairo Stadium for chanting slogans against Mubarak and Adly during a match Tuesday. 8:15 am: State TV reports that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and his six aides, along with Mubarak's sons, have arrived at the Police Academy. 7:00 am: The fifth session of the trial of former President Hosni Mubarak convenes Thursday morning. Summary of the fourth session, Wednesday 7 September: The court agreed to summon Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, Mubarak's defense minister for 20 years and now leader of ruling military council, to testify on 11 September. Judge Ahmed Refaat also summoned other top officials including Armed Forces Chief of Staff Samy Anan, former Intelligence Chief and, briefly, Vice President Omar Suleiman and Interior Minister Mansour el-Essawy. Police witnesses called by the prosecution this week have suggested that neither Mubarak nor his former Interior Minister, Habib al-Adly, gave security forces orders to shoot protesters. Two witnesses said they were told to show ""self restraint."""
"12",2011-09-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursday-papers-anxiety-over-mubaraks-trial-farmers-reject-scaf-celebration","News about the ongoing trial of toppled President Hosni Mubarak, his sons, former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly, and six of his aides continues to dominate the front pages of most newspapers, with the top story being Judge Ahmed Refaat's decision to summon Egypt's current leaders to testify. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The court decided Monday to summon Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, head of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), Armed Forces Chief of Staff Samy Anan, former Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman, Interior Minister Mansour al-Essawy and former Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy to testify next week in closed sessions. State-run Al-Akhbar leads with the sensational headline ""Field Marshall confronts Mubarak in a secret session on Sunday."" News about the fifth witness, Central Security Forces Captain Mohamed Abdel Hakeem Mohamed, being charged with perjury after he changed his testimony in favor of Mubarak is also stirring debate. Even though the court acquitted Mohamed before the end of the session, analysts see this as a warning to other witnesses. In his editorial in private daily Al-Tahrir, Ibrahim Eissa writes about the weak evidence and documents collected against Mubarak, and leads with the headline ""Statements that say nothing."" Eissa argues that amid the revolutionary fervor, public pressure on the prosecutor's office brought Mubarak to court without solid evidence. The process of investigation and evidence collection was chaotic, argues Eissa, citing the refusal of police forces to cooperate with the prosecutor, the destruction of documents on State Security premises, and former Presidential Chief of Staff Zakariya Azmy's alleged destruction of documents at the presidential palace for weeks after Mubarak stepped. The leftist party paper Al-Wafd runs the headline ""The end of the January revolution: Mubarak's acquittal ... Al-Adly rules the Interior Ministry ... And preparations for rigging the election"" on its front page, citing the increased security around the courtroom outside the Police Academy and the way the defendants are treated. Al-Tahrir also cites statements by some officers responsible for securing the courtroom praising Mubarak and Adly. Some reportedly told martyrs' families outside the academy that the defendants would be acquitted for lack of evidence. In response to the planned Friday protests to get the revolution back on track, the state-run Al-Ahram runs a short piece about the SCAF's statement on Wednesday warning protesters against damaging public or military property and assigning the protest's organizers the responsibility for securing the demonstration. Most privately owned newspapers comment on the SCAF's decision to celebrate Farmers Day on Friday at the Cairo Stadium to coincide with the Tahrir protests. The Ministry of Agriculture is planning to host at least 50,000 farmers from various Egyptian governorates at the stadium, writes privately owned Al-Shorouk. The general farmers union established after the January protests with about half a million members has, however, refused to take part in the celebrations. Syndicate head Mohamed Abdel Kader announced that farmers would instead march from the Ministry of Agriculture in Dokki to Tahrir Square where they would plant a tree in tribute to the martyrs of the revolution, writes Al-Shorouk. Al-Shorouk also runs a special report on the conditions of Egyptian peasants and the main expectations farmers have for their new union, which include providing a social security system and health care, reforming the fertilizers market, providing access to local markets without intermediaries, and establishing complementary industries. Regarding the government's recent interest in celebrating farmers, Wael Kandil writes in his column that the timing is ironic and it is surprising how ""love can happen suddenly just like death."" Regarding the punishment of Ahlawy Ultras following unrest at Tuesday's match, Ahmed al-Sawy writes in his Al-Shorouk column that it remains unclear why security forces show such courage and competency in dealing with political protests and violence, yet crime prevails on the street and police officers do not even dare to file a ticket against drivers that double park. Minister of Interior Mansour al-Essawy, however, speaks of the competency of police forces in an exclusive interview with Al-Wafd. And asked about the preparations for the upcoming parliamentary elections, Essawy describes them as the easiest in Egypt's history, assuring the public that there will be no problems in the voting process. As the debate over the supra-constitutional principles continues, the Muslim Brotherhood issued a statement titled ""The Critical Stage the Revolution is Going Through"" on Wednesday demanding that SCAF to ""respect"" the results of the March referendum, writes the privately owned Youm7. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Arab Nasserist party"
"13",2011-09-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/anti-military-rally-tahrir-swells-tens-thousands-more-march-around-cairo","Around 30,000 protesters gathered in Tahrir Square Friday to protest the ruling military council's performance and their numbers continued to rise into the late afternoon for the demonstration dubbed ""Correcting the Path of the Revolution."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Some of those present since midday prayers were discouraged that turnout was lower than organizers had hoped for, however the crowd was steadily swelling and was expected to reach 50,000 before the demonstration's scheduled 6 pm end time. ""It is the first Friday after Ramadan, and summertime. I believe that the number will increase in the coming demonstrations,"" said political activist and blogger Ahmed Gharbeia. Several marches feeding into Tahrir from around Cairo have been adding a steady stream of protesters. One group came from the Israeli Embassy in Dokki, while the April 6 Youth Movement also came from Mohandiseen with at least 500 supporters. Islamist groups were, as expected, not present in the square. April 6, secular revolutionary groups, as well as the football fans known as Ahly and Zamalek ""Ultras"" led most of the chants. The Ultras, who have been active in many demonstrations throughout the revolution, came in the wake of clashes at an Ahly soccer game, where 90 fans were arrested. Around 200 Ultras marched to the Ministry of Interior to protest the arrests, demand police reform and chant against former Minister Habib al-Adly. Adly is facing trial, along with former President Hosni Mubarak, on charges of killing protesters during the revolution. ""The Interior Ministry before the revolution is the same as after the revolution in how it treats us soccer supporters,"" said Qadry Adel, 21. Members of the Independent Farmers' Union also participated in the protest, despite a government-planned celebration of Farmers' Day occurring at the Cairo Stadium and attended by the heads of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. ""We are protesting corruption in the Ministry of Agriculture and calling for regulations to make Egypt agriculturally independent,"" said the secretary general of the union's Giza branch, Misbah Asaker. Around 100 members of the Farmers Union assembled in Tahrir after protesting at the Agriculture Ministry. Asaker claims that farmers who went to the SCAF celebration were paid LE50 and provided with food and transportation. In the square, protesters loudly voiced anger over the continued practice of trying civilians in military courts. ""We are here today to raise awareness as to the sheer breadth of military trials around the country and to pressure the SCAF to stop the military trials,"" said Director of the No to Military Trials group Mona Seif. The group claims that more than 12,000 civilians have been tried in military courts since March. ""Military trials are an infringement on the right of Egyptians, and must end immediately,"" said legal activist and former MP Gamal Zahran, speaking from Tahrir's main stage. Many of the demonstrators focused their anger on the continued state of lawlessness in the country that many of them see as a deliberate attempt by counter-revolutionary forces to promote instability. ""The Egyptian Army is great and, along with the Ministry of Interior, could put an end to any gang of thugs if they want to. They are letting them be to keep us living in a state of fear,"" said director Khaled Yousef. Many in the square also called on the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to revisit the newly devised laws regarding parliamentary elections. ""The new laws open the doors for material politics to dominate, just as it did before the revolution,"" said political analyst Ammar Ali Hassan while in the square Friday. Demonstrators are gearing up for a march to the Judges' Club at 5 pm to call for fair elections, fair trials for former regime officials, the abolition of military trials and repatriating funds allegedly stolen by corrupt public officials. Around 100 people were also headed to the Israeli Embassy to resume protests that began there last month following an Israeli border raid that killed five Egyptian security and police officers."
"14",2011-09-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-football-fans-gather-interior-ministry-chant-against-adly","Hundreds of Ahly and Zamalek football fans marched from Tahrir Square to the Interior Minsitry headquarters during a larger protest Friday to call for police reforms and an end to human rights violations. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police officers closed the ministry's gates as the Ahlawy Ultras and White Knights chanted against former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly, who is currently standing trial for killing protesters during the revolution. When one of the protesters hurled an empty bottle at the building, other protesters interfered to stop him, chanting, ""Our revolution is peaceful, our revolution is peaceful."" Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"15",2011-09-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-referred-trial-following-riots","Egypt's Public Prosecutor decided on Saturday to refer nine Ahly Football Club fans for speedy trials on 14 September, and to refer seven others to the Specialized Child Prosecution due to their youth. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Judicial sources told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the defendants were charged with assaulting police officers, destroying public and private property, terrorizing people and disturbing public security. They were arrested during riots that followed a football match between the Ahly and Aswan Clubs at Cairo Stadium on Tuesday night. News reports said the clashes began after some diehard Ahly fans, known as the Ultras, attacked central security forces and chanted slogans against former President Hosni Mubarak and the Ministry of Interior. According to the prosecution, the clashes left 10 police cars, three trucks and two motorcycles belonging to the Traffic Department destroyed by fire. It also resulted in the injury of 88 people, including five police officers and several central security conscripts. Dozens of Ahly fans demonstrated Friday outside the headquarters of the Interior Ministry downtown demanding the release of the detained Ultras. Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"16",2011-09-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/rights-council-accuses-police-collective-punishment-against-ahly-football-fans","The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) is to issue a report by its fact-finding committee tasked with investigating the clashes that took place between the police and Ahly Club football fans, who call themselves ""the ultras"", at a match played last week. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Sources claim the report may conclude that the police to have applied ""collective punishment"" against the ultras, and should have shown more retraint. Victims of the clashes told committee representatives, who visited them in the hospital, that the police had no justification for assaulting them. The sources also said the council has tasked the committee with investigating the incidents that took place outside the Israeli Embassy on Friday, in which three people were killed and more than 1000 others were injured. Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"17",2011-09-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/riots-and-politics-mutual-salvation","The scenes of violence and street fighting between the police and the Ahli Football Club fan group Ultras Ahlawy outside Cairo Stadium undoubtedly brings into focus the power of riots as a vital tool to continue the revolution and maintain the absence of stability, which is a key inspiration of the revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Despite the panic it has caused, this state of instability that Egypt has been experiencing over the past few months, including riots, banditry, attacks on facilities and the general lawlessness, is the only way to establish political emancipation from the oppressive state of emergency, which was desperately maintained by the autocratic regimes of the past decades. At its onset, the revolution challenged the police force in a decisive manner and successfully amputated its arms, paralyzing its ability to pursue its main job of managing the relationship between different social classes and religious communities, in other words, between everyone and everyone else. Yet, the prevailing security mentality stands in the way of any political or social negotiations between various sectors of society and prevents the growth of political movements and corresponding debates with the social forces they represent. This security apparatus also aborts any organizational attempts and deprives everyone of all chances of representation by keeping the vast majority of Egyptians out of any reasonable civil negotiation process, in other words, maintaining a stable state of emergency. The revolution started with the aim of defeating the security apparatus' ability to maintain this stable state of emergency. In spite of the peacefulness of the revolution when compared to the magnitude of social contradictions, and in spite of successive setbacks to the revolutionary forces, the lack of security and riots of every type have continued uninterrupted. The rioters are reclaiming politics from the tyrants and won't compromise themselves. Since it took office, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) attempted to bring an end to the continuous rioting, beginning with a law that criminalizes strikes and sit-ins and ending with the cabinet's statement on 7 September, in which it announced the amendment of the Emergency Law, expanding the powers by which the authorities might face the revolutionary chaos, incitement and rioting. There is no doubt that there have been repeated attempts to form a possible alliance between the SCAF and the Islamist movements, headed by the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), in the face of these continuous riots. However, this supposed alliance has failed to control an uncontrollable situation. Moreover, there is serious doubt regarding the power of Islamist movements, in terms of rallying crowds, organized action and political decisiveness, to control a society full of contradictions; a society which has become almost impossible to control by oppression. By this, I am not talking about the events in Tahrir Square, but rather about the state of instability and continuous rioting in every institution and neighborhood, as well as the continuous friction between police and angry rallies, including the Ultras and thugs. I am also talking about the strikes that have not stopped, despite numerous threats. Hence, there is a dire need to create a political atmosphere capable of dealing more flexibly with the chaotic situation, as well as creating negotiation channels and political possibilities to deal with the contradictions and the impasse. The ruling authorities, as well as some tyrannical powers, such as the remnants of the former regime, are undoubtedly attempting to counteract the development of such a political atmosphere or its recognition as a legitimate atmosphere for action and negotiation. The upcoming elections may very well be an attempt to kill and bury the revolution. The question now is whether the next parliament will produce a legitimate government capable of controlling the situation? Have the armed forces, which enjoy a quasi-revolutionary legitimacy and the legitimacy to rule the country following the March referendum, succeeded in controlling the situation? The current situation is undoubtedly the result of the inherited tyranny and state of emergency, as well as the magnitude of social contradictions, together with the collapse of the police force's power and legitimacy. Creating a political atmosphere in which negotiation can thrive is the only reasonable choice, despite the resistance from the SCAF and other tyrannical forces and the continued insistence on disciplinary action. Creating a political atmosphere should be the number one priority on the agendas of democratic movements, because it's the only plausible revolutionary path to walk along. These movements must utilize all of their political abilities to prepare for the upcoming elections in order to win the long and continuous political battle ahead. They must also move to counteract the security authority's disciplinary actions, legitimize politics, act against the logic of emergency laws and lead the way to a democratic transition."
"18",2011-09-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursdays-papers-state-paper-runs-special-report-central-security","Details of the trial of former President Hosni Mubarak, former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and others on charges related to killing revolution protesters fill some of today's papers, despite the military council-imposed publishing ban. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); During Wednesday's court session, current Interior Minister Mansour al-Essawy gave evidence in his capacity as a security expert. Leftist party paper Al-Wafd says that Essawy answered more than 70 questions from defense and victims' lawyers, responding to half of them by saying, ""I don't know."" For the first time since the start of the trial, Mubarak commented on witness testimony, according to Al-Wafd, defending himself for two minutes ""in a clear and audible voice that bore no trace of his illness."" The paper also reports that Adly commented for 15 minutes on his successor's testimony. The closure of Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr's Cairo office last week is revived by Information Minister Osama Heikal's claim that the issue ""has been blown out of proportion"" and that the raid ""has nothing to do with the station's content."" State-run daily Al-Ahram quotes Heikal as saying that the recent decision to revive enforcement of the Emergency Law was a response to the breach of the Israeli Embassy in Cairo last Friday. Al-Gomhurriya ruminates on which electoral system Egypt should use for upcoming parliamentary elections, and declares that a mixed system is a ""golden opportunity for remnants of the regime and gangs"" and that a ""list system is dogged by unconstitutionality."" The state-run daily also runs a three-page special report on Egypt's Central Security Forces (CSF), or riot police, the body formed in 1969 that Mubarak routinely relied on to quash dissent. Most CSF soldiers come from Egypt's poorest areas and many are illiterate, according to the paper. Former Interior Minister Saad al-Gamal said the CSF ""forgot their real role of protecting citizens and stood in the way of demands on behalf of a regime that ran away from a true confrontation of its citizens' problems."" In a one-page interview, Assistant Interior Minister for CSF General Salah al-Sherbiny - who was second-in-command during the revolution - maintained that Central Security serves the people despite the interviewer's insistent questioning about protester deaths at the agency's hands. While suggesting that the former regime made ""five main mistakes"" that led to the revolution, Sherbiny rejected the journalist's description of CSF as ""the National Democratic Party's armed militia."" ""Interior Ministry senior figures have killed CSF soldiers psychologically a thousand times,"" the special report declares. Ibrahim Eid, a professor of mental health at Ain Shams University, says that training given to CSF troops has damaged them psychologically. This, he says, caused the contradictions inherent in receiving orders to hit, drag and sometimes even kill fellow citizens. Men serving in the CSF provided descriptions of their lives and roles in the force. One soldier was unable to define what an embassy was, other than a place where visas are issued, and which he has to guard. Another soldier says that if ordered by his commander to use live ammunition against protesters, he would, because his commander understands more and is able to gauge the situation better than he is. Seven possible presidential candidates held a ""secret"" meeting on Wednesday at the invitation of some revolutionary youth. Privately owned Al-Shorouk reports that during the meeting the men discussed a roadmap for the remainder of the coming months, including a demand for a transition of power from the military to civilians before the first anniversary of the revolution. Privately-owned Al-Dostour reports on the National Council for Human Rights' seemingly vague inquiry into the breach of the Israeli Embassy last week. The committee, whose members include politician Amr Hamzawy, concluded that members of the Ultras Ahlawy (hardcore football fans) were involved in an ""unjustified attack on the Interior Ministry building"" and that ""infiltrating elements led by unknown persons are instigating incidents in order to bring down the revolution and the state's authority."" Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Arab Nasserist party"
"19",2011-10-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-march-tahrir-square-demand-handover-civilian-rule","Hundreds of protesters, including Ahly Club Ultras, staged a march from Sayyeda Aisha Square to Tahrir Square on Wednesday night, demanding a swift handover to civilian rule, as called for by various political parties and movements. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ""Second Friday of Anger"" and ""Rise Up Egypt, the Egyptian Is Hungry"" fan pages on Facebook called for the march to demand a quick handover of power to an elected civilian government and president. The April 6 Youth Movement and the Democratic Front Party announced they would participate in the protest. After arriving in Tahrir Square, the protesters continued their march downtown, passing by the Central Bank of Egypt and returning to the square again. They chanted ""Oh, Minister Essam, we are back to Tahrir,"" ""Tantawi is Mubarak,"" and ""Oh, Tantawi, say the truth. You are a false witness."" The Ahly Ultras repeated their songs and slogans. Passersby welcomed protesters with victory signs and applause once they reached Tahrir, while drivers greeted them by honking their horns. Some car drivers stressed they would participate in next Friday's protest in Tahrir Square dubbed ""Go Back to Your Barracks."" The protests come amidst mounting political unrest in the wake of the ruling military council's renewal and expansion of the Emergency Law, pressure on free media and the trial of civilians in military courts. Translated from the Arabic Edition"
"20",2011-11-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/uncompromising-fate-minas-death","What is so significant about the horrid death of Mina Daniel? What distinguishes him from previous martyrs Khaled Saeed or Sayed Bilal? Shouldn't this strange succession of names reveal something about the recent history of the Egyptian security apparatus and open up the possibility of reforming it to public debate? Despite the short period of time between these successive deaths, each name tells a different story about security's ""monstrosity"" and ""failures."" Each name has played a particular role in dismantling the legitimacy of the Egyptian security apparatus and will continue to be important in any discussion concerning its reform or complete restructuring. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); These narratives of martyrdom allow us to glimpse into how the security apparatus had operated over the last thirty years and how it was capable of establishing some form of legitimacy for its actions. Each name has dealt a blow to the legitimacy of the security apparatus in its own right. The figure of Mina Daniel has the potential to accomplish two things. One is to uncompromisingly tie the Egyptian public to the slogan, ""Bread, Freedom and Social Justice""- a reversal of all the values, ways of life and grim nostalgias under the Mubarak regime that take us beyond the current discussion of reforming the security forces. The other is to accept the current attempts of resurrecting the Mubarak regime - of which the brutal apparatus is only one part. The angelic image of Khaled Saeed resonated with many young people in the Arab world, especially those of middle class background. Saeed's case proved that torture practices had proliferated to a monstrous degree. They were no longer limited to the margins (squatter areas and popular quarters, that is). Contrary to Saeed's case, the second martyr, Sayed Bilal, pushed the limits of social empathy by shedding light on the silenced history of torture practices in Egypt. Following the bombing of the Church of Two Saints in Alexandria, state security attempted to present a familiar figure, Bilal's suspicious Salafi background, to the national media. In Bilal's case, the security apparatus attempted to re-create the conditions of a sectarian crisis. In the name of such crises, the Mubarak regime knew only solutions based on security measures: mass detentions, confessions elicited under torture, indiscriminate threats of abuse of those closely related to the accused victims. Let us now return to the original question: what distinguishes Mina Daniel from Khaled Saeed and Sayed Bilal? In my view, he pushed the limits of social empathy to the point of tearing. His enigmatic death exposed, all at once, the foundational narratives of the apparatus, all those narratives which formed the base of social legitimacy for the apparatus's practices in the last 30 years. In other words, Daniel's death tested the sensibility of the Egyptian public shedding light on crucial questions such as: how far is it willing to go concerning the apparatus' reform? How can the center of attention in these debates about reform shift from the apparatus itself as a ""reformable"" entity to the very ambiguous ways the term ""thug"" is being employed by both the apparatus and the national media? In the eyes of the national media, Mina's body is brimming with contradictions. If we follow the apparatus' logic, everything about him evokes suspicion. He is a Copt yet he constituted a dissident voice inside the church. He inhabited the margins of the capital. In the eyes of the middle classes, he was one of those ""uncivil"" soccer ultras. In short, all of those ""contradictions"" summon the margins of his predecessors (Saeed and Bilal among others). How can someone carry all those contradictions and yet still move so lightly? What kind of claims or demands did he make? Can they be fulfilled easily? Mina's death moves us beyond the current debates on the apparatus' reform in two decisive ways. On the one hand, protesters have discovered the limits of the language of reform and its exclusions. On more than one occasion, the ministry of interior and the military police have employed thugs to beat protesters and used the same charge of ""thuggery"" against them in military trials. Simply put, the apparatus paradoxically feeds on its own victims-transgressors. On the other hand, Mina's case has proved that some form of vendetta is needed at times. In my view, the profundity of vendetta lies in the fact that its animosity cannot be satiated with the destruction of one person or one entity; it is ongoing and filial. In other words, vendetta does not limit us only to the reform or purification of the security apparatus but takes us to a confrontation with the very despicable values and ways of life nurtured by the Mubarak regime (of which the apparatus perhaps is only an off-shoot). The list of those values is long, stretching from indifference and cowardice to self-loathing and indecisiveness. It is in those terms that we can speak about the legacies of Danyal, Saeed or even Bouazizi."
"21",2011-12-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/live-update-scaf-says-no-attempt-end-sit-forcibly","00:30 am: googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Assistant Health Minister Adel al-Adawy says death toll has reached three, while there are some 255 wounded. 10:40 pm: In a statement, SCAF said that the violence at the cabinet sit-in was caused when protesters assaulted a traffic policeman while he was doing his job, which motivated the guards of the cabinet and the People Assembly buildings to intervene and disperse the sit-in. The statement added that there was no attempt to forcibly end the sit-in. 10:30 pm: Sounds of gunfire can be heard near the cabinet building. Protesters retreated. Some are falling from rubber bullet injuries. Men on motorcycles are rushing to carry the wounded to field hospitals. 10:00 pm: Some protesters threw molotov cocktails into a government building in Qasr al-Aini Street, setting fire into its different floors. Other protesters rushed toward the building with fire extinguishers. Protesters have disagreed over the act of putting fire into a government building; while some thought it was an irresponsible act, others said it was justifiable. 8:30 pm: Reuters reported medical sources as saying that two people died in the clashes. 7:00 pm: Protesters in Qasr al-Aini Street chant, ""kill Khaled and kill Mina, each of your bullets make us stronger."" They refer to Khaled Saeed, who was tortured to death by policemen last year, spurring a wave of anti-police protests, and Mina Daniel who was killed when military forces dispersed a march of mostly Copts last October. 6:00 pm: ""[The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) advisory council] will try to urge the SCAF to issue a statement to explain the [clashes today],"" presidential hopeful Mohamed Selim al-Awa tells Al-Masry Al-Youm. The advisory council will hold a meeting at 7 pm to discuss the crisis, Awa adds. 5:40 pm: MP Amr Hamzawy submitted a complaint at the Qasr al-Nil police station against SCAF, military police and the government. ""I thought the government would keep its promise not to use violence against protesters. But as usual, promises are not held. I submitted the complaint as an MP and a citizen."" 5:30 pm: Darkness is making it difficult for protesters to spot where rocks being thrown at them are coming from. 5:20 pm: Presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei criticizes the way military police broke up the sit-in outside the cabinet building, describing it as ""barbaric,"" ""brutal,"" and ""the greatest violation to all human laws."" He also blasts the authorities' handling of the crisis: ""This is not the way countries should be managed."" ElBaradei wonders why the military police intervened to break up the sit-in, if the prime minister is now supposed to have the executive powers of the president of the republic, according to a recent SCAF decree. ""What are the powers of the military police to intervene? Where is credibility and who is in charge?"" he asks. ElBaradei also criticizes the advisory council, saying it is ""just a front"" for the SCAF. ""Was the advisory council consulted before [the military] used excessive force to break up the sit-in? And if it was not consulted, does this mean it is just a front?"" he concludes. 5:15 pm: People are throwing Molotov cocktails down on protesters from the top of the People's Assembly building. 4:30 pm: ""The [ongoing] clashes [around the cabinet building and Qasr al-Aini Street] are meant to create chaos, as each time Egypt is close to achieving stability, a new problem is created,"" says a military source. An army officer has been injured by a live bullet and transferred to a military hospital as a result of the clashes, the source adds. ""There are desperate attempts aiming to undermine Egypt's stability and drag the country into chaos, especially during the [parliamentary] elections,"" the source continues. ""Some forces began to feel that Egypt was moving on the path to stability through elections, meaning they would lose the legitimacy of their presence in [Tahrir] Square. This prompted them to create standoffs with security forces."" New Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri has refused to comment on the clashes or further explain the developments around the cabinet building. Ganzouri canceled all his meetings today, including TV interviews, to monitor the situation, holding phone calls with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and Interior Ministry officials. 4:00 pm: At least one person injured in the clashes today may have been hit by live ammunition, says Eva Boutros, director of the field hospital set up near the Protestant church on Qasr al-Dubara Street. Earlier today: Thirty-six people were injured as of 4 pm Friday when military forces and unidentified people attacked a sit-in outside the cabinet building, Assistant Health Minister Adel al-Adawy told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Clashes continued on Qasr al-Aini Street, with protesters reporting hearing gunshots, and protesters and military forces throwing stones at each other. At around 4:30 pm, protesters lit a large fire in the middle of Qasr al-Aini, in an attempt to obscure the visions of those throwing stones at protesters from buildings overhead. Fighting was primarily occuring on three fronts, the upper and lower roofs of a nearby building and at the front of Maglis al-Shaab Street. Protesters were throwing rocks at unkonwn assailants who were throwing rocks, ceramics, and fixtures from nearby buildings, including wall hangings with Quranic verses on them, back at them, according to eyewitnesses. Another eyewitness said that assailants throwing rocks from the tops of nearby buildings were armed had pistols slung around their backs. Essam Kamel, a medic in a field hospital set up in front of the Mugamma administrative building near Tahrir Square, said that his hospital had received about seven people injured with live bullets in the previous two hours, in addition to receiving dozens of protesters at dawn. Two members of the recently formed advisory council to the ruling military council, Moataz Bellah Abdel Fattah and Ahmed Khairy, resigned in protest of the military police's use of violent force. Abdel Fattah said he expects other advisory council members to follow him in resigning, as he is opposed to the ""unjustified violence of the miliary police against peaceful protesters."" Lawyer Zeyad al-Alaimy, a parliamentary candidate heading the Egyptian Bloc's list in Cairo's fourth constituency, said he was beaten by military police breaking up the cabinet sit-in early Friday morning. ""Once I heard protesters were being assaulted I headed to the sit-in, where hundreds of military personnel had attacked protesters just before I arrived,"" he said. ""When I reached the area a group of military soldiers surrounded me and an officer told me: 'Do not think the People's Assembly will protect you,'"" Alaimy recalled. Sheikh Mazhar Shaheen, the popular imam of Omar Makram Mosque who frequently preaches at protests in Tahrir, criticized the military for ""assaulting peaceful protesters outside the cabinet building"" in his Friday morning sermon. ""We want to achieve the demands of the revolution,"" Shaheen went on. ""We do not feel that there is any kind of change [in reality],"" he said, adding that remnants of the former regime of Hosni Mubarak continue to lead. After Friday prayers, Shaheen and a number of worshipers headed to Qasr al-Aini Street to check on the situation there, and then returned to Tahrir. Early Friday morning, army and Central Security Forces could be seen spread out on both Qasr al-Aini and Maglis al-Shaab streets, which were covered with broken glass and rocks. A 59-year-old woman was seen being beaten by military officers. A group of activists were detained by military and security forces and being held inside the People's Assembly building as of noon Friday, activist Mona Seif told Egypt Independent. While in custody inside the building, Seif reported watching police slap an old woman in the face. She said that police were treating protesters like they had a ""personal vendetta"" against them. At around 1 pm, protesters began to be released. Most of them were women and looked badly beaten. According to witnesses, military forces threw stones and furniture at them from the cabinet building and nearby parliament building, as well as sprayed water hoses at them from atop the parliament building. Several cars were set on fire in the surrounding streets. Mostafa Bahgat, a cameraman for the OnTV satellite channel, told Egypt Independent that he was assaulted on a side street near the cabinet building by two civilians, who beat one of his legs, stole his camera and ran toward army officers. A protester showed Al-Masry Al-Youm a prison ID card that fell out of the pocket of a man attacking the sit-in along with soldiers. The protester said it was proof that thugs were hired by the military to attack the sit-in. In response to the early morning attack, protesters blocked off Qasr al-Aini Street with steel barricades and symbolic coffins. The sit-in protesters said that the clashes started after one of their fellow protesters, Aboudi Ibrahim, was kidnapped at night. Ibrahim was reportedly arrested by police, beaten and electrocuted, before being released. He was transferred to the nearby Qasr al-Aini Hospital. As the clashes escalated, protesters sang anti-military and anti-police chants, known to be primarily sung by ultras - or hardcore football fans. Some 200 protesters have continued to sleep outside the cabinet building to oppose the appointment of the cabinet of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri. The sit-in began on 24 November, when the military council nominated Ganzouri to be prime minister. Ganzouri had served as prime minister under the toppled regime of Hosni Mubarak. The sit-in followed week-long clashes between security forces and protesters on Mohamed Mahmoud Street, off Tahrir Square, which left at least 45 dead and scores injured."
"22",2011-12-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/subtext-military-councils-video-evidence","Since October when the army forcibly dispersed a peaceful protest at Maspero, claiming the lives of 27 mostly Coptic protesters, it has become customary for the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to hold a press conference after a bloody attack on protesters with two LCD monitors on each side of the podium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The screens are there to complement the text read by whichever general has been chosen to address the media on behalf of the SCAF and the Egyptian military. This time, following five days of clashes between the army and protesters on Qasr al-Aini Street, it was SCAF member Major General Adel Emara who took the lead in addressing the media in a presser. The violence was preceded by a sit-in lasting around three weeks in front of the cabinet building on Qasr al-Aini, with protesters objecting to military rule and the appointment of Kamal al-Ganzouri as prime minister. Ganzouri also held this post during the 1990s under toppled President Hosni Mubarak and is considered to be a remnant of the former regime. Like at the Maspero presser, held on 12 October, Emara denied that the armed forces used excessive violence against the protesters, saying, ""The military is not trained to use such violence."" But, Emara explained, any force that was used by the military was in reaction to the protesters' intentional and systematic provocation. ""No human can bear what the protesters subject us to,"" he said. The military thus quelled the destructive drive of the hidden hand plotting to topple the state with the least possible amount of violence. ""We are envied for our level of self-restraint,"" Emara added. In the speech, the protesters were characterized as thugs, infiltrators or agents paid for by a mysterious force that seeks to destroy Egypt. The general's warnings were framed as coming from an ordinary Egyptian citizen who is concerned for Egypt and the ""prestigeof the state""rather than a member of the ruling military council. The video shown by Emara was meant to support the SCAF's narrative: to prove that it was the demonstrators who were on the offensive, trying to break into the parliament building and set aflame the Egyptian Scientific Institute, allegedly for no reason other than to wreck havoc and tarnish the image of the army, as dictated by the invisible hand. The video consisted of an incoherent sequences of shots (mixed angles, day and night shots, indoor and outdoor shots), heavily edited and mostly irrelevant. The shots are not meant to be logical or coherent. They are meant to play on irrational fears of chaos, conspiracies, mob behavior and even sexual license and debauchery. The video tries its best to depict those who were beaten and detained by the military as ignorant, unprincipled, gullible and poor. The video featured ""confessions"" of detained minors who were compelled to name well-known activists as being behind the clashes. Emara introduced the video with the words: ""These shots are neither prepared beforehand nor fabricated. They are being circulated in the media. It's about facts; you see what happened with the eye you wish to see it with. These are facts that I am putting in front of you."" He paused to ask that the volume be turned up then continued, ""Of course the beginning of the event is visible here. Our soldiers are inside the parliament building and the tents are outside. No friction whatsoever between the two groups."" The first shot has a title over the moving image that reads, ""The infiltrators among the revolutionaries."" The video is an excerpt from state television coverage. You see a group of boys and girls sitting on the sidewalk chatting and laughing and the camera moves to focus on a young couple; the man's arm rests on the girl's shoulders. There are no signs of a protest. In fact the sidewalk and street around them are quite clean and you hear no sounds of clashes, only the joyous babble of the youngsters. It is daytime in the shot. Before you realize it, the shot is cut short by footage that was taken from atop a building at night. The shot of the couple could not have had any other function than to provoke disapproval of the mixing of the sexes at the sit-in and the permissive behavior allegedly taking place between male and female protesters. The rest of the video attempts to further stigmatize the ""protesters"" and to depict them as destructive and immoral. The shots that follow show individuals - mostly young - throwing stones. The camera focuses on the aggressive act of hurling stones and avoids any context. We do not see the sequence of events, what happened before the throwing, who they're throwing at and why. At some point, we see the same shot that was used by the SCAF in their video statement number 90, this time in slow motion: a few people holding broken pieces of furniture, fighting something/someone in the window of a building. Emara had to explain the unclear image as ""the protesters entering the parliament building."" No mention is made of the existence of aggressors on the roof and inside the building. Our minds only perceive the unexplained urge of the protesters to vandalize the building. Scenes of the burning Egyptian Scientific Institute and the Transportation Ministry building on Qasr al-Aini Street are shown at length. We see the flames coming out of the windows and a seemingly careless amused crowd, many of them young, throwing stones while smiling.Emara commented, ""They are saying we will burn we will burn."" Emara spoke over scenes of the Egyptian Scientific Institute burning, saying gravely, ""This is the catastrophe! The institute burning! The nation's conscience...the nation's conscience is burning! This institute for which they wept, they wept. The world's breath stopped...the world's breath stopped as the history of Egypt was burning, and the youngsters who were burning this institute were taking pride in such acts. The Egyptian Scientific Institute is completely destroyed. It dates back to 1798! It's over... in 2011."" The following scene shows firefighters hosing water inside one of the institute's windows although the fire seems to be out by the time this scene was shot. Emara explained: ""Of course all the firefighters' attempts, be they civilian or military, to reach the fire earlier were prevented."" The next shot was clearly taken earlier, when the firefighters would have been useful. It shows flames pouring out of a window of the institute. According to Emara, this is ""a picture that will be registered by the world. A shame for us, that this institute should burn. The secretary general of the institute called me crying. It had some manuscripts and books inside that were the history of Egypt."" Afterward, in a night shot, a man talks to the camera; ""Nobody here is 'clean', they're all thieves and thugs.'"" The camera man asks innocently, ""Really? All of them?"" The interviewee answers affirmatively. To reinforce hatred for the mad, destructive, irrational protesters, the next shot shows a soldier holding a bandage on his face and bleeding, with two sympathetic soldiers on each side of him, then a soldier lying on a stretcher, visibly in pain. Fellow soldiers and an army officer take him to the ambulance van. In the following scene, he is being treated by doctors. At this point, Emara interjected: ""Stop there. Stop, go back (the video is rewound). This is a picture of an injured soldier, because you talk of excessive use of force and such things. This is a soldier whose legs are completely torn from a sharp tool that the protesters, well, one of the protesters had."" A cut is visible on the side of the soldier's thigh. ""He hit the soldier with it and cut his artery, and he is now in a critical condition."" Emara then asked that the screening go on. The next scene depicts peaceful, hardworking soldiers building a barbwire barrier. When this was shown, Emara confirmed that ""this is the stage when we started to build barriers."" In the following shot, demonstrators at a different time of the day throwing rocks at a metal fence. The camera is filming from inside the fence, which was built on the third day of the clashes on Qasr al-Aini Street. Emara explained: ""Again, this is an attempt to thwart our effort to build the insulating wall."" The next scene shows a much larger crowd of protesters. This time the camera is filming behind the ""insulation"" wall, built by the army on the third day of clashes. Some protesters are holding flares that, according to Emara, ""are flares that are usually used in football matches. They are using them to hit the soldiers."" The next shot shows soldiers looking at a flare in a pond in front of them. The second half of the video is made up of interviews with minors and one adult woman. Most of the minors interviewed are detained in a location that seems to be the parliament building. They look scared, and their testimonies are vague and hesitant. Some of them are injured. One has a stream of blood running from his forehead to his chin. While the woman is being interviewed with two microphones, one of which carries the logo of state TV, screams can be heard in the background, likely coming from someone who is being tortured. Four minors are questioned about the people who supposedly pushed them to participate in the clashes. One of the minors seems less frightened and does not appear to be injured. The interviewer asks him: ""Did you see anything strange in the square or in your neighborhood or anywhere?"" The child: ""Yes, I noticed that in our building there is a publishing house called Dar Merit. During the beating and the ""Mohamed Mahmoud"" clashes and such things, the publishing house was distributing helmets and tear gas remedies and masks to people."" Interviewer: ""Where is it?"" The child: ""In our building on 6 Qasr al-Nil Street."" The person conducting the interview asks who the owner of the publishing house is, and the child answers that his name is Mohamed Hashem. The interviewer says, ""Mohamed Hashem. Ok. What else did you see?"" The child: ""I saw that during sit-ins they used to bring food and bread and such things and distribute them to people."" The interviewer clarifies that the child saw this in Tahrir Square, and the boy answers in the affirmative, adding, ""Whenever anything happened they would gather, divide into groups and enter the square from different points."" The interviewer asks the child if he saw what these people were doing in the square, and the child answers: ""For instance, if you're not wearing a helmet they give you one and tell you... they incite you... they tell you go in and such things. For instance they say, 'You let your brothers get beaten there?' It happened in front of me."" Interviewer: ""It happened in front of you? They didn't try to bring people from outside or give them money? You haven't seen any of them giving money to anyone?"" The child: ""No, no money... but I noticed that all of them let their beard grow from here [he holds his hand to his chin], but not too long. They cut it if it gets too long. And they have braided hair."" The interviewer asks the boy if they all look alike and he says yes. When the interviewer asks how many of these people the boy saw in the square, he says, ""About 120."" The interviewer clarifies the number then asks if there are both men and women and if they work in the publishing house. The child answers both questions affirmatively. ""They work in the publishing house, but during the fighting you don't see them in the front lines. They are not the ones who are fighting,"" the boy says. The boy explains that he observed all of this from his building, which overlooks the square, and the interviewer thanks him for his testimony. The video moves on to show a state TV interview of a tired looking woman wearing a pink scarf. Her answers drift into a personal account of family problems: sexual harassment by her in-laws, her precarious marital arrangement, a drug-trafficking step-father, poverty and domestic violence. At this point Emara shouted: ""Fast forward we're running out of time."" But several journalists objected, saying ""We want to hear."" Emara gave in to their demands, allowing the woman's peculiar statement to continue airing. The woman continues to speak in a whisper, saying that she had been detained for throwing stones but maintaining her innocence, then moving on to a long-winded story about her family's legal troubles. Finally the general became impatient with the woman's disjointed testimony, exclaiming: ""Let's move to something else. Move to the next!"" One of the other minors interviewed has a faint voice and seems to be on the verge of crying. He says: ""I don't know who the man was; I've got nothing to do with it. I've got nothing to do with politics... so I made him a Molotov cocktail. I entered the tent of the Ultras, I found flares and molotovs."" Interviewer: ""But Mostafa you made this Molotov cocktail, where did you get it from?"" After some stuttering, Mostafa answers that someone named Mr. Meguid gave him LE50 to purchase benzene to make a Molotov cocktail. The interviewer asks how the child made Molotov cocktails, and Mostafa explains, ""I fill the bottle with benzene. I put cloth in it and throw it."" The child then clarifies that he does not actually throw the Molotov cocktails, saying he doesn't know how. He is only responsible for making them. The interviewer asks if the child sleeps in the street and who provides for him, and Mostafa answers that Mr. Meguid gives him, and other street children, food and drink. The interviewer asks, ""How much did he give you daily? LE100?"" Mostafa nods. The film closes with a shot of a calm night street. At this point, Emara closed the conference with the dramatic statement: ""Egypt has not and will never fall"" For many, the video doesn't clarify what happened at the cabinet sit-in. But it may be successful in provoking hatred against the protesters. As fears of moral decadence, chaos and vicious plots rises, the public may come to believe that an excess of violence and a bit of killing may be necessary to save Egypt from impending danger."
"23",2012-01-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypts-forensic-medicine-authority-revolution","Thursday afternoon is typically a slow time in most government offices. But these days, there aren't any slow times for Ihsan Kamil Gorgy, Egypt's chief forensic doctor. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); On a recent Thursday, both Gorgy's landline and mobile phone rung ceaselessly. Reporters flocked to his waiting room to ask about the latest death toll or the autopsy reports of victims of the most recent bloody clashes between protesters and the armed forces. The scene isn't much calmer outside the building. A group of Ultras (football fanatics) have just walked away. Earlier they had protested angrily while waiting for the body of one of their comrades to be released from the morgue. Mohamed Mostafa was killed in the last round of violence with military personnel near Tahrir Square in December. From his window on the second floor, Gorgy could hear the crowd shouting in reference to the killing: ""This is disgraceful, you infidels!"" ""If I were in their position, I would do the same thing,"" says the 58-year-old Gorgy. ""Families come here in anger and assume that I am part of the regime and that my job is to protect that regime. But I consider myself only a forensic doctor."" In early May, Gorgy was appointed as chief forensic doctor, succeeding Ahmed al-Sebai in a step widely seen an attempt to purge the Forensic Medicine Authority (FMA) of remnants of the old regime. With his Upper Egyptian accent, the Assiout-raised Gorgy says he takes it upon himself to reverse the FMA's ""bad reputation."" In recent months, Gorgy and his team have been swamped by the growing death toll from the ongoing political upheaval. They had to release death investigation reports on dozens of victims who lost their lives in clashes either with the armed forces or the police. These reports did not always support the accounts given by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). While the generals insisted continually that neither police nor military personnel used live ammunition during attacks on protesters at Maspero, or on Mohamed Mahmoud and Qasr al-Aini streets, the FMA reports revealed numerous cases of protesters killed by bullets. Recently, Gorgy has made headlines after affirming that Al-Azhar Sheikh Emad Effat and medical student Alaa Abdel Hady were killed by bullets shot from a long distance during December clashes with military personnel. With this statement, Gorgy dismissed earlier media reports that he was shot by unknown infiltrators who were standing among protesters. His statement also supported claims that military personnel were shooting at protesters from the rooftops of surrounding buildings. Earlier, Gorgy had said that deposed President Hosni Mubarak was in good shape. His opinion meant that Mubarak could be transferred from the International Medical Center, where he has been held for trial since August, to Tora prison, a move that Egypt's generals seem reluctant to make, possibly for fear of humiliating the former supreme commander of the armed forces. ""The FMA performance has improved,"" says Magdy Adly, a doctor with the Nadeem Center for Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence. She praises the FMA's recent decision to, for the first time, accept human rights representatives as observers during autopsies. In October, Adly walked into the morgue, as a human rights activist, while doctors examined the bodies of protesters killed by the military in front of Maspero. A month later, she was allowed to check the corpses of those killed in Mohamed Mahmoud clashes. ""Later on, I saw the autopsy reports and they were compatible with the initial examination, which proves that the autopsy was conducted in a transparent way,"" she says. For Adel Ramadan, a lawyer with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, the impartiality of recent FMA reports was inevitable. ""Now, victims' families and the media are watching [forensic doctors]. This is why they cannot falsify reports,"" says Ramadan, pointing out the FMA's job in the past was to cover up human rights violations. ""[Gorgy] is trying to show that he is better than his predecessor,"" says Ramadan. However, he still has reservations about the FMA. ""Even if you take him in good faith, he still does not have the resources and the independence needed to act fairly,"" he says. Challenges ahead While the number of forensic cases has risen sharply in the midst of political turmoil, the size of the medical staff remains the same. With only 102 field forensic doctors, the FMA had to handle more than 29,000 cases from 1 January to the end of November 2011. ""Our work had doubled, while the number of doctors has decreased because many of them are away,"" says Ahmed Said, a 37-year-old forensic doctor. He recounts that the day following the clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud Street in downtown Cairo, in which more than 40 people were killed, he and three colleagues had to perform autopsies on 20 bodies. Like most state-employed professionals, forensic doctors complain that their salaries are too low to provide a decent living. According to Gorgy, the monthly salary ranges between LE1,000 for a beginner and LE6000 for the chief doctor. Unlike other medical specialists, forensic doctors cannot increase their income by working for private medical entities, since the law stipulates they should only be working for the government, complains Gorgy. To make ends meet, many doctors go on unpaid leave to work in the Gulf. According to Ashraf al-Refai, the assistant chief senior forensic doctor, more than 70 of the FMA's doctors are currently working in Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Oman. ""In Kuwait, he [a doctor] would get LE32,000 a month while, here he gets LE1,500,"" says al-Refai, who previously worked in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Besides low wages, the budget allocated to the FMA does not allow doctors to keep up with new technologies. Gorgy complains that he is only left with LE334,000 this year to upgrade his equipment. This amount falls short of the minimum of LE750,000 he says he needs to buy new equipment at market prices. The scarcity of sophisticated forensic technologies is not the only problem for younger doctors. ""There are almost no resources,"" says Saeed, who complains that the FMA does not even provide doctors with computers, cameras to photograph bodies, printers or even suitable offices. The situation outside of Cairo is ""inhumane"", he says. Doctors may have work in dark morgues and may find no appropriate medical jars in which to carry samples to laboratories. In pursuit of independence The FMA consists of four departments: forensic medical examiners, medical laboratories, chemistry units and counterfeiting and forgery units. These departments are run by ""forensic experts"" - doctors, pharmacists, chemists, technicians and photographers. The FMA reports directly to the Justice Ministry and it is the minister who appoints the FMA head and decides on the budget. This affiliation of the FMA to the executive of the government has been one of the reasons for doubts about its impartiality. After Mubarak's ouster, the rising prospects for democratization encouraged hundreds of the FMA's nearly 650 forensic experts to convene in April and discuss ways to improve their jobs and safeguard their professional integrity. They selected 20 people from among themselves to draft a new regulatory code for the FMA that would liberate it from any ties to the government. ""We are about to finish the final draft of the bill,"" says Walid Abel Hamid, a 38-year-old forensic chemist and one of the architects of the draft bill. Forensic experts will present this bill to the new People's Assembly after it convenes on 23 January, hoping their proposal will be transformed into legislation. The draft bill stipulates that the FMA should be granted full administrative and financial independence from the executive. By letting forensic examiners, rather than judges, administer the FMA, decide on the budget and lay out priorities, the body's technical performance will improve, argues Abdel Hamid. ""[Judges] do not understand the nature of our technical work or our needs."" Under the same draft bill, the FMA head would not be appointed by the government. Instead, the post would go automatically to the most senior forensic examiner, Abdel Hamid tells Egypt Independent. ""The way the head is appointed undermines the FMA's prestige and independence,"" says Abdel Hamid. In January 2008, the justice minister ignored a long-standing bureaucratic tradition of entrusting the most senior forensic doctor with presiding over the FMA by selecting Sebai, who was the seventh name on the seniority list. His unexpected ascent to the post raised questions about his potential ties with the regime. Abdel Hamid believes the appointment method suggested in the draft bill would diffuse any skepticism that the FMA head is run by a government loyalist. ""That will increase the society's faith in the [FMA],"" he says. In the meantime, the four forensic examiners interviewed for this article denied that they were ever openly pressured to release false reports in favor of the regime. According to Refai, the worst that could happen under Mubarak was to have a police officer call the forensic examiner to convince him that he did not really torture the person that the doctor is examining. ""I would listen to him, but the report would come out as it should be,"" he says. ""I did not owe this officer anything."" For his part, Said blames flawed reports on poor resources rather than government pressures. ""When you have weak resources and receive no training, you will make mistakes,"" says Saeed. ""Perhaps, the [old] regime was deliberately depriving sensitive authorities like ours of resources to disable them from making [legal] cases."" The integrity of the forensic body came into question after forensic doctors released the infamous report on Khaled Saeed, the young man from Alexandria who was tortured to death by two policemen in June 2010. While the photograhs of his deformed face and broken jaw went viral in the media, the FMA said that he had died of asphyxia after swallowing a bag of narcotics. The FMA was accused of twisting realities to acquit Mubarak's police. Both Refai and Gorgy hold that this report manifested several technical flaws. First, examiners violated international protocols by not taking pictures showing the wounds. Second, they did not make all the necessary medical tests. The public outrage that Khaled Saeed's death elicited is now considered a prelude to the 25 January revolution. ""The society and the state should realize the [FMA] influenced all court rulings, and hence should look into what is needed to improve its performance and credibility,"" says Abdel Hamid."
"24",2012-01-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/was-egyptian-revolution-really-non-violent","As attention turns to the anniversary of the 25 January revolution, questions arise about the nature of the Egyptian revolution and what is required for its success. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The questions are: for a revolution to succeed, can it be completely peaceful and nonviolent? When you are trying to overthrow a heavy-handed security-based regime that cracks down on dissent in a violent manner, can you succeed using only nonviolent means? The Egyptian revolution of 2011 was universally celebrated as peaceful in nature, especially with the media spotlight on Tahrir Square and the consistent and strategic chanting of ""selmeya"" (peaceful) that rang out from the crowd. Yet numerous police stations and buildings associated with the ruling National Democratic Party were burned on 28 January and fierce battles occurred in Sinai and Suez. Flames looming in the skies of different Egyptian cities could be seen as a symbol of the regime's fall. The fighting continued past 28 January. Many ask if this revolution would have succeeded had Tahrir Square fallen to pro-regime thugs during the Battle of the Camel on 2 February. Protesters valiantly fought back throughout the night to keep the square. The uprising of 2011 is often idealized as nonviolent, and to a great extent that is true, but since then and as violence toward protesters increases, there is a popular perception that the revolutionary on the street has changed: that there is a more violent atmosphere during recent events and that the revolutionaries of post-25 January are no longer the clean, middle-class faces associated with the 18-day uprising. This perception overlooks the fact that violence broke out on 25 January in different places throughout the country. Shehab Bassam was one of the earliest protesters to make it to Tahrir Square. ""They started tear gassing us right away so we threw stones at them, which they threw back,"" he says. Bassam was hit in the head with a rock that day and had to get four stitches. He was detained on 28 January. ""28 January was an extremely violent day,"" says Hosni Nabil, whose brother, Ali, was killed that day in downtown Cairo. ""We paid a dear price for this revolution, and it wouldn't have succeeded otherwise."" Ali lived downtown and initially went to find his other brother Mostafa, who was participating in the protests. He was shot as he carried injured protesters to a field hospital. The deaths that involved a measure of violence reinvigorated revolutionary fervor during the 18 critical days that led to the toppling of Hosni Mubarak. Many revolutionaries today credit the sacrifice of these martyrs for the fact that the revolution continues. Ali was a house painter who supplemented his meager income by doing random jobs in his neighborhood. He is an example how popular perceptions of the revolutionaries have been skewed, so that the martyrs are idealized as educated, internet-savvy, white-collar types. This perception is encouraged and utilized by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to discredit protesters, such as during the November battles on Mohamed Mahmoud Street and the December clashes in front of the cabinet building. In their press briefings after these violent events, the SCAF claimed that the protesters were actually thugs. The insinuation is that these protesters aren't the original type of protesters, the true revolutionaries who were in the square last January. The discourse of thug versus revolutionary is also brought up during the trials of policemen accused of killing protesters. A certain media discourse, aided by the defense of these policemen, has purported that those who have been killed near police stations were thugs who were shot in self-defense. Mohamed Gamal Bashir, a former member of the football group Ultras White Knights and known in online social networks as ""Gemyhood,"" unpacks this image. ""Let's not forget what happened in the days between 25 January and 28 January, this glossed over part of history,"" he says. ""There were constant clashes in Omraneya for example, and there were people in Talbiya trying to get to the Foreign Ministry. The fighting continued long after the political elite were tear-gassed out of the square on 25 January."" Bashir speaks of the ""harafish,"" whom he defines as youth with no prospects who often skirt the edge of the law. He claims that their actions led to the revolution's success. He says that they burnt police stations in their neighborhoods in response to decades of oppression by police against the poor. ""The power of this revolution came from these harafish burning police stations and from the collapse of the Interior Ministry. That was utilized by the political elites who centralized the struggle in Tahrir Square. Without this confrontation, the revolution wouldn't have been possible, and every police station was burnt to the ground because people have been dying inside them for years. There is a veneer of nonviolence but no one saw the battles in Suez and elsewhere - How is it peaceful when people are dying in the streets?"" Bashir says. ""People don't understand what nonviolent resistance means,"" Bashir continues. ""It means not taking up arms and revolting, like what happened in Libya and Yemen, where uprisings began like the one in Egypt but people eventually took up arms. It doesn't mean not responding to violence."" But some say that nonviolent resistance means not responding to attacks by security forces. Protesters faced criticism during the clashes at Mohamed Mahmoud for continuing to fight with police forces after the latter attempted to forcibly evict a sit-in. Essam Saber died on Mohamed Mahmoud, shot in the head as he was pulling injured protesters out of the fray. Saber hailed from Imbaba and worked in advertising. ""Essam was a fighter who didn't accept injustice, a young man who cared about his country and defended it. He is a huge loss for us, and we want justice from those who killed him,"" his uncle says. Again, this shows that those who were involved in the clashes are not necessarily politicized and do not fit the archetype portrayed in the media. Bassam recalls that at the beginning of 25 January, ""there were all kinds of people there, even people I knew who I hadn't seen in years. None of them were into politics. No one expected this to happen. It wasn't arranged, people just headed down [to Tahrir] because they had nothing to lose."" Yet Abdel-Rahman Samir from the Revolutionary Youth Coalition feels that the protesters lost some public sympathy during the clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud because some were responding in kind to violence. ""We won some media solidarity but we lost sympathy from citizens. Last January we lost a lot of lives, but we didn't win by attacking the Interior Ministry - we won by staying in the square. When you are attacked but remain peaceful you manage to get more support on the streets, and this creates greater pressure."" Samir says that nonviolent resistance is the most successful revolutionary method, and prior to January 2011 some young revolutionaries studied the examples of countries such as Chile where nonviolent resistance was successful. Members of the April 6 Youth Movement faced heavy criticism for attending a workshop in Serbia about how to peacefully overthrow dictatorial regimes. Similarly, Sherif Younes, history lecturer at Helwan University sees that nonviolent resistance is the best approach in a place like Egypt. He points out that there is a difference between the intensity of politically-related violence in Egypt and other countries in the region, such as Iraq, where violence is more intense. ""In Egypt, the murders of Khaled Saeed and Sayed Bilal or the Two Saints Church bombing were huge events, but in Iraq, for example, they might not resonate as much,"" he says. ""So there is a difference in the extent of violence."" Younes also contends that the Egyptian revolution was not an organized one and was carried out by regular citizens who were less likely to be carrying arms. Weapons are generally uncommon in Egypt except in the south. However, violence against protesters has increased since the first 18 days. Younes believes that this trend has adversely affected the military's standing. ""A confrontation such as that in Libya or Syria usually stems from a schism within the military ranks, because it is the military that has the firepower. The military did not attack protesters in January for fear of schisms emerging within the ranks,"" he says. ""So it couldn't have happened any other way. The military has increased violence recently but has lost politically as a result. That is why it is now in its interests to hand over power as soon as possible."""
"25",2012-01-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-military-sympathizer-throws-sound-bombs-demonstrators","A pro-military demonstrator targeted protesters outside of the Defense Ministry in the Abbasseya neighborhood with sound bombs while they were heading back to Tahrir Square. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Tahrir protesters failed to catch him after he ran away once he threw the bombs. Demonstrators outside the ministry decided to end their protest there and march to Tahrir Square after activists convinced them that it is useless to stay in the area. On their way to the square, clashes erupted between them and residents who went down to the street in support of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The residents raised their shoes in the faces of the demonstrators who in turn chanted, calling them crazy. Political activists have decided to hold a peaceful march from Tahrir to the Defense Ministry. Ultras - hardcore football fans who often join political protests - have said they will participate in the march and wear black to pay homage to the martyrs of the 25 January revolution. Earlier in the day, military and police forces have been deployed outside the Defense Ministry, as a reaction to reports that activists in Tahrir Square are planning to march on the ministry to express their opposition to the council's continuing rule. Large numbers of army and police forces have spread throughout the streets around the ministry, while dozens of armed vehicles and army personnel have surrounded the building. One activist organizing the march, who preferred to remain anonymous for safety reasons, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the decision to hold the march came after activists held deliberations in the square. A number of the protesters decided in advance to secure a protest area near Kobba Bridge nearby the ministry. An activist group in Abbasseya has also organized a thousands-strong march to Tahrir before afternoon prayers, to join other demonstrators who are seeking to end military rule."
"26",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/activists-call-escalating-civil-disobedience-force-scaf-exit","As public outrage mounts over violence at a football match Wednesday, two prominent Egyptian activist groups are calling on citizens to engage in acts of civil disobedience to impel the ruling military council to step down. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Both the April 6 Youth Movement's Mansoura branch and the Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei called for a general partial strike to begin Thursday and escalate with unspecified acts of civil disobedience until 11 February, which marks the one-year anniversary of former President Hosni Mubarak's resignation. In a statement, the Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei described the Port Said violence as ""a conspiracy to get revenge on the ultras."" The campaign described the ultras, as hardcore football fans are known in Egypt, as ""heroes of the Battle of the Camel and Mohamed Mahmoud [Street clashes]"" and said that national security threats will increase every day that the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces remains in power. ElBaradei announced he would not run for president in January, but his campaign has vowed to continue his reform efforts in Egypt. The campaign held the SCAF responsible for the Port Said riots, which it mentioned coincided with the first anniversary of the infamous Battle of the Camel - when thugs riding horses and camels attacked peaceful protesters in the square - and came amid a string of bank robberies and other security failures across the country. At least 71 people died and hundeds were injured Wednesday night at the Port Said football stadium when fans rushed the field and clashes broke out. The April 6 Youth Movement's Mansoura branch also called for civil disobedience Thursday, urging that it continue until power is handed over to a civilian government. The SCAF is still defending remnants of the former Mubarak regime, said the April 6 statement, calling on the People's Assembly to hold those involved in the Port Said riots - including the SCAF - accountable. The statement also demanded the formation of a national salvation government and retribution for the victims of the Port Said violence."
"27",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/activists-politicians-see-more-hooliganism-football-violence","At least 71 are confirmed dead in the worst-ever fan violence following a sporting event in Egypt, after a fight apparently broke out between fans of the home football team Masry and visiting team Ahly in the coastal city of Port Said. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); People moving from the Masry stands swarmed the field after a 3-1 victory over Ahly, in a riot that also left at least 313 injured and seems certain to shake Egyptian society to its core. The violence has already raised calls to assign blame, with many accusing security forces and their bosses in Egypt's transition, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Others are opting to situate the event in expected football hooliganism, common in Egypt. Eyewitnesses described security forces as doing very little to prevent the violence, while more than just Masry fans attacked the Ahly Ultras. ""All of my friends returning from the match assured us that they were not attacked by soccer fans only, but by another infiltrating crowd,"" said journalist Mohamed Beshir on his Twitter account. Eyewitnesses also confirmed that security was entirely absent when the Masry fans stormed the field. They claimed that security forces allowed Masry fans to enter the visiting team's stands. Masry fans were allowed to celebrate their third goal in the field without being confronted by police. They did the same after they won the match and instead of celebrating their extremely rare win, began attacking Ahly players and fans. ""We were worried and pleaded with Central Security Forces to allow us to wait behind closed doors until things died down, while they kept telling us to leave,"" said Ahmed, an Ahly Ultras member who refused to give his full name due to the group's no-media policy. When they refused to leave the stands, Central Security Forces opened the door to angry Masry fans, and that's when the situation worsened, Ahmed added. ""Security forces are supposed to secure the exit of fans with an iron fist. Protocol calls for them to close all gates leading to the visiting team's fans until they are sure of their security,"" said Adel Aql, a veteran football match observer. Reports suggest that the security ignored warning signs of potential clashes. In the pre-match warm up, fans fired flare guns and fireworks at the Ahly players and, ""police received a tip that known ex-cons were making their way to the Masry stadium armed with melee weapons,"" said Wael Qandeel, managing editor of the daily Al-Shorouk, citing personal sources. In a statement posted by the Masry Ultras Green Eagles on their Facebook page, the group assured that they were committed to peacefully supporting their team and preventing any infiltrators from reaching their ranks. The group noted that it was approached by ""some thugs"" before the match as they wanted to pressure the government to give them apartments by attempting to kidnap the Ahly players from their hotel. The Masry Ultras also said that earlier in the morning, some people fought to get tickets to the game threatening vendors with arms. ""Our group has nothing to do with what happened. We shall stop our activities as the Masry Ultras Green Eagles in respect to those who were killed for Egypt,"" read the statement, which also called for a march to protest the violence and demand an end to military rule. Many of the victims died from direct blows to the head with weapons, and others from asphyxiation from being trampled under the 17,000-strong crowd, according to Health Ministry reports. ""This is a massacre. I've never seen as many dead bodies in one place at one time out of all the wars I've witnessed,"" said Port Said MP Al-Badry Farghaly in a television interview. Farghaly confirmed reports that the Port Said governor and the city's head of security did not attend the match, which is uncommon for games between the two teams. ""For the first time in the recent history of matches between the two teams, the governor and head of security from the city are absent,"" said Khaled Mamdouh, a veteran sports journalist in a television interview. ""I am not a proponent of conspiracy theories. But today a massacre happened, and someone has to be responsible. There is only the SCAF right now who seems responsible. This is an indication that we all need to stand together to end military rule as soon as possible,"" said activist Wael Khalil. Wednesday's violence came right after SCAF head Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi gave a speech saying he would limit the use of the Emergency Law to acts of thuggery. It also comes one day after Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim spoke at Parliament proselytizing on the merit of emergency laws. Many linked the match violence to these statements in a regime quest to showcase the relevance of the Emergency Law, abolishment of which has been one of the main demands of the revolutionaries since January 2011. ""What happened cannot be a coincidence. This massacre and three armed robberies happened only one day after Ibrahim tried to talk to us about the need for a state of emergency,"" Ziad al-Elaimy, an MP with the Social Democratic Party said in a television interview. ""There is no such thing as 73 killed [the official number when Younis spoke] because of a soccer game. This is a planned massacre, just like the Mohamed Mahmoud massacre in November,"" said Sherif Younis, a history professor at Helwan University, in reference to the November 2011 clashes that left more than 40 dead after security forces and military police attacked a small group of peaceful protesters in Tahrir Square. Presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi echoed Younis' sentiments in a television interview when he said, ""This is a planned ambush on the Ahly Ultras group for their prominent role in the 25 January Revolution."" The fans of the popular club were at the forefront of the protests that led to the toppling of Hosni Mubarak last year as well as ongoing protests demanding the end of the SCAF's rule. In its statement, the Muslim Brotherhood opted to blame security forces for ""punishing the Egyptian people for their revolution,"" while denouncing all acts of violence throughout the country, including, ""the threat to attack Parliament and the youth of the Brothers who stood to protect it."" On Tuesday, a stand-off between peaceful protesters and Brotherhood youth around Parliament led to 75 injuries. Tantawi refused to comment on the possibility of sacking the Port Said governor while giving interviews at Cairo International Airport where many of the injured were arriving. ""This could happen anywhere in the world,"" he said. He also called on people to take the matter into their own hands. ""Normal people must move against the people who did this,"" said Tantawi. ""Normal people did this, so normal people must move to stop them."" The SCAF announced a three-day mourning period and said it is forming an investigative committee. While the SCAF sent two planes to transport the most badly injured Ahly fans back to Cairo, the central Cairo train station in Midan Ramses was filled with incensed protesters looking to receive the rest of the returning fans. Along with weeping family and friends lamenting the massacre and demanding justice, thousands stood in unison throughout Thursday's early morning hours chanting ""Down with military rule ... down with the field marshal."""
"28",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cairo-morgue-families-port-said-stadium-victims-blame-authorities","The bodies of 51 of the 71 people killed at Port Said stadium on Wednesday are now inside the Zeinhom Morgue in Cairo's Sayeda Zeinab neighborhood. Outside the building, the lamentations of mothers whose sons went to cheer at a football match and never came back mix with angry cries against military rule as many hold the military junta accountable for the deaths. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The clashes started when fans of Port Said's Masry team attacked fans of the opposing Ahly team following Masry's 3-1 victory. Zeinhom Morgue was chaotic as the families entered restricted areas and most doctors stayed in their offices, refusing to perform autopsies out of fear of the crowd, according to an employee in the morgue. The brother of two of the victims walked around the morgue banging his head against the walls and repeating, ""They killed both my sisters. The whole gang has to be hanged."" The wedding of Iman, 25, was planned for Friday. Her younger sister Aya, 22, was supposed to get married next month. Her brother Ahmed said both were killed by live fire. ""I blame the National Democratic Party, it's the one that is destroying the country,"" said Ahmed, referring to the dismantled former ruling party, echoing a widely held belief that the stadium violence was orchestrated by the enemies of the revolution. ""Only god is with me now,"" says Ahmed, who says he has given up on justice after watching the prosecution of those who killed protesters in the early days of the revolution drag on for over a year. Zeinhom Morgue has become the site of frequent collective mourning, where families of victims gather after violent incidents that have been breaking out on a monthly basis for the last year. Families of the martyrs who died in clashes with security forces in the last months while protesting for the completion of the revolution's demands often consoled themselves with the fact that their loved ones died for a higher cause. But today, the mourners were tormented by the futile deaths of their beloved, repeating in disbelief, ""They were going to a football game."" The mothers of victims were inconsolable as they stood together in a sea of black, each one calling out her dead son's name, reciting his traits and crying over her plans for him that were cut short. The mother of Ahmed Taher, a 16-year-old student who was killed in the events, clutched his legs covered in a black bag, crying, ""He's 16, he hasn't lived yet, he was my everything."" Members of the usually loud Ultras Ahlawy group were unrecognizable as they leaned on each other, unable to stand up straight, while some curled up in the corners of the morgue crying over their lost compatriots. An overwhelming belief among the mourners that the clashes that killed their loved ones were orchestrated was reflected in the cries of anger against the military and the government that rang out in the morgue. ""We will show you what we will do; we will get back at you for killing our sons and burning our hearts,"" cried Abdel Moneim Khalifa, who was in the morgue to receive the body of his nephew, 22-year-old Ahmed Ismail, after his father went to Port Said to look for him when he heard about the events in the stadium. ""I blame this on all the people who are after money and power - how could they let this happen? They should do something, anything,"" said Khalifa as he stood in the middle of the bodies lined up in the morgue."
"29",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/fifa-president-football-rage-not-responsible-port-said-deaths","BRUSSELS - The president of the International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) said Thursday that football-related rage was not the cause of the bloody events that followed an Egyptian Premier League match in Port Said on Wednesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); FIFA president Sepp Blatter told Al-Masry Al-Youm he would not make any accusations before the results of an investigation into the incident are announced. Riots broke out at the Port Said football stadium late Wednesday after the local team, Masry, defeated the Cairo-based Ahly club. Thousands of hardcore football fans, known in Egypt as ultras, supporting Masry invaded the pitch following their victory and clashed with Ahly Ultras, leaving at least 71 dead and at least 313 injured, according to the Health Ministry. Blatter offered his condolences to the families of the victims. ""This is a black day for football. Such a catastrophic situation is unimaginable and should not happen,"" said Blatter in a letter he sent to the Egyptian Football Association. Blatter added that he spoke with association head Samir Zaher earlier on Thursday to get more details on the circumstances surrounding the tragedy. He told Al-Masry Al-Youm that he asked Zaher if the deaths were a result of intentional murder or from a stampede, adding that Zaher promised to provide him with the relevant details. Declining to comment on the debate over whether Egyptian football should continue, Blatter said the decision is up to the country's security authorities. He did, however, say that sporting events that lead to deaths should not proceed. Blatter implied the Egyptian Football Association was partially responsible for the incident, saying that the decision to hold a match should only be made if security measures are ensured for players, fans and referees. He went on to say that any local football association is entitled to cancel a game if it senses any security threat, even if authorities have provided assurances otherwise. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"30",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/funerals-port-said-dead-held-across-egypt","Funerals were held on Thursday across Egypt for victims of the clashes that broke out in Port Said Stadium following a game between the Ahly and Masry teams last night. Over 70 people died and over 300 were injured in the violence. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In Sharqiya, northeast of Cairo, thousands took part in the funerals of Islam Saif Elwan, 20, who worked in an industrial company in the 10th of Ramadan City, and Mahmoud Suleiman Hassan, 19, a student in the faculty of Engineering at a university in Zagazig. The two victims were buried in a cemetery in Kafr Abu Hamad city. Mourners chanted, ""We sacrifice our blood and our soul for the martyrs"" and ""The martyr is loved by God."" In Mansura, Daqahlia governorate, thousands took part in the burial of Mahmoud Ahmed Khatir, 21, whose coffin was shrouded in an Egyptian flag. The service was held in Nasr mosque. Young people tried to block the road outside the mosque in preparation of the casket being carried out. The funeral turned into a demonstration amid chants of, ""There is no God but God, and the martyr is loved by God"" and ""Be comfortable martyr, for we continue the struggle."" In Mahalla, a large number Mahalla and Ahly Ultras congregated inside the public hospital Thursday afternoon to take part in the funeral of Al-Arabi Kamel Mohamed, 20, a member of the Ultras Ahlawy. In Alexandria, hundreds participated in the funeral of Mahmoud Abdel Rahim al-Ghandour, founder of Ultras Ahlawy in Alexandria. Participants, who included members of the April 6 Youth movement, the Kefaya movement, supporters of Alexandria's Ittihad sporting club and Ghandour's colleagues, demanded retribution. Hundreds of the supporters of Alexandria's Ittihad sporting club, Ahly and Zamalek teams organized a protest that blocked the Corniche in protest of the Port Said clashes. The protestors raised the flags of the Ultras of Zamalek and Ahly, chanting slogans including, ""There is no God but God and the martyr is loved by God"" and ""Either we die like them, or we get their rights."" The blockade resulted in verbal clashes with drivers. The protestors demanded that the military council be held to account for the massacre and urged a vote of no confidence against the government of Kamal al-Ganzouri. They announced plans to hold a march carrying coffins to the headquarters of the northern military zone in Sidi Gaber demanding that the military council hand over power to civilians immediately. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"31",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-cairo-protest-after-port-said-football-tragedy","Hundreds have blocked the Nile Corniche in front of the Maspero state television building to protest the violence following a football match Wednesday in Port Said, which left at least 71 football fans dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Riots broke out at the Port Said football stadium following a rare win by the local team, Masry, against Egypt's leading squad, Ahly. Thousands of hardcore football fans, known as ultras, supporting Masry swarmed the pitch following the victory and clashed with Al-Ahly Ultras, causing the deaths and hundreds of injuries, according to the Health Ministry. Relatives and friends of the victims marched to the TV building from Cairo's Ramses train station, where they had been waiting for fans returning from Port Said. At the station, nearly 10,000 Al-Ahly Ultras received their fellow fans early Thursday, and demanded the head of the ruling military council, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, be executed. Ahly fans were accompanied by supporters of their arch-rival, Zamalek, at the protest, and all chanted slogans against the SCAF and Tantawi. Thousands of demonstrators from nearby Tahrir Square also joined the protest, which halted traffic in front of Maspero. Dozens of Ahly Ultras also marched in the square itself, chanting angrily and demanding retribution for their dead comrades. Emad Eddin Hussein, the managing editor of the independent Al-Shorouk daily, said protesters prevented him, TV commentators and other reporters from entering the Maspero building. In a radio interview, Hussein voiced solidarity with the demonstrators and held the Interior Ministry responsible for the crisis. Protesters said their numbers are likely to grow throughout the day Thursday, adding that they intend to organize marches from Tahrir to the Interior Ministry and the cabinet building, both of which are located near the square. Several activists and politicians are holding the SCAF and interim government responsible for the disaster, while others are blaming vestiges of the regime of former President Hosni Mubarak. In reference to the violence, reform advocate and Nobel laureate Mohamed ElBaradei said Thursday that the failure to restructure Egypt's security services is a crime against the country. After receiving the returning Ahly players at an air force base east of Cairo on Thursday, Tantawi told reporters that attempts to undermine Egypt's stability are doomed to fail. He urged Egyptians to find the perpetrators behind the violence. ""We want people to take part and not stand still. The ones who did this are individuals known to the Egyptian people. And the Egyptian people should not let them go."" However, he did not specify the identity of those he was referring to. In a phone call to the Ahly club's satellite channel, Tantawi denied reports that the government had removed Port Said's governor and security chief. ""I have ordered an investigation and we will find out who caused the tragic incident,"" he told the channel. Tantawi added that the Interior Ministry is ""doing its duty"" in securing football matches. ""We are implementing a road map to transfer power to an elected civilian government, and we have already managed to secure the parliamentary elections,"" he said."
"32",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/political-forces-push-cabinets-removal","A number of political and activist groups and presidential hopefuls demanded Thursday that the People's Assembly withdraw confidence from the government of interim Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri, after violence at a football match Wednesday night left at least 71 dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Riots broke out following a football match in Port Said between Masry, the local club, and Ahly, a Cairo-based team. Thousands of hardcore football fans, known as ultras, supporting Masry stormed the field following their team's rare victory and clash with Ahly Ultras, leaving at least 313 injured, according to the Health Ministry. According to the Interim Constitution, the Parliament does not have the jurisdiction to withdraw confidence from the cabinet. The politicians and activists want a new government that will genuinely work toward achieving the demands of the 25 January revolution, liberal Wafd Party head Al-Sayed al-Badawy said, reading a joint statement following a three-hour meeting at the party's headquarters. Representatives from the Free Egyptians, Democratic Front, Wasat, and Reform and Development parties and the National Association for Change, as well as lawmakers and activists, attended the meeting. Presidential hopefuls Hazem Abu Ismail and Ayman Nour were also present. The participants unanimously declared that since the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is in charge of the country, it is fully responsible for the Port Said violence. Their statement also urged the People's Assembly to fulfill its duty to represent the people during Egypt's political transition and called for presidential elections to be held soon to end divisions among the people. The interim cabinet and the SCAF held parallel meetings Thursday morning to discuss the Port Said riots. They are seeking possible solutions to alleviate public outrage over their leadership and demands to prosecute SCAF head Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. The state-run Middle East News Agency said all of the SCAF's members attended the meeting to discuss the consequences of the tragedy. The council's official Facebook page has decried public outrage with the military council since the Port Said violence. ""Support your armed forces and police services, be their shield until they fulfill their mission and restore security and stability,"" read an administrator's post on the page. Ganzouri also met with his cabinet's security committee, with Planning and International Cooperation Minister Fayza Abouelnaga, Finance Minister Momtaz al-Saeed, Manpower and Immigration Minister Fathy Fekry and Petroleum Minister Abdullah Ghorab all in attendance, according to MENA. Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim spoke to the media before both meetings, defending the performance of security forces during the stadium rampage. Ibrahim told the satellite channel Modern Sport that the events were planned in advance by fans. ""It was not expected that the fans would storm the pitch after their team won the game,"" the minister said, in an attempt to justify security forces' inaction."
"33",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-violence-was-work-infiltrators-not-ultras-say-locals","PORT SAID - Port Said residents are adamant that the violence at Wednesday's football match here was caused by infiltrators, not hardcore local football fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A handful of supporters of the Masry Football Club, which beat Cairo's leading team Ahly 3-1 before the violence began, told Egypt Independent Thursday that what happened the day before was the premeditated work of infiltrators taking advantage of an intentional security vacuum. They pointed out that the gate between the stands and the pitch was left open, while at the same time the exit to the area where Ahly fans were sitting was kept closed. At least 71 people died and more than 300 were injured in the violence Wednesday night. Thousands of people gathered outside the Port Said governor's headquarters by late afternoon, chanting, ""Port Said is innocent!"" and ""This is the truth,"" blaming security forces for the deadly violence. ""This is a conspiracy. We wouldn't do this to our brothers,"" said Mohamed Abdel Fattah, standing outside of the governor's office. ""The Ahly supporters were predominantly from Port Said. My brother was one of them. Port Said is sad today; all residents of the city are sad and feel as if their own relatives have died."" Thousands gathered outside the Ahly club's headquarters in Zamalek, Cairo Thursday afternoon to protest the security forces' failure to intervene and prevent the Port Said violence. News emerged from the People's Assembly Thursday that the Port Said governor resigned in response to the tragedy. The resignation came amid rising calls for accountability for the stadium disaster. A coalition of political groups and individuals issued a statement early Thursday demanding the People's Assembly withdraw confidence from the interim cabinet headed by Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri. And later in the day, the April 6 Youth Movement and Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei called on Egyptians to engage in civil disobedience until 11 February to try to force the ruling military council from power. A number of experts and human rights advocates have accused Egypt's ruling military of complicity in the violence. Amr Hashem Rabia from the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, said the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces was complicit in the events through inaction. Journalist Saad Hagras also accused the SCAF and remnants of the former regime of involvement, telling Al-Masry Al-Youm that the incident was the result of a plot made in advance. Bahey Eddin Hassan, director of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, blamed the SCAF's lack of genuine desire to reform security services for the ongoing security void. Gamal Eid, director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the SCAF has been working to sow division among Egyptians, stressing that the military council is the principal beneficiary of the current events. Additional reporting by Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"34",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/regime-gets-back-port-said","Security officers in plain clothes are reported to have roamed Port Said chasing revolutionaries, accusing them of inciting last night's organized violence in the football stadium, which left more than 70 Ahly Club fans (Ultras) dead and thousands injured. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In order to understand the massacre that happened last night, and the responsibility of the state security apparatus, we need to look deeper at what has been happening in Port Said before and after the 25 January revolution. Since the revolution, Port Said has become a city void of any security. Paid thugs, or what could be referred to as the regime's militia, roam the city looting, kidnapping and blackmailing the residents. Any organized crime becomes extremely easy in such an environment, dominated by armed gangs and drug dealers, a situation that has greatly impoverished the city's residents. The city's location as a port north of the Suez Canal makes it vulnerable to such crime and the state security forces have intentionally left the city defenseless. Those who entered the stadium yesterday with the intention of provoking such violence are the same thugs who have been terrorizing the city's residents this past year; thugs who have been kidnapping girls and elders for ransom money, without any police deterrence. The state security and police's responsibility is not only confined to being incompetent and unwilling to perform their duty to protect the people - they played an active role in orchestrating last night's massacre. Several eyewitness accounts say that police opened the stadium gates for the Masry club supporters (mostly from Port Said), inciting them to clash with the Ahly Ultras. But why would the police do such a thing? Some have argued that the police were taking revenge on the Ahly Ultras for their repeated defiance of state security brutality during the revolution. But it is worth considering that the police were getting back at Port Said's residents themselves. Recently, city residents refused to welcome Alexandria's head of security, who was in office during the murder of Khaled Saeed (Saeed's torture at the hands of the police was central in mobilizing people in the months leading up to the revolution). On 20 January, a new head of security was appointed in Port Said, who oversaw last night's massacre in retaliation for the city's revolutionary stance. But the enmity between Port Said's residents and state security predates the revolution. After Mubarak's attempted assassination in Port Said in 1999, there was a systematic policy to ruin the city. Port Said had thrived on being a duty-free zone north of the Suez Canal. Port Said's economy sank following the alleged assassination attempt due to state policies that aimed to end the city's status as a duty-free zone. This has left many unemployed; some have been forced to make a living off of being paid thugs for state security. This time around, the state thugs who orchestrated the massacre abused football fanaticism to turn other Egyptians against Port Said's residents, holding them responsible for the massacre. In recent years, the regime has incited sectarian clashes to create a state of chaos that would put an end to the revolutionary path. This time football fanaticism was the fuel the regime and its security apparatus used to pit Egyptians against each other. Pro-Mubarak sports television hosts have contributed to this incitement, as they have not stopped blaming the revolution for the violence. After yesterday's tragedy, residents of Port Said are the ones paying the price. They spent last night in tears. They have also queued in front of hospitals to donate their blood for the victims. Port Said is my hometown, and I am also an Ahly Club fan. I know how much the residents of this city cherish life and that they would never murder Egypt's youth. What happened yesterday is the work of the criminal state security, and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces must be held responsible. Fayrouz Karawya is an independent artist, writer and researcher."
"35",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-football-fans-target-ruling-generals","Some of the Egyptian football fans who had a front-line role in toppling former President Hosni Mubarak have a new target - the man who replaced him at Egypt's helm, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""We want your head, you traitor Tantawi. You could have carved your name in history, but you were arrogant and you believed Egypt and its people could take a step back and forget their revolution,"" the Ultras Tahrir Square (UTS), a group of football fans, wrote on its Facebook page. The rage of these ultras, as dedicated football supporters are known, was sparked by a pitch invasion on Wednesday after a match between Port Said's Masry and rival Ahly of Cairo, Egypt's most successful club. In the violence that ensued, at least 71 people were killed and at least 313 were injured. For the ultras, as for many politicians and ordinary Egyptians, the anger was not that football fans clashed but that security forces appeared to have done little to stop them. It has added to the mounting frustration at the army's failure to restore law and order almost a year after taking charge. ""Today, the marshal and the remnants of the regime send us a clear message. We either have our freedom or they punish us and execute us for participating in a revolution against tyranny,"" the group said in the statement, quickly circulated online. Residents of Port Said, as well as some politicians and ultras themselves, feel the group was the target. ""Ultras are very popular and respected among the revolutionaries,"" said 45-year-old Port Said trader Ahmed Badr. ""The ultras were the target (on Wednesday). This was a setup for them, a massacre. The military council and the security forces are the only parties held accountable for such events."" Battle-front Ultras employed years of experience dealing with police at matches to devastating effect against Mubarak's security forces when they used heavy-handed tactics to try to crush the revolt. The ultras are not a single, coherent body. Major football clubs each have their own ultras fan groups, such as Ultras Ahlawy or Ultras White Knights, fans of Zamalek, another major Egyptian football club. UTS, which said Tantawi was in its crosshairs, is a group of fans from various clubs who united in Tahrir Square, the focus for revolutionary campaigning. Daring cat-and-mouse tactics by ultras, often teenagers or men in their early 20s, and steadfastness at front-line barricades under tear gas and rubber bullets wore the police down until they cracked. Within days of the anti-Mubarak uprising erupting, the police were replaced by the army. Since then, ultras have stayed at the battle-front, scuffling with the army and police, in the upsurges of violence since Mubarak's downfall in and around Tahrir, where protesters have demanded the army hand over power immediately to civilians. Ultras for months chanted in stadiums against the army, sending their message into people's living rooms as ordinary Egyptians turn on their televisions to watch matches. Many Egyptians, though worried by lax security, still feel the army is still the best placed to keep order. ""Military police, you are dogs like the Interior Ministry. Write it on the prison's walls, down down with military rule,"" one chant they coined rings through stadiums. Football fans on Thursday reflected the hardening lines. ""The people want the execution of the field marshal,"" thousands of Egyptians chanted at Cairo's main train station early on Thursday as fans returned from the Port Said match. Mourning Responding to the violence, Tantawi said the army would not let anything derail the transition, which the military says means handing over power to civilians before the end of June. He also vowed to track down the culprits of Wednesday's violence. An army statement announced three days of national mourning. Ultras Ahlawy responded with a statement on one of their Facebook pages saying that mourning should not be just for the dead but ""for everyone who lost his morals, mourning for everyone who sold his soul, mourning for everyone who did not care for the country."" The violence flared on Wednesday after Ahly fans unfurled banners insulting Port Said's Masry. One man went onto the pitch carrying an iron bar at the end of the match, which Masry won 3-1. Masry fans reacted by pouring onto the pitch and attacking Ahly players before attacking fans on the terraces. The police appeared to have no ability to stop it. ""For the first time in the history of matches between these two teams, we did not find police officers or state security. Police withdraw from the stadium and yes, your plot is as clear to us as daylight,"" the UTS group said in its statement. Echoing condemnation by politicians, presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi said those killed in Port Said were victims of ""systematic chaos"". He said: ""What happened was black vengeance against the Ultras because of their role in the revolution."""
"36",2012-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-clashes-near-interior-ministry-after-marches-against-port-said-massacre-military-rule","Riot police fired tear gas at protesters Thursday evening as thousands of people swarmed streets surrounding the Ministry of Interior to protest what they see as police complicity in the violence in Port Said yesterday that left 74 people dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Clashes are taking place on Mohamed Mahmoud Street, the scene of a fierce five-day-long battle last November. At the time, the military built a large concrete wall to block protesters. People are now in the process of dismantling the wall. Electricity was cut off on Mansour Street, another street leading to the Interior Ministry, and fires are being set to light up the street, according to an Al-Masry Al-Youm report. A field hospital has been set up and the majority of the injured are suffering from asphyxiation as a result of tear gas inhalation. The Health Ministry released a statement saying that there have not been serious injuries from the clashes, ""only minor ones from teargas or thrown stones."" The ministry said 388 people have been injured, and that 266 received treatment in the area while the rest were referred to nearby hospitals. The scene is reminiscent of other clashes between protesters and security forces in November and December, with protesters forming human chains to ensure that ambulances carrying the injured to the field hospital can get through the crowds. Ambulance workers had been on strike, but an estimated 70 percent have returned to work to help those injured in the clashes. Motorcycles are being used to transport the injured. Demonstrations are also taking place in Tahrir Square and in the Maspero area. Protesters surrounded a Central Security Forces truck carrying new recruits on Talaat Harb Street in downtown Cairo. The driver of the truck fled, leaving the recruits behind in the crowd. Protesters provoked riot police earlier in the evening, with some throwing rocks and a few brandishing tasers. The clashes began after thousands of people, many of them hardcore football fans known as Ultras, marched from the Ahly Club in Zamalek into downtown Cairo to protest the violence at a football match in Port Said on Wednesday. The march broke into two smaller parts when it reached Tahrir Square, with one headed for the Interior Ministry and the other aiming for the nearby People's Assembly building. Protesters chanted slogans against the ruling military junta, which they hold responsible for Wednesday's deadly events. Three members of Parliament joined the protest earlier on: Amr Hamzawy, an independent liberal and Ziad al-Elaimy and Mohamed Abu Hamed of the liberal Egyptian Bloc coalition. Abu Hamed and Elaimy both said they will resign if no one is prosecuted for the incident within a week. It is unclear if the MPs left after the clashes started. Upon arrival to Tahrir Square, some tried to convince the march not to head to the Interior Ministry in order to avoid bloodshed. Some ultras insisted on heading to the ministry and a few attempted to bring down the wall erected in November on Mohamed Mahmoud Street. Some protesters removed the barbed wire blocking the way to the Interior Ministry and threw rocks at the security forces. Others formed a human shield separating the two sides to avoid violence and chanted, ""Peaceful."" The protesters held the ruling military council responsible for the violence and demanded the prosecution of its Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. Some protesters also demanded Tantawi's execution. The Interior Ministry released a statement warning demonstrators against ""creating chaos,"" saying that the ministry ""appeals to the honorable people of Egypt to listen to the voice of reason and uphold the interests of the country in order to achieve the goals of the revolution,"" Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. Among a noticeably weak security presence, fans of the Masry team attacked fans of the Ahly team after winning the game yesterday. Echoing a widely held belief that the violence was orchestrated for political motives the protesters chanted, ""This is not a sports incident, this is a military massacre."" Mohamed Abdel Hamid, who was injured in yesterday's violence, accused the police of conspiring with those who attacked the Ahly fans to punish the ultras for criticizing Field Marshal Tantawi. ""They left us to be slaughtered and didn't do anything,"" he said. Abdel Hamid added that the protesters don't want to storm the Interior Ministry; they only want the rights of those who were killed. ""We all understand that what happened had nothing to do with a soccer match,"" said Rasha Ibrahim, a 21-year-old protester. ""We are protesting today to tell the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that this is your end. You will leave. They killed too many people."""
"37",2012-02-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-protesters-besiege-interior-ministry","Protesters laid siege to Egypt's Interior Ministry on Friday, extending a rally against the military-led government into a second day in a show of anger triggered by the deaths of 74 people in the country's worst football disaster. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In separate clashes in the city of Suez, two protesters were killed as police used live rounds to hold back crowds trying to break into a police station, witnesses said. Demonstrations erupted in Egypt this week following deaths at a football stadium in Port Said as the football incident turned quickly into a political crisis. Protesters hold the military-led authorities responsible for the bloodshed. In Cairo, several thousand protesters remained in the streets around the ministry as night fell. The only vehicles in the usually congested downtown area were largely ambulances that ferried away casualties from clashes with police. Underlining the tension, ambulances had to intervene to extract riot police whose truck took a wrong turn into a street full of protesters, a Reuters witness said. Protesters surrounded the vehicle for at least 45 minutes, rocking it while the police were inside. Some of the demonstrators then formed a human corridor to help them escape. Close to 400 people were wounded in confrontations that erupted late on Thursday, the Health Ministry said, many of them suffering the effects of inhaling tear gas fired by riot police who the Interior Ministry said were protecting the building. Rocks thrown by protesters were strewn across streets that two months ago witnessed violent clashes between police and activists who see the Interior Ministry as an unreformed vestige of former President Hosni Mubarak's rule. ""We are not going to leave this time,"" said Sami Adel, a 23-year-old member of the ultras, a group of football fans known for confronting police. They have regularly been on the front lines of clashes with security forces over the last year. Security forces fired tear gas into the night to drive back protesters, who then regrouped ready for more. ""The crimes committed against the revolutionary forces will not stop the revolution or scare the revolutionaries,"" said a pamphlet printed in the name of the ultras. In Suez, witnesses said fighting broke out at a local police station in the early hours of Friday. ""We received two corpses of protesters shot dead by live ammunition,"" said a doctor at a morgue where the bodies were kept. A witness said: ""Protesters are trying to break into the Suez police station and police are now firing live ammunition."" The football stadium deaths have heaped new criticism on the military council, which has governed Egypt since Mubarak stepped down a year ago in the face of mass protests. Critics regard them as part of his administration and an obstacle to change. The army leadership, in turn, has presented itself as the guardian of the 25 January revolution. It has promised to hand power to an elected president by the end of June. Interior minister blames fans At least 1,000 people were injured in the football violence when fans invaded the pitch after local Port Said team Masry beat Cairo-based Ahly, the most successful club in Africa. Hundreds of Masry supporters surged across the pitch to the visitors' end and panicked Ahly fans dashed for the exit. But the steel doors were bolted shut and dozens were crushed to death in the stampede, witnesses said. The cause of the violence has been the focus of intense speculation. Some believe it was triggered by unknown provocateurs working for remnants of the Mubarak administration who are seeking to sabotage the transition to democracy. Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim said the fans started it. ""The events started with provocations between the Ahly and Masry crowds, then insults, until it ended up with those sorrowful events,"" he told the Egyptian TV station CBC during a telephone interview. Ibrahim was widely blamed for the deaths during an emergency parliamentary session on Thursday. MPs, including the Islamists who control some 70 percent of the chamber, called for him to be held to account and accused him of negligence. Safwat Zayat, an analyst, said the incident had done further damage to the image of the ruling military council. ""The current events push in the direction of speeding up the transfer of power to civilians,"" Zayat told Reuters. Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, the head of the military council, responded to the deaths by vowing that Egypt would remain stable. ""We have a roadmap to transfer power to elected civilians,"" he said in broadcast remarks."
"38",2012-02-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-fans-blame-security-infiltrators-match-violence","PORT SAID - Despite a biting wind the sun shone brightly on Port Said Thursday, and if not for the people out in droves in front of the governorate building and marching around the city, no one would guess that unprecedented violence had occurred here just the day before. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The residents of Port Said came out in force Thursday, insisting that the violence in the city's football stadium the night before was something they vehemently condemned, and placing blame for the incident squarely on the shoulders of security forces and local authorities. The stadium itself still sports debris from Wednesday night's riots, in which 74 people lost their lives in riots after a match between the local team, Masry and Cairo's leading team, Ahly. Strewn across the ground are rocks and shoes people left behind as they ran for their lives. Trouble brewed in Port Said Stadium early on in the match Wednesday evening, as fans taunted each other and held up provocative signs. Yet the game continued, and after the final whistle fans stormed the pitch and chased rival supporters up the bleachers. ""The situation was very strange,"" said member of Ultras Masrawy, a group of hardcore fans supporting the city's Masry club, Ahmed Yasser, ""to see people dead at a football game. Someone who leaves his house to watch a football match and never comes back, this is something unheard of, I cried all night. This could never come from us."" City residents and football supporters insist that the stands were infiltrated and that the riots were premeditated, pointing to glaring security lapses throughout the game. Ultra members from both teams had met with the stadium security head and Masry club president Kamel Abu Ali before the match and agreed that there should be no violence. The ultras point to this meeting as proof that they had no intention of stirring up any trouble during the game. ""We usually gather before the game and go sit in our usual place,"" Yasser said. ""When we went there this time we found others there. We usually tell them to leave and this time we did but they said, 'no,' and we didn't want to cause trouble so we sat somewhere else."" From then on, Yasser and others pointed to a series of security failures. ""There was a massive security lapse,"" said Masry fan Islam al-Sayed. ""We saw the supporters storm the pitch and security forces did nothing to stop it. We're accustomed to some trouble happening at games but not like this, not where people will die. At most there is some stone-throwing after the game."" In a precursor of what was to come, fans took to the pitch at halftime in a precursor of what was to come. And curiously, the gates between the stands and the pitch were left open. Some witnesses said that the exits at the back of the stands housing the Ahly ultras were closed. To make things even worse, the stadium lights went out after the match finished. ""The gates have always been locked ever since I've been attending the games. They were open this time,"" Yasser said. Masry supporters admit that they stormed the pitch at the final whistle to celebrate, but they claim they did not chase after the Ahly fans and players. Another Masry ultra, Mohamed Adel, said, ""We were ecstatic with the result [Masry won 3-1]; I did go onto the pitch to celebrate with my team. When we saw what was happening near the Ahly stands we ran to form a cordon at the bottom and prevent more people from going up."" During the second half, Masry fans were provoked by a banner unfurled at the Ahly end casting doubt on the manhood of Port Said residents. ""The banner provoked us,"" Yasser said, ""so when we scored the third goal supporters celebrated on the pitch. Missiles [fireworks] were exchanged between us."" ""At the end of the game there was one gate that was broken and another one that was already opened. You find the gates open in front of you so of course everybody went down,"" Sayed said. ""Some went to celebrate on the pitch. The others - the infiltrators - ran past to chase the Ahly fans. We won the game, why would we attack them?"" Adel also proposed the infiltrator theory, saying that at halftime four buses arrived outside the stadium and unloaded people who took to the stands wearing green Masry shirts. It was they who chased the Ahly supporters, Sayed contended, and ""when we saw what was happening we tried to block them at the foot of the pitch in front of the stands."" All of the Masry goals were accompanied by fan invasions of the pitch. The chaos that ensued after the game was difficult to fathom, with Ahly fans finding themselves stuck in a congested area, causing many to suffocate. Others were killed by direct assaults and some even attempted to jump or fell off the top of the stands. The next day, thousands protested in the streets of Port Said insisting that the violence was not the work of its residents. They pointed out that the governor and head of security were absent from the match, which was uncommon for games against Ahly. Many agreed that those who attacked the Ahly supporters were not regular Masry ultras. Others mentioned that many of the Ahly fans at the game also hailed from Port Said. The insistent belief that this was the handiwork of infiltrators may seem like a city desperate to exonerate itself from the massacre. But the strange security lapses at the match do raise questions. Many who attended the match claimed that level of security outside the stadium was actually much smaller than usual. All of this feeds the belief that security forces were somehow involved in at least allowing matters to escalate to such a degree. ""Are you trying to convince me that the police and the military can secure parliamentary elections involving 27 million people and they can't secure two stands with a few thousand people?"" Yasser asked. ""Tantawi is Mubarak."""
"39",2012-02-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-politics-fun-confront-tyranny","Wednesday's massacre of Ahly Club fans in Port Said's football stadium was the latest in a tragic crescendo for young Egyptians who continue to clash heavily with Egypt's Central Security Forces. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); And though the clashes have been continually analyzed since they began in January of last year, in my opinion the most important factor has yet to be discussed. I believe we are witnessing a natural development in an inevitable conflict between two parties that have found themselves following two different paradigms of life: the paradigm of depression, control and normalization of apathy, versus that of joyful liberation from the shackles of social and institutional norms to create gratifying chaos. The latter is what I call the politics of fun. This conflict between two rhythms of life - one so dim it fails to realize its own fragility, stagnation and gradual extinction, and the other so young and full of life that it fails to realize the revolutionary consequences of its actions - is a useful one, and should be allowed to grow. In fact, the chaos of the ultras, Egypt's hardcore football fans, may play the role of waking up Egypt's middle class, which continues to adhere to the myth of stability. Some experts say that the ultras are a non-political group and their political power remains limited and so the entire phenomenon is not worthy of consideration. In response, I recall the following: When the 25 January revolution erupted, observers discovered that the only organized group in Egypt with the combative experience to deal with Central Security Forces and the Ministry of Interior was the ultras, not the Muslim Brotherhood, the April 6 Youth Movement or the National Assembly for Change. They had mastered attack and defense strategies that helped reduce losses. They knew how to sustain active resistance. This became clear in the prominent roles they played in the battles of Qasr al-Nil Bridge, Ramses Street and the ""Battle of the Camel."" Their history of continual confrontation with the oppressive Ministry of Interior was thus proved to be exceptional revolutionary action. The 25 January revolution was, in essence, a fast moving, intrepid coup against a rigid and dim rhythm of life. It's true that the Mubarak regime's failed economic policies and oppression by police forces were the two most prominent reasons behind the popular uprising from a political perspective, but the movement also needed a bold adventurous spirit defiant of social norms to translate the feelings and expectations of the Egyptian people into huge popular protest. The ultras' politics of fun provided this, and thus shaped the spirit of the Egyptian revolution. Ultras' origins The ultras phenomenon can be analyzed from two perspectives: the development of Egyptian football and sports fans' traditions, or of youth culture during the last decade. During the 1980s and 90s, cheering for football teams was simple and primitive. Football fans were either ""professional"" supporters, characterized as extensions of the football club's administrative entity or linked with one of the prominent football stars - hence likely to be steered- or the recreational type, who headed to the football match after work or on Fridays hoping for a couple of hours' entertainment. But the most important feature of the period was that rooting for football teams was detached from any broader emotional, social or organizational attitudes. The globalization of football in the late 1990s and the beginning of the new millennium marked the birth of a new era for football in Egypt, characterized by the establishment of a broad football viewership with a range of rooting styles and values. This new football industry in Egypt, driven by market demand, also provided high profitability, opportunities for money laundering, advertising, and the circulation of financial resources. This emerging market was invariably bound to depend on young fans as consumers of the language, behavior and tools of the new globalized football era. It was in this environment that ultra groups came to life. Ultras first appeared in Latin America and Mediterranean European Countries such as Italy, Spain, France, Portugal and the Balkans. In the Arab world, they began in Tunisia, and were soon followed by the appearance of ultras for the major Egyptian football clubs, beginning with the Ultras Ahlawy, Zamalek's Ultras White Knights and Ismaily's Ultras Blue Dragons, and smaller regional clubs such as Port Said's Ultras Masry. The revolutionary significance of the ultras phenomenon did not appear until 2007, when a series of clashes with security authorities began both in football stadiums and on the streets. Vandalism and violence also began to escalate between different clubs' ultras. The key to understanding the ultras phenomenon is to imagine it as a way of life for these youth - for them, becoming a football fan became a symbolic action that was both joyful and a means of self-expression. But the broader social, psychological and cultural contexts were unable to adapt to the groups' activities, by virtue of their rebellious nature and their defiance of norms. Ultras' contributions to revolutionary efforts The ultras can be described as having the following characteristics, from which the current protest movement has and continues to benefit: 1. Dynamism Rooting for a team is a dynamic process, which includes supporting the team on the pitch, glorifying its achievements and defending it against its opponents. It is driven by a vague emotional code, which encourages an emotional attachment to the team. Winning or losing does not affect the group's faith or cohesion. For example, the successive victories of Al-Ahly team did not relax the Ultras Ahlawy's drive, just as Zamalek's successive losses did nothing to discourage the Ultras White Knights. Frustration never gets the best of them. 2. Flexibility Organization is at the core of the ultras phenomenon, as practical necessity for managing the movement of fans with their teams to the various cities. Ultras remain proud of their group identity but at the same time members are free to be active in the streets as long as it does not conflict with the group's purpose. This includes political activism. On 25 January, for example, the ultras did not initially join the protests as a group, but gave members the freedom to join on an individual basis. When it became clear that it was a revolution that involved major confrontations with security forces, the ultras made the decision to join as a group on 28 January 2011, called the Friday of Anger. 3. Positive attitude Ultras have always taken the initiative while attempting to outdo the cheering activities of the opposing team's supporters. From here came the term""cortege,"" which was adapted from the street war terminology of Colombia, Brazil, and Argentina. It means going out in demonstrations as a show of power in the opponents' areas of influence away from the stadium. Cortege sometimes leads to violence. 4. Refusal of patriarchy and traditionalism The ultras refuse the tutelage of club heads when it comes to the determining what to do and what not to do. Most football clubs are institutions based on patriarchy and elitism. Ultras youth not only love their clubs, but also are not afraid to criticize a team's policies. One historic development in Ahly's case was Ultras Ahlawy's constant criticism of the policies of the club's board with respect to its contracts with the players, coaches and management team. The rebellious nature of the ultras also rejects puritanical ethical standards regarding ""obscene insults"", and the prevention of girls from attending the games. They also adopt unusual clothing and behavior that defy norms. 5. Group mentality Despite the ultras' popularity and their important role during the revolution, none of their leaders have a media presence. These figures remain anonymous to outsiders. This appears to be a deliberate policy that can be explained by the ultras' desire to uphold a group mentality (against the mass media's traditional tendencies to create stars and to deal with representatives of phenomena). This secrecy cannot be compared to that of Masonic lodges - as perceived in some sensationalist cheap media coverage of Ultras - but is more comparable to the libertarian privacy that sets limits for itself against sensational media coverage. 6. Rebellion The ultras define themselves as rebellious. Not only do they confront competitors in the form of sports teams and administrations, they also revolt against the sports media, which is permanently and aggressively biased against them. The ultras also revolt against the Ministry of Interior, which is an organized, oppressive, brutal entity that does its best to ruin their fun for no good reason. The ministry has continually stepped up attacks on the fan groups as they have gained numbers and influence. Due to the nature of its composition and its military mentality, the Ministry of Interior was not able to accept the idea of an organized group of several thousand members that is capable of mobilizing young people independent of any authority or guidance. The ultras' insistence on continuing in their ways, despite the growing crackdown on them - which reached the point of imprisonment, arresting people in their homes and excessive inspections on entering stadiums (instigated directly by the media) - only provoked police officers further. In response, the ultras' actions became more symbolic, their banners including rebellious political statements. Confrontation was inevitable, and ultras' found it during the 25 January revolution. Future for Egypt's ultras In the wake of the ministry's collapse following the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, the ultras have been the least responsive to media demands to turn a new page with the police forces. On the contrary, the Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights began writing songs and chants focusing on two things: the overwhelming and humiliating defeat of the Ministry of Interior by the ultras, and criticizing the institution itself by making fun of officers' poor educational levels and the corruption inside its administration. Following the 25 January revolution, the Ministry of Interior has again displayed retaliatory tendencies and the ultras have taken them on as an existential battle. Furthermore, the situation was expected to escalate following rumors that the government intends to control the numbers and ""types"" of fans attending football games. After Wednesday's massacre of the Ultras Ahlawy, I wonder about the ultras' future. Today, they and many Egyptians are fuming against national security and the Supreme Council of Armed Forces, who are widely perceived as responsible for the deaths of those joyful and defiant young people. The deaths of so many young football fans marks a turning point in the story of Egypt's ultras and I wonder whether this tragedy will provoke them to develop their strategies and combat mechanisms so as to play an even more direct political and social role in the future. Ashraf El-Sherif teaches at the American University in Cairo. This article was originally published in Arabic on Jadaliyya."
"40",2012-02-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/death-toll-rises-12-protests-after-port-said-football-disaster","The number of protesters killed in clashes with security forces in the wake of Wednesday's deadly football riot has risen to 12, an Egyptian health official said on Saturday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hesham Shiha, deputy health minister, said in a press statement that the ministry has received reports this morning of five new deaths in Cairo and three new deaths in the port city of Suez. Earlier on Saturday, an Egyptian security official told the state news agency that five people died on Friday in Suez when security officers opened fire on several thousand protesters outside police headquarters. However, Suez police said that two protestors were killed by civilians, not police. The police said they have identified those responsible for killing those two protesters. ""I am always on good terms with the people of Suez and its revolutionaries, and everybody in the governorate knows it would be impossible that I order the shooting of revolutionaries, because I consider them my sons,"" Suez Security Directorate chief Adel Refaat said Saturday. The suspects took advantage of the protests to create chaos and used two cars to commit the crime, he said. Mohamed al-Touny al-Sagheer, 18, was killed Friday evening after being shot in the head during clashes between protesters and security in the vicinity of Suez Security Directorate. He was a member of the Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans. Earlier on Friday the Suez Public Hospital announced the death of Alaa Abdel Moneim, a protester who died on his way to hospital after being shot in the chest. On Thursday, two young protesters were killed in the city. The prosecution referred their bodies to the forensics team in Ismailia, and they are expected to be returned on Saturday evening for burial in Suez. The hospital announced that 120 protesters have been injured in Suez. The injuries include suffocation as well as birdshot and live bullet wounds. Citizens converged on the hospital to donate blood in response to a call from the hospital's administration. The number of protesters injured by birdshot has reached 35, the hospital said. The Suez Security Directorate said 10 police personnel were injured by either live bullets or birdshot."
"41",2012-02-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/fifa-chief-slams-egypts-political-interference","FIFA president Sepp Blatter has slammed ""political interference"" in Egyptian football, in the wake of the death of 74 fans in riots following a midweek domestic match. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""In Egypt, football has been victim of political interference,"" he said late Friday at the opening of a Conmebol meeting in Paraguay. ""We cannot accept it. Football is for the people, the youth, to offer emotion and hope. We will never accept that it be used for political ends."" FIFA has previously suspended a number of national football federations it suspected of having been subject to political interference, banning them from regional and international competition. Blatter said clashes between fans of the Masry and Ahly teams in Port Said on Wednesday that left 74 people dead was a ""black day for football"" and should not have happened. Violence has since spread across Egypt, as anger at the country's ruling military boiled over. Many of the dead in Wednesday's football riot were thought to have been Ahly supporters, set upon by partisans of the local Masry side after the Cairo team lost 3-1. The ultras, comprising organised supporters of Cairo's main football clubs, played a prominent role among anti-regime elements in the uprising that overthrew president Hosni Mubarak a year ago. Commentators and citizens have suggested pro-Mubarak forces were behind, or at least complicit in, the Port Said killings. The president of the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) and his board of directors all resigned on Saturday, having already been fired by Egypt's prime minister following the football disaster. Samir Zaher, the EFA president, was also reportedly banned from leaving Egypt pending an investigation into the disaster. Saturday's decision to resign will likely be accepted by FIFA."
"42",2012-02-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/blog-football-meets-politics-again-differently","I watched endless re-runs of the final moments of the Ahly-Masry game in Port Said in a restaurant, on a muted television. Silent images of a man triumphantly carried on someone's shoulders and hurriedly put down as hordes of men fill the pitch and pursue the Ahly players, shown again and again. The celebrations turned so quickly, so seamlessly, into violence and tragedy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hundreds of youths gathered outside Ahly's Cairo base the next day, chanting against Port Said, against Ahly director Hassan Hamdy, against the Interior Ministry, against the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). At one point screams interrupted the chants. A young woman banged her head on the roof of a car while next to her an older woman collapsed on the ground. They had just heard that their relative, 16-year-old Islam Ahmed, was amongst the stadium's dead. Later a man shouted at men behind the Ahly Club's locked gates, ""what did the people that died have to do with politics?"" It was a question repeated by several Ahly fans outside their club, grumbling about the presence of ""Tahrir people"" ""politicizing"" their loss and using it for mileage in their campaign against the SCAF. But they were a minority. The march that eventually left the club at 4 pm was dominated by chants condemning SCAF, and calling for the execution of the field marshal. Chants by the famously obscene Ultras Ahlawy (the football firm of Egypt's top team) now target the military, and they echoed round downtown Cairo's streets when the march arrived there. The march stopped at the Mohamed Mahmoud Street wall, near Tahrir Square, and some protesters immediately clambered on top of it and began trying to dissemble it. Other protesters standing below called on them to stop, and chanted ""selmeya, selmeya"" (peaceful, peaceful). The men on the wall looked down on them in disgust. ""Yes we're thugs!"" one said, sardonically, thumping his chest. ""We're being paid to do this."" In Falaky Square another huge march was headed for the streets leading to the Interior Ministry building. My heart sank when I saw them turn into Mansour Street. I had been there a week ago, during the January 25 anniversary protests/celebrations, and noted the fragile looking barbed wire and line of bored riot police standing behind it, 500 meters away from the Interior Ministry. It was a confrontation waiting to happen. The demonstration turned into Mansour Street. A tangible surge of energy went through the protest as it rumbled onwards towards the barricade. There was such a terrible inevitability about what would happen next, it was like watching an army march to war. It didn't take long for the riot police to lose patience, as usual. Protesters knocked down the barbed wire and then busied themselves with disassembling it. The riot police retreated two meters. There was no attempt by the protesters to push them back further. But the riot police soon tired of the occasional rock thrown at them and the tear gas started; frequent, intense volleys of it. The cycle began. Many of the protesters wore football insignia. Famous rivals Zamalek and Ahly temporarily put hostilities aside and their fans stood side by side on the frontline. Their involvement, and the whole Port Said incident, is another interesting dimension of football's complicated relationship with the state. Leading Egyptian football clubs are big business and have a huge public following. Their fans have always enjoyed a certain autonomy as a result. Between 2007 and 2011, during the repression of the Mubarak years, I attended four mass public gatherings: street celebrations for Egypt's victory in the African Cup; Muslim Brotherhood organized protests during Israel's 2009 attack on Gaza; riots following the Egypt-Algeria debacle; and finally the January 25 protests and what followed. There was such a sense of freedom during the African Cup celebrations when the normal rules didn't apply, and the streets were temporarily handed over to the people. And then again that strange police absence during the protests over the Egyptian football team's treatment in Algeria. Protests during which the state of emergency was temporarily and informally suspended and young men ran amok around the Algerian Embassy. The old adage was that football was used as a distraction from political repression, as a vent for Egypt's angry young men. In Port Said, the theory goes, it was used as a spark, another installment of the chaos proponents of this theory say is being deliberately incited. There are layers upon layers of history in the Port Said Stadium tragedy: a decades long rivalry between Ahly and Masry, the last episode of which was last year, when Ahly fans rioted in Port Said; a society in which violence has been tolerated - condoned even - for years, in police stations and schools; an incompetent and corrupt police force stripped of its tools now that rampant abuse is less tolerated; and the legacy of generations of young men informally employed by the Interior Ministry and other regime elements as informers/heavies. Whether or not the Port Said massacre was deliberately orchestrated should perhaps not be the focus now. We may never know the truth of why this happened, but how it happened is clear: men were allowed into stadiums with weapons, doors were closed on a panicked crowd, and as a result at least 71 boys and young men were stabbed or crushed to death. Part of a sinister plot to plunge Egypt into mayhem or not, responsibility for the Port Said events goes to the very top. The failure to acknowledge this is the true chaos of Egypt."
"43",2012-02-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/mobile-companies-ready-cooperate-port-said-probe","Egypt's three main cell phone service providers -Vodafone, Mobinil, and Etisalat - have expressed readiness to cooperate with authorities in their investigation into Wednesday's football violence, which left 74 dead and hundreds injured. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Violence broke out in the Port Said football stadium following a rare win by the local team, Masry, against the rival Ahly team. Thousands of ultras, hardcore football fans, who support Masry swarmed the pitch following the victory and clashed with their Ahly counterparts. The incident prompted Prime Minster Kamal al-Ganzouri to disband the Egyptian Football Association's board and fire Port Said's security chief. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that the companies have offered to reveal telephone records belonging to suspects in the case. The companies cited a telecommunications law which says that customers' communication records may not be revealed except through permission by the public prosecution. Al-Masry Al-Youm said the companies have not yet received any requests in that respect. In accordance with the law, the companies will only reveal phone numbers connected with the suspects, without exposing content of what was said during the calls. Earlier in January, several internet activists called for temporarily boycotting mobile services as punishment to service providers for a communication blackout during the early days of the 25 January revolution. During the uprising, internet and mobile companies halted their services under pressure from security authorities. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"44",2012-02-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/revolution-youth-ahly-fans-call-dismissal-pm","Several revolutionary and protest movements on Saturday called for the dismissal of the government amid the aftermath of the massacre in Port Said last week at a football match that left 74 people dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Members of the 25 January Revolution Youth Coalition, the April 6 Youth Movement, Our Egypt movement and Ultras Ahlawy met for a People's Youth Assembly Committee meeting. Khaled Abdel Hamid, a member of the Popular Alliance Party, said it is time for Parliament to give orders to the government. The Interior Ministry is unable to control its officers around the ministry and prevent them from using tear gas on protesters, Abdel Hamid said. Wednesday's match left at least 71 people dead and 1,000 injured when fans of Port Said's Masry team stormed the field seconds after their team won the match, attacking players and fans from the Cairo-based Ahly team. So far 12 people have been killed in ensuing clashes with police around the country. Ultras Ahlawy member Ahmed Ghareeb accused Port Said spectators of killing Ahly football fans. He said a Muslim Brotherhood member told them there was a plan to ""liquidate them."" Ghareeb said Ahly fans were issued threats while on their way to the stadium in Port Said. He said they found out there were only 10 army recruits and one officer ensuring the safety of Ahly fans at the stadium. Abdel Rahman Fares, a member of the 25 January Revolution Youth Coalition, accused three police generals of being behind the killings. Meanwhile, Mohamed Gaballah, a political activist and international law professor, said Article 33 of the constitutional declaration gives the People's Assembly the right to manage the affairs of the country and to decide on general state policies. He also called on Parliament to set a timeline for the handover of power to civilians. Saif Abdel Fattah, a political science professor, called for civil disobedience on 11 February in which members from political and revolutionary powers and the People's Assembly would participate. Osama Yassin, the head of the committee, said the fact-finding committee formed to investigate the Port Said killings has come to frightening conclusions. He said the attorney general should be dismissed because previous investigations in other clashes have led to nowhere. Meanwhile, Shady al-Ghazaly Harb, the founder of Awareness Party, called for the removal of Ganzouri's government and the formation of government whose members belong to the Freedom and Justice Party or a coalition government to lead the coming stage. Harb called for early elections and the cancellation of Article 28 of the constitutional declaration, which gives the head of the presidential election committee immunity. Tranlsated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"45",2012-02-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-heroes-villains-or-scapegoats","Even within the context of the past 13 months, the events of Wednesday's soccer match confound. Port Said's home team enjoys a rare victory, and fans celebrate by raiding the pitch and murdering scores of Ahly supporters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Reports of decapitations, bodies being thrown from the stadium's uppermost bleachers, and defiled corpses come pouring in across news and sports shows, while live images reveal rows of central security officers watching from the sidelines, doing little, as had come to be expected of them. The scene left a gash in the national consciousness, and questions piled up immediately. As retired goalkeeper Nader al-Sayed lamented during his televised sports show's live coverage of what has been since repeatedly referred to as a massacre, ""This is not normal. This is the result of a malicious and sinister plan, carefully plotted and expertly perpetrated, and we all know by whom."" ""This past year has seen obvious attempts at destabilizing the nation, and we have remained silent through them all,"" Sayed continued, speaking on behalf of Egypt's considerable hardcore soccer enthusiasts. ""We were silent as our institutions were burned to the ground, we were silent as our women were publicly dragged and beaten. We cannot remain silent any longer."" What Sayed failed to either realize or acknowledge was that one section of the Egyptian soccer fanbase - arguably the most devoted - has not been silent. In fact, the ultras have played an undeniably significant role in the ongoing revolution, as attested to by revolutionaries. ""The ultras are not politically active,"" says Mohamed Gamal Beshir, author of the recently released ""Ultras Book"" and founder of the Zamalek White Knights, who claims that although certain football fangroups which inspired the Egyptian ultras, such as ones in Italy or England, might have political connections or adhere to fascist ideologies, their Egyptian counterparts are just casual, albeit passionate, fans uninterested in ""mobilizing as a group or anything like that."" Rather, it is their unchecked (i.e., youthful) passion, not to mention their years of experience in dealing with a police force that widely targeted them as thugs and hooligans, that has earned the ultras their revolution-era reputation as either an unruly mob or heroic ""lions"" safeguarding the national pride. ""They are heroes, there is no question about it,"" insists Samah al-Nakkash, a 44-year-old mother, and unlikely member of the protest that swelled outside of Cairo's Ahly soccer club the morning after the massacre in Port Said. Her soccer-loving son, she says, is not an ultra but his friends are, ""and they are lions. They are always organizing popular committees on the street, and protecting girls, and attacking the police officers that try to dishonor them."" As the protesters shuffled in an attempt to get their planned march to Parliament started, Nakkash continued to praise the young men who had nurtured their love of sport into fully-blossomed patriotism. Nakkash - and likely all others desperate for a shred of optimism to cling to in increasingly troubling times - would be dispirited to hear that the ultras have not been organizing popular committees or girl-protecting squads. ""Yes, we have been on the street, and yes, we have been participating in the revolution,"" says Hisham Abdel Rahman, a member of the Ultras Ahlawy unfortunate enough to have been in the bleachers at the Port Said game. Of the role he and his ultra-brethren have played in the uprising, Abdel Rahman explains, ""We do these things as Egyptians, not as ultras."" However, that may soon change. The horrors the 19-year-old witnessed during the Port Said-Ahly clash have been widely documented by its survivors. His firsthand account has left him convinced that the incident was planned (""The gates were welded shut, during the game there were weapons being openly exchanged in front of the police, and there were new rows of iron seats that I had never seen in that stadium before""), but it is the aftermath that has left him truly shaken. Immediately following the mayhem - and, to a lesser extent, as it was unfolding - there were those who publicly described it as being the result of typical football hooliganism. On the surface, these condemnations were not unreasonable - Port Said and Ahly have a history of rivalry - but fail to hold up to the slightest scrutiny. ""Yes, there's rivalry between the two teams, as there is between most teams playing any sport anywhere in the world,"" says Abdel Rahman. ""But this rivalry has never killed anyone. The way those people [supposed Port Said fans] attacked us had nothing to do with sports, or team loyalty. Especially because they won, and it was an unprecedented victory for them, and the real fans that were in the stands did actually leave the stadium to go celebrate."" ""We've had more serious rivalries with teams from other countries,"" Abdel Rahman's fellow ultra (who was not at the Port Said game) and member of the Ahly club march, Ahmed, chimes in. ""But even those rivalries never led to anything as brutal as what happened in Port Said."" Yet, similar claims made by others present at the scene and corroborated by officials have not stopped certain detractors. The funeral held by the Ahly sporting club had not even ended when the Muslim Brotherhood issued a statement denouncing the entire ultra movement as ""hooligans"" responsible for dragging the nation to the brink of the abyss. For the ultras, these accusations only add insult to a fresh and critical injury, while simultaneously channeling a current of public anger in a potentially explosive direction. ""We hear this all the time - 'the ultras are vandals,' 'the ultras are criminals and thugs,'"" Ahmed says. ""People will think what they want to think, but this incident has shown that there are more people who know what we truly are than those who think we're outlaws or sociopaths."" For others, though, it comes down to a much simpler solution: ""If people want to call us thugs,"" Abdel Rahman says grimly, ""we'll give them thugs."" Conversely, and as noted by Ahmed and evidenced by the staggering turnout at the Ahly club and various other beacons of support throughout the capital, the tragedy at Port Said has led to an outpouring of support for the institution and its fans; so much so that in writing an article about ultras, it became difficult to distinguish between genuine members, and those only claiming to be. Mohamed Awad and Hatem Madkour - 27, 35, and both attending the Ahly march in black mourning attire - described at length ""what it means"" to be an ultra, before admitting that they were only soccer fans who ""really love Ahly and its ultras."" Awad and Madkour were not the only self-appointed ultras in the crowd, which also included ultras from rival clubs, as well as people with no interest in soccer to speak of. ""This isn't about soccer, or sports, or Port Said or Cairo,"" declares Sherif Tammam, moving with the crowd toward Qasr al-Nil Bridge and, beyond it, Tahrir Square, already overflowing with like-minded protesters. ""This is about something much bigger than that."" Despite his loyalties to Zamalek - traditionally Ahly's arch-nemesis - Ramy Tabrizi walks through the crowd carrying flags belonging to both clubs. ""We're all Egyptian,"" is his reason. ""We're all being lied to, again."" ""What happened in Port Said was the Interior Ministry's revenge for the revolution that brought them to their knees,"" Tabrizi states. ""It's revenge for us refusing to let them keep us down, and refusing to give up on the revolution. This is their new role now, to carry out their revenge."" It seems the revolution has given new roles to everyone - be it ""politician,"" ""victim,"" ""thug,"" ""protester"" or any of several others. The definitive characteristics of each are not set in stone, instead depending on personal perspectives, and pockets of popular opinion. As the Ahly club protesters marched onwards to what would be another 36 hours of violence, chants of ""ultras are not thugs"" broke out, along with a sub-chorus of promises and threats to the nation's police and ruling military forces. ""It's all going to burn tonight,"" one teenager was heard gleefully predicting to a friend. Essentially a leaderless movement in a leaderless revolution, the ultras seem to have less control than most over how they're perceived by a public drunk on patriotism, paranoia, and the endless confusion that lies in between."
"46",2012-02-07,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/salafi-preacher-port-said-victims-are-not-martyrs","Fans killed during violence at a football match last Wednesday are not martyrs according to Islam, a Salafi preacher said Monday, according to the London-based paper Asharq Al-Awsat. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Abdel Moneim al-Shahat, a spokesperson for the ultra-conservative Salafi movement, said during a Salafi conference in Alexandria that the victims had died for football, an outlandish game imported from the West and prohibited by religion. At least 74 people were killed at Port Said Stadium Wednesday when supporters of the local Masry team stormed the pitch to attack fans of the visiting Ahly team. Many activists, hardcore football fans known as ultras and media outlets have since referred to the victims as martyrs. Shahat said Islam only permits three sports: swimming, archery and horse riding. He said those who went to a football match cannot be martyrs because they were going for entertainment that distracts people from worshiping God. Football players receive gigantic salaries compared to many scholars, who cannot afford daily subsistence, Shahat said. He said money spent on football would be better spent on quizzes for memorizing the Quran. Shahat previously stated it was necessary to cover up ancient Egyptian statues, stirring up resentment in Egypt's tourism industry."
"47",2012-02-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/copts-differ-about-planned-campaign-civil-disobedience","Coptic organizations disagree about whether to participate in the civil disobedience campaign planned for 11 February to pressure authorities to fulfill the revolution's demands. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); On Wednesday, the Maspero Youth Union announced it would participate in civil disobedience, which activists say would include strikes. The Orthodox Church rejects the calls, while the Catholic Church remains neutral. The April 6 Youth Movement and the Popular Campaign to Support Mohamed ElBaradei last week called for acts of civil disobedience, starting with a partial strike, on the anniversary of Hosni Mubarak's resignation in a bid to force the ruling military council out of power. ""We will participate in the disobedience, as the demands of the revolution will not be achieved unless the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces leaves, power is immediately transferred and a president is elected in the absence of SCAF as the country's ruling power,"" said Hany Ramses, a member of the Maspero Youth Union's Executive Office. Ramses said former regime icons must be brought to justice for the revolution's demands to be achieved. Union leader Andrews Aweidah demanded an ""internal restructuring of official media outlets, which instigated [the public] against the ultras youth,"" in reference to football fans attacked during violence that broke out at a match in Port Said last week. The violence left over 40 dead. Aweidah also demanded the ""dismissal of the attorney general, the judicial mediator of the former regime, and the formation of a revolutionary court to quickly conclude the trials of the icons of corruption."" When asked his opinion on calls for civil disobedience, Bishop Marcos of the Holy Diocese of Shubra al-Kheima expressed his disapproval. He said people must work to improve the country's economy and should not disrupt hospitals and public services. Catholic Church spokesperson Father Rafik Greish said the church ""won't prevent or push the youth to participate in the disobedience; they are free [to do what they like]."" Refaat Fekry, pastor of the Anglican Church, said he personally supports the idea of protests and strikes, ""as the revolution's demands have not been achieved"" even though a year has elapsed since former President Hosni Mubarak's ouster. He said SCAF and the People's Assembly ""are not responding to the revolutionaries' demands."" Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"48",2012-02-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/scaf-radicalizes-mob","The mere result of the constant clashes between protesters and the remnants of Mubarak's regime in the Ministry of Interior is radicalizing the Egyptian public. The irresponsible reaction of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, the head of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, who urged Egyptians to fight those who caused the massacre in Port Said, reflects this reality. Aside from the massacre, pushing Egypt toward fragility and disorder appears to be a deliberate and planned tendency. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Since they took power after the disposal of Hosni Mubarak, the junta sought to diffuse the revolutionary mood among ordinary Egyptians and turn them against revolutionary forces. To achieve this goal, they adopted a shrewd policy based on dismantling the revolutionary bloc. It started first by fueling the political disputes and schism among political forces through the proposal of ""supra-constitutional principles,"" which put Islamists in the face of liberal and secular forces. Second, it waged a relentless and ugly media campaign against activists to discredit them, such as the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, etc. Third, it raided and attacked human rights organizations and NGOs that supported the revolution and sought to sue the military for its awful mistakes during the transition. And now it seeks to smear the ultras, the football fans, and punish them for their courageous role during the revolution. However, what the junta does not realize is that the ultras and young activists are aware of such useless policy. Hence, they insist to continue the revolution despite its high cost. Nevertheless, the utter failure of the junta in achieving any of the previous goals pushed it to use the last card left, namely to radicalize the mob to justify their abortion of the revolution. The apathetic response of Tantawi to the Port Said massacre signals to this. Instead of sacking the government or dismissing the interior minister, Tantawi appeared unconcerned and played down the consequences of the massacre. Ironically, he blamed people for not fighting each other. By not acting responsibly, SCAF is pushing the mob into a corner. It drives them crazy by maintaining the state of frustration and disenchantment among protesters. The consequences, however, of such policy will backfire against the junta and undermine its power for many reasons. First, the main bulk of the current wave of protesting, particularly the ultras fans, belongs to the lower-middle and lower income groups. They have already paid a huge price before and after the revolution. Hence, they are now fighting not only to build a real democracy but, more importantly, to avert any attempt to revive Mubarak's regime and reproduce its structures. Second, if the mob decided to turn against the military, no one will be able to stop them. The experience of the daily clashes between the mob and security forces enhanced their ability to withstand for days, if not weeks, in the face of security repression. They adopted an ""exhaustion warfare"" strategy in dealing with security forces and have devolved the skills to manipulate them. It was the strategy that led to the startling collapse of the security forces in the inception of the revolution on 28 January last year. Additionally, if the junta disavowed the current crisis and did not take real and quick decisions to absorb the mob's rage, they will become the next target. Hence, the epicenter of protesting will move from the Ministry of Interior to the Ministry of Defense, which no one wants to happen. Over the past few months, protesters have already attempted to demonstrate in front of the Ministry of Defense; however, with the continuing impasse, it is likely to happen again and much more forcefully. Radicalizing the mob already started during the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes last November, when hundreds of peaceful protesters were shot dead, lost their eyes or brutally wounded. SCAF's provocation reached a tipping point after attacking the sit-in at the cabinet building last December, when military forces blatantly beat and dragged protesters. This radicalization could lead at some point to a militarization of the revolution, which will put the country on verge of a complete chaos. Those who are protesting against the rotten Ministry of Interior insist on bringing it down, not only because of its brutal and bloody record but mainly because of its role in subverting the revolution and working in favor of Mubarak's regime. It is exemplifying the core of the old system, which needs to be fundamentally purged. More importantly, the mob has lost confidence in the newly elected Parliament to take revolutionary action against SCAF. Parliament, however - the only legitimate institution in Egypt - seems powerless and useless. Up until now, it has neither dared to confront SCAF, holding it accountable for the Port Said massacre, nor was it able to put an end to the mounting clashes in downtown Cairo between protesters and security forces. Parliament's response was shameful and disappointing to many Egyptians who felt betrayed by their MPs. Clearly, the mob lost faith and trust in the state's institutions, e.g. judiciary, the government and Parliament. They no longer believe that such institutions have the will or power to uphold justice; this skepticism could push the country to the edge of complete failure and disorder. Khalil al-Anani is a scholar of Middle East politics at Durham University's Middle East Institute."
"49",2012-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/new-kind-documentary","Nearly a year since Hosni Mubarak's resignation, the phrase ""18 Days in Egypt"" has become very familiar, with some variation of it serving as the title of maybe a dozen small documentary film projects. But ""18 Days in Egypt,"" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); despite its common name, is something different: an innovative social media platform which sets out to provide a flexible means of collecting and cataloguing ongoing documentation of revolutionary protest in Egypt. The generic name points to the generic beginnings of what has become a rather unique venture. On 11 February 2011, software developer Yasmin Elayat and video journalist Jigar Mehta decided to put together a ""crowd-sourced documentary film"" which would harness the myriad media produced over the course of the 18 days to tell the story of the 25 January revolution. Over months of development, what started as a film eventually became a web platform that could prove to be an essential tool for archiving, as well as diffusing, media across the internet. Mehta and Elayat teamed with Emerge Technologies, an Egypt-based software development company, and the platform that developed became something with many more potential applications than simply providing a repository for documentation of the 18 days, or even of the revolution more generally. The site acts ideally as a place where users can link together tweets, images, videos and Facebook posts stemming from a common event or theme, and tagging them by location and date so that they begin to coalesce into a story. The program they developed, which they eventually named GroupStre.am, is meant to provide some logic and organization to the otherwise untamable internet, but it is also meant to facilitate the telling of stories. As anyone who follows Twitter closely knows, there are times when its fast-moving commentary can be nothing short of riveting - particularly from the volatile place that is Egypt today. Elayat hopes that the GroupStre.am technology will bring out the storyteller within the tweeting citizen (or professional) journalist, so that all of that raw material can be reconstructed into the real-time narrative that it is. Groupstre.am is still a work in progress, but for ""18 Days in Egypt"" the GroupStre.am technology is applied specifically to content related to Egypt and the ongoing revolution. The platform is tailored to recording and reacting to events here. It launched officially in public beta on 19 January, and is now busily absorbing material. The platform is simple, and the method of creating media collections (called ""streams"") is straightforward. Users can log in through a service they already use, like Google or Facebook. Information is organized by date and place, and once these are specified, users are free to add in photographs from Flickr, videos from YouTube, tweets and Facebook updates; add a title, description and new panels of textual annotation; and begin to assemble a stream. They can invite Facebook friends, Google contacts and Twitter followers to join in the stream and add their own media. The program is targeted at those most active on social networking platforms, who are producing a wide range of media and might be looking for a place to bring it all together. ""Our target users are all of us ... in Egypt who are already posting and sharing about these historical events that we are living through and experiencing together via Facebook, Twitter or whatever other media or service we prefer,"" says Elayat. The timing of the 19 January launch a few days before the anniversary of the start of the revolution was, of course, not a coincidence. ""We wanted to launch by the one year anniversary because we believe people will be more reflective at this point in time than any other this past year,"" Elayat says. But amid ongoing unrest, the media that has accumulated on the platform so far has been centered as much on reporting current events as on reflection. Recent streams include collections of media pertaining to the marches and violence in response to the violence at a football match in Port Said on 2 February, and commentary about the ultras, as the cadres of devoted football fans are known. This responsiveness speaks to the platform's ability to contribute to the compendium of internet news peddlers by facilitating citizen journalism, providing a counter-narrative to mainstream and state-funded media, and simply compiling material relevant to current events that can be difficult to uncover in a Google search. ""I think any independent media distribution or content platform will help activists in Egypt. The main struggle has been about the message and who controls it,"" says Elayat. But of course, it takes time for dreams to become reality. As it exists now, the streams on ""18 Days in Egypt"" are a bit clunky to navigate, static to view, and composed mostly of images and text, and occasionally tweets. Investigating the site shows that it takes a little more attention and time to assemble a dynamic and informative collection of media than simply tagging a few YouTube videos and adding a couple of comments. The streams sometimes come across as glorified slideshow presentations. But the ""18 Days in Egypt"" team is busy ironing out the kinks (including the fact that at the moment, the site is not searchable) and expanding the platform's capabilities. Elayat adds, ""The most obvious next features we're working on are the different ways to sort through the explore page, allowing you to filter and search. But we have a lot of other features we are building, and we want to work closely with the community to understand what features are missing or what they would prefer to see next."" Though the ""18 Days in Egypt"" slideshows might not be the most dynamic mode of experiencing media, they are well-organized, and the small base of current users has been conscientiously assembling material covering current events, creating a comprehensible, if not comprehensive, archive. If ""18 Days in Egypt"" catches on, comprehensiveness will surely come. And Elayat is optimistic: ""We believe '18 Days in Egypt' will naturally spread virally ... when there is a need to document some huge events and share it with others."" And if recent days, weeks and months in Egypt are any indication of the future, there is likely to be no shortage of huge events - or people seeking to document them - any time soon."
"50",2012-02-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/besiege-new-parliament-demands","The People's Assembly's performance has thus far been frustrating to revolutionaries. Even those who had been calling for power to be handed to the elected Parliament are now reconsidering the proposal. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As evident from the Brotherhood and Salafi MPs' stances in the parliamentary sessions held so far, it could be argued that the Islamist bloc is keen on maintaining the status quo, staling the revolutionary path, and sometimes even adamant about siding with the counter-revolution, represented by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the interior minister and the security apparatus. We should thus ask why those MPs who were elected by the people have turned against the revolution. And my basic answer is that they were opposed to the revolution in the first place. This answer is correct, yet deficient, because not all of those opposed to the revolution are the same. Those who are blocking the revolutionary path driven by a conservative-reformist ideology - like the Muslim Brotherhood - are different from those whose opposition to the revolution comes from a populist-rightist stance, like the majority of Salafis in Parliament. The Brotherhood and Salafis' hostility toward the recent protests around the Interior Ministry would not have been as open as it was had they not been confident about the people's support - or at least apathy - on the issue. This is the sad truth that everyone in touch with the people knows. Egyptians are generally unsympathetic toward the protesters in Tahrir Square, particularly those who intermittently approach the Interior Ministry and clash with security forces there. Even though the Ultras Ahlawy - Egypt's largest group of hardcore football supporters - received deep sympathy in the aftermath of the Port Said Stadium violence that left more than 70 dead and thousands injured, and many believe the now-dissolved National Democratic Party colluded with state security to perpetrate that massacre, this sympathy has since dwindled, due to protesters' clashes with security forces outside the Interior Ministry, and in Alexandria and Suez. Radical policies Those who do not believe in the role of the masses in bringing about change invariably lose faith quickly when they sense a decline in their support from the people. This attitude eventually leads to an adoption of radical policies that aim to rush change regardless of public support, particularly from the poorer segments of the society. Even though any radicalization of the protest movement - in this case in the form of clashing with state security - may be hailed as heroic, such radical moves not constitute a solution that can introduce extensive change. An honest and heroic minority that is willing to sacrifice their lives to defy the brutality of state security cannot introduce real change; this requires wide-scale popular participation. To say that the poorly performing MPs are a handful of traitors who could be easily brought down or ignored is an overly simplistic assumption. The Parliament has the support of the public and the positions it takes are accepted by a majority of Egyptians, who have their own reasons for not sympathizing with the revolutionaries in Tahrir. It is not helpful to claim that the current People's Assembly is a copy of the former legislature under Mubarak's National Democratic Party. The difference is broad: The former has the support of the people while the latter did not. Besiege the Parliament! Revolutionaries who believe in a bottom-up approach to change should trust that people learn from their experiences. If the people are following the Brotherhood and Salafis today, unsympathetic to revolutionaries, this can and will change if revolutionaries prove worthy of their support. But it's important to note that the Brotherhood members are different from Salafis. The Muslim Brotherhood, like any other reformist power, is affected by changes in the public mood and partially responds to them, not out of a desire to fulfill public demands but to nurture its own popularity. Salafis, meanwhile, are a far more ideologically dogmatic group, and thus less responsive to public opinion. Therefore, any efforts intended to break the Islamist hegemony over public awareness should focus on the Brotherhood, not only because they have more popularity, but also because they claim to adhere to an Islamic agenda concerned primarily with people's day-to-day concerns. As such, they are more vulnerable to being held accountable for policies that affect people's livelihoods. Winning over Brotherhood supporters is possible if a demands-based movement is formed and puts the Parliament to the test. The Parliament will have to either adopt the people's demands, responding to them at least in part, or face off with a vast popular movement that will fast reveal the group's inadequacies. This was not the case when the clashes erupted at the Interior Ministry last week - public opinion was not sympathetic to the revolutionaries, which made it easy for the Brotherhood to get away with its anti-revolutionary position in Parliament. There are several other issues that could put the Brotherhood in jeopardy, such as the economic and social demands that are likely to explode over the coming weeks if the SCAF continues to mismanage the transitional period. That said, if the revolutionaries decide not to hold the Parliament accountable under the illusion that they can bring it down, this will be good news for the parliamentary majority, since it would give them a ready excuse to comfortably shunt responsibility for economic and social crises while retaining their seats. Furthermore, swamping the Parliament with demands will loosen the SCAF's grip on public affairs and force the Brotherhood to enter into confrontations with the country's military leaders. These confrontations will enable the growth of the role of the people and lend momentum to the bottom-up approach to change. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm by Dina Zafer"
"51",2012-02-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/fact-finding-panel-blames-security-port-said-massacre","A Parliament-appointed fact-finding panel has blamed Port Said stadium officials and security authorities for violence at a football match on 1 February that left at least 74 football fans dead and hundreds injured, a panel source told Al-Masry Al-Youm. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egypt's lower house of Parliament, the People's Assembly, will discuss the panel's findings today, Sunday. A Premier League match between Port Said's Masry and Cairo's Ahly teams had a bloody ending when Masry fans swarmed the pitch and supporters of the visiting team were attacked. The Interior Ministry has received the largest share of blame after a number of videos and eyewitness accounts proved that security forces stood idle during the violence. Many activists and MPs called for the removal of Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim following the incident. The panel's report accused Port Said security of delinquency and negligence and said injuries among police personnel did not exceed 10, which, it argued, proves security did not respond to the attacks, according to the source. The panel has concluded that stadium officials became partners in the crime by switching off the stadium's lights, playing loud music through speakers to cover up the massacre, and closing exits, the source said. It said the Egyptian Football Association, whose board was dismissed after the violence, was also responsible, being the organizer of the competitions and having the authority to cancel the game for security reasons. The source told Al-Masry Al-Youm that a recommendation might be made to forbid Masry from playing in Port Said for two years. The source also said a mixture of Masry supporters and outlaws attacked the Ahly fans and that some members of hardcore groups of football fans, known as ultras, planned the attack in advance. But the panel report says that only blaming thugs for the violence is dangerous, the source added. It demanded that prosecutors investigate former members of the Hosni Mubarak regime, whom some suspect plotted the violence. On Thursday, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud imposed a travel ban on three officials from the now-dissolved National Democratic Party as part of the investigations. The report also calls for confronting the violent mentality that it says dominates ultras groups. In the past year, ultras have proved to be politically engaged. They have played a crucial role in anti-regime protests during and since the 25 January uprising. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"52",2012-02-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-demand-interior-ministry-purge","Hardcore supporters of the Ahly football team, the Ultras Ahlawy, on Sunday accused the police of collusion in the Port Said football violence on 1 February, which claimed the lives of at least 70 football fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Ultras Ahlawy demanded a purging of the Interior Ministry and retribution for the martyrs. The statement also urged peaceful protests on Wednesday outside the attorney general's office, according to a statement issued on the group's official Facebook page. ""The noblest youth lost their lives because they demanded their legitimate rights. This wounded the dignity of every tyrant,"" the statement said. The Ultras Ahlawy described the violence as ""more terrible than some war crimes being investigated by the International Court of Justice."" The statement also called for cleansing and restructuring the Interior Ministry, as ""most of the ministry's leaders remained in office after the fall of the regime's head and many of them received promotions becoming entirely responsible for the ministry."" ""They did not hesitate to take revenge against members of the group who confronted them to demand their rights,"" the statement said."
"53",2012-02-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/mondays-papers-fjp-calls-strike-failure-undecided-coalition-government","The parliamentary fact-finding committee's findings on the Port Said Stadium tragedy dominate today's front pages, Al-Ahram leading with the headline, ""Four state bodies are behind the massacre."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The four bodies deemed guilty, according to Al-Ahram, are the police forces, El-Masry football club, The Football Association, and the stadium itself. But Freedom and Justice, the Muslim Brotherhood party's daily mouthpiece, says the committee places responsibility on seven actors. They say politicians who are yet-to-be determined, the police forces, The Football Association, El-Masry football club, the stadium, ultras and other fans, and the sports media are those to blame. In other news, the Muslim Brotherhood says it has not yet decided on the issue of a coalition government to take over for the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces before the scheduled power handover in June. Brotherhood member Khairat al-Shater said during an interview last week that the group is prepared to form such a government. The Brotherhood called this a ""test balloon"" designed to see how SCAF would respond to the idea, according to Al-Ahram. Unsurprisingly, they say the council has responded negatively. The Al-Ahram article suggests the idea of a coalition government is limited to an internal discussion within the Brotherhood. Yet on the very next page, the paper has a story about the group's open withdrawal of political support for the incumbent government, led by Kamal al-Ganzouri. Here, it says that the Freedom and Justice Party has ""suddenly"" retracted its support for the Ganzouri government and outlined its vision of a coalition government to rule for the remainder of the transitional period. On its third page, the state daily also provides the perspective of US media on the current, precarious state of US-Egyptian relations. It reports that US media expect more foreigners in Egypt to be arrested in the coming period. Al-Ahram says according to the US media the arrest of a US citizen in the Delta city of Mahalla together with that of an Australian journalist and an Egyptian citizen on charges of paying Egyptians to engage in civil disobedience took place only a few hours after a meeting between high-level US and Egyptian military officials. The arrest also came soon after Senator John McCain announced that the diplomatic crisis would be solved in a few days. FJP carries a suggestion by religious leaders to extricate Egypt from the current foreign funding drama on its front page. The Federation of Mosque Imams and Al-Azhar Preachers called for the creation of a donation fund, made up of citizens' contributions, to replace US aid. FJP continues to gloat about the poor response to calls for civil disobedience on Saturday with one headline reading, ""The strike is dying."" The story describes the decision of workers at one company to postpone an internal strike until Sunday to avoid appearances that the factory was taking part in the general civil disobedience movement . On page 11, FJP dedicates an entire page to the subject of how ""Egyptians rejected civil disobedience."" Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"55",2012-02-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/parliament-review-facts-and-follies","Continuing to showcase an outright disregard for all things orderly and restrained, parliamentary sessions plowed through the week, with members attempting to juggle the nation's top issues, and essentially fumbling every single one of them. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); This week Parliament convened twice on Sunday and Monday, while the third session was cancelled due to the Shura Council elections. Looming largest on the week's agenda was the presentation of a preliminary report by a parliamentary fact-finding committee assigned with investigating the Port Said incident on 1 February, when fans of the local Masry team stormed the pitch in an assault against visiting Ahly supporters that left 73 dead. The findings of the report, presented during Sunday's session by head of the fact-finding committee Ashraf Thabet, were met with overwhelming criticism and complaints from the floor, provoking cries of objection from the attending MPs, particularly during the reading of a section regarding ultras, or soccer enthusiasts/hooligans. Besides hinting at the Ultra's contribution to the violence, Thabet began his presentation by stating that the incident was an indirect result of ""the culture and aggressive behavior of ultras, which the state and society has allowed to grow rampant."" More concrete blame was assigned to the state, as well as the soccer federation, for failing to enforce comprehensive security measures, especially in such ominous conditions. As Thabet pointed out in his presentation, the two teams have a history of violent rivalry between themselves, and other soccer clubs. ""For a period of time before this game, there were serious threats from both sides exchanged over the internet."" ""All of this,"" Thabet lamented, ""should have been taken into consideration."" The lack of security, the report determined, is an even greater crime when compared to an uneventful game between the same two teams in April of last year, held under the watchful eye of the armed forces, who failed to provide any security for this most recent, tragic encounter. The report also found fault with the stadium conditions, with Thabet pointing out that the eastern gates had indeed been welded shut, and that the fences separating the bleachers from the pitch, were ""very low, and easily surmountable."" Thabet also described the railings on the uppermost stands of the bleachers as being ""low enough to easily throw someone over."" Regarding the actual attack on Ahly's supporters, the fact-finding committee determined that, as had been initially reported, the stadium's lights were turned off as the violence broke out, while the rushing crowds from Masry's stands were armed with clubs, machetes, mace, daggers and flashlights, or, according to Thabet, ""glowsticks."" ""There were two types of attackers in this incident,"" Thabet stated. ""Thugs and ultras -each played a critical role."" Thabet insisted that, according to the committee's investigations, the Port Said incident was at least partially fueled by rivalries between the ultras. ""We heard accounts of Masry ultras seeking out Ahly ultras by name,"" said Thabet. During Monday's session, MPs reacted to the report, with 148 members requesting to comment on/shout about the findings announced on the previous day. Wafd MP Mahmoud al-Sakka took to the floor to announce that he had ""unraveled the secret of the preliminary report,"" which was that the members of the fact-finding committee had ""sat in their hotel, waiting for claims and accounts to come to them from individuals interested in clearing their own names."" ""We will never forget how the green pitch of Port Said turned red with blood,"" Sakka bellowed, adding that the only fact that needs to be found is the one that determines where responsibility lies. ""The time has come to reveal the third hand,"" Sakka concluded. Free Egyptians MP Mohamed Abou Hamed followed, attempting, as many MPs had before him, to clear the ultras of any wrongdoing. Abou Hamed ran afoul of Parliament Speaker Saad al-Katatny, however, when he announced an upcoming march organized by Ahly Ultras, prompting the head of Parliament to shout, ""What are you, their sponsor? Are you the official spokesperson for marches now?"" which itself triggered a delayed reaction of laughter and jeers from the attending MPs, and lots of stammering from Abou Hamed. Things continued to go downhill for Abou Hamed, whose excuses were interrupted by a sudden interrogation launched by Katatny into a statement the former had made to Al-Ahram, claiming that the legitimacy of the street outweighed that of Parliament. Abou Hamed floundered for a few excruciating minutes against a backdrop of shouts from MPs cheering on Katatny's remarks, before gathering his thoughts enough to offer an explanation: ""I said that the legitimacy of people is above all and that the people are the source of authority, and any authority enjoyed by Parliament is an extension from that of the people, and it is only temporary, whereas that of the people is the original."" His words were met with minimal applause and advice from Katatny: ""If Al-Ahram has maliciously misrepresented you, I suggest you write them a letter of complaint."" Abou Hamed was later attacked by Nour Party MP Mohamed al-Sughayar who called him ""a coward, who lacks the courage to stand by the words Al-Ahram attributes to him."" This sparked several more minutes of shouting. Later on, Katatny decided to hear from FJP MP Mohamed Idris of the Arab Affairs Committee, whose report on the current situation within Palestinian territories was described by Katatny as ""a welcome break from the session."" Among other things, the report read by Idris called for a conference between all Palestinian factions to be held in Cairo on 18 February, as an indication of ""the Parliament and the Egyptian people's unwavering commitment to the Palestinian cause."" As the session resumed, MPs took to the floor to make a variety of comments, accusations and suggestions, from claims of clear evidence of a terror plot, to demands that Ahly's players be allowed to testify. ""[Ahly play maker] Abou Treika especially has publicly stated that he has information that can prove pivotal to the investigation,"" MP Wahid Abdel Meguid urged. ""But nobody wants to listen to him!"" At the end of the two-hour session, Katatny read a breakdown of the comments heard, announcing that, of the speakers, four had been members of the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, three from the Nour party, two from Wafd and two independents, with remaining parties having enjoyed one opportunity to address Parliament, if even that. It is worth noting that Katatny began the session by stating his efforts in ""listening to a variety of speakers, not just from specific parties."" Ultimately, MPs largely seemed to concur that the preliminary report's findings were vague and inconclusive, prompting Thabet to reiterate that it was only a preliminary report, and that it did not depict the ultras as thugs - a major point of contention among those present. On Tuesday, a parliamentary committee heard the testimony of Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim, who assured MPs that a ministerial committee is reviewing the laws regulating the work of the police. He added that police are only working at 60 percent capacity since the 25 January revolution erupted. Other issues were discussed in Parliament this week, albeit overshadowed by the fact-finding committee's report, and the objections and accusations it provoked. On Sunday, MPs voted to refer the bread and wheat crisis to Parliament's economic committee, an issue which many present described as ""a matter of national security."" Minister of Supply and Social Affairs Gouda Abdel Khaleq told MPs during the bread crisis discussion that the previous regime has left us with a legacy of carcinogenic wheat. Abdel Khaleq said that Egypt's food security is at stake as subsidized bread contains 60 percent imported wheat. ""We need Parliament to help us fix this problem, and we can also cooperate with Sudan,"" he said. Issues regarding national health were also discussed in Parliament this week, with FJP MP Akram al-Shaer, head of the health committee, claiming during Monday's session that ""44,000 Egyptian citizens,"" - or, two percent of the total number of patients in Egypt - ""require renal dialysis."" This comes after Parliament issued a controversial law earlier in the month regulating transplant operations. The law was introduced under the supposed intention of curbing a thriving illegal trade in human organs. Shaer also called for the creation of a supreme health council to improve medical services for citizens. Beside plenary sessions, specialized committees met throughout the week to discuss a number of national issues. On Wednesday, one of the committees met with the Illicit Gains Authority, headed by Assem al-Gohary, to discuss a draft law that would allow government officials to be tried in court."
"56",2012-02-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/vicious-campaign-against-our-mp-says-social-democratic-party","The Social Democratic Party on Tuesday said that there is an ""unjust and vicious campaign"" against its member, MP Ziad Elelaimy, who was referred to the People's Assembly's Ethics Committee for investigation. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In a statement Tuesday, the party said Elelaimy was referred to investigation although he said he would apologize for a comment that some MPs found offensive. The statement also warned of adopting the methods of the former regime in persecuting the opposition. State-run Al-Ahram newspaper quoted a parliamentary source as saying that the Ethics Committee would start investigating Elelaimy on Wednesday for insulting Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi and Salafi preacher Mohamed Hassan, after receiving a letter from the military council saying it would not take legal action against the MP and would see what steps Parliament takes on the issue. Supporters of the ruling military council staged protests on Tuesday, condemning Elelaimy. Meanwhile, dozens of Ultras, hardcore football fans, staged a demonstration outside the People's Assembly to protest referring Elelaimy to the Ethics Committee. Dostor news website reported that protesters chanted slogans calling for the SCAF to hand over power to civilians. At a public rally in Port Said on Friday, Elelaimy used a famous Egyptian proverb: ""He couldn't beat the donkey so he beat the saddle,"" meaning that if the main source of a problem cannot be confronted, others will be found to take the blame. Elelaimy said, ""Tantawi is the donkey,"" implying his responsibility for the deaths of Egyptians in clashes and protests over the last few weeks."
"57",2012-02-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/students-are-back","Grief runs deep for Hassan Osama, a student and member of a group that calls itself Ultras Revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""I've had four friends die, there's a fire inside [me] and all I can say is down with military rule."" Osama marched with 1,500 students from various universities on Tuesday to Parliament, with demands that evoke many similar marches and protests over the past year: down with military rule and justice for those who have been killed, most recently in the violence at Port Said Stadium earlier this month and the downtown Cairo clashes that followed it. There is a song that protesters sing to commemorate the tragic events of the Ahly-Masry game that left 74 dead, many of them teenage fans: ""I wore a red T-shirt and went to Port Said. I came back in a white shroud and in my country became a Shahid (Martyr)."" With the momentum of protests having petered out recently, and the growing feeling that the revolution is caught between the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the Islamist-dominated Parliament, some are pinning their hopes on the student movement to keep the revolutionary spirit afloat. The student mobilization follows years of state-led suppression of any political activities on campus. What little political life universities have engaged in, such as student unions, has typically been dominated by Islamists. Osama has little love for the Islamist majority in Parliament; he was detained on a previous march to the People's Assembly that was halted by Brotherhood youth members. The reinvigorated student movement has come under the spotlight in the wake of calls for a general strike on 11 February to commemorate Hosni Mubarak's resignation on the same day last year. The strike was mainly observed on campuses, where students boycotted lectures. As the students from Cairo, Ain Shams and other universities marched through the city, chants about their new ambitions rang out, ""Let them hear the voice of the students,"" and ""One student movement."" Some students at the march said they felt they were shouldering responsibility for seeing the revolution through. ""This is now a corrective revolution because the demands of the revolution have not yet been met,"" said Ain Shams University law student Mahmoud Ibrahim. Ibrahim said various student movements are trying to coordinate with labor movements, the last bastions of resistance against the SCAF, he believes. ""We will be the ones to bury them, not them us,"" he said, referring to military rulers. Cairo University student activist Osama Ahmed believes student movements can coalesce into an effective grassroots organization. ""Our first role is to organize into popular committees and build a grassroots base that will talk openly about the revolution and keep its momentum going,"" said Ahmed, who was one of the march organizers. There must be greater coordination between student movements and labor movements, he added, to create ""popular legitimacy. This will happen over a long period of time but we aim to create a seed for popular authority and legitimacy."" Yet this burgeoning student movement is still nascent and is faced with resuscitating itself after decades of stagnation and security clampdowns under Mubarak's regime. And while student activism has grown since the outbreak of the revolution, it is still far from the levels seen during its heyday in the 1970s, according to activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah. ""It was stronger in our parents' time; it was all the opposition we had along with the labor movement,"" he said. ""It was strongest in 1972 and 1977, and this led to the regime ensuring [student movements] never threatened them in such a way again."" In 1972, students from across the country led a nationwide uprising demanding then-President Anwar Sadat fulfill his promise to reclaim Sinai, which had been taken from Israel following the 1967 war. Sadat had promised Egypt would launch a military campaign in 1971, but later gave various reasons in a 1972 speech why it was not the right time. Now the movement is much weaker, Abd El-Fattah said, but the revolution has served as both motivator and as a catalyst for changes that now allow students the freedom to organize. ""It's a good start and the student movement is definitely stronger than during my time in the 1990s,"" he said, but more importantly this time around the movement ""is more comprehensive, it is not split into ideological factions like in the past, where you had groups like the Islamists and Nasserists."" The Tuesday march reached the Parliament building to be met with an iron gate on wheels and scores of Central Security Forces. Chants rang out in support of MP Zyad Elelaimy, who recently landed himself in hot water by likening SCAF head Hussein Tantawi to a donkey. ""What did Zyad do? Did he say the truth or what?"" they chanted. Yet the activists' attitude toward Parliament was different than toward military rulers, whom most protesters hold responsible for the deaths of their compatriots over the past year. For the MPs, they were sending a warning, exemplified by the yellow cards they were holding."
"58",2012-02-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/threads-narrating-arab-spring","Many of us have spoken and thought of those we wished were present to witness - and perhaps participate in - the Arab revolutions. People we have known and loved, and people we have known from a distance. A woman stood up at the ""Narrating the Arab Spring"" conference simply to say she would have loved it if Edward Said were here, to hear and read what he had to say ""about what is his revolution also."" It was a moving moment - the room broke into applause. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Organized by the English department at Cairo University in collaboration with the Center for the Advanced Study of the Arab World and the Women and Memory Forum, the conference took place between 18 and 20 February at Cairo University. Several threads wove through the dozens of papers given over several parallel sessions, covering a range of issues and questions. Here Egypt Independent brings together a few threads that we thought were particularly pertinent. I. The permission to narrate: Who speaks? The reference to Said brought up some of the questions that hover around narrating the revolution. Because Said is not here, it does not make the revolution any less ""his."" The contributions ""before"" the revolution are actually part of it. And for those who are no longer with us, who is to narrate their stories? Who speaks in the name of the martyrs who cannot narrate for themselves? Is speaking in the name of martyrs a real possibility, or a kind of violence? The mention of Said evokes his seminal essay ""The Permission to Narrate."" Writer Jean Makdisi spoke about the possibility of stealing narratives; positioning herself as both inside and outside, she posed the question of whether only participants can narrate, or if others can add something. The post-Mubarak scene in Egypt is in part characterized by a plethora of voices speaking in the name of the revolution. The sight of regime figures evoking the revolution, or of those who sycophantically apologized for the regime now sycophantically evoking the revolution, is nauseating, and many have said so. It is not simply stealing a narrative, but stealing a revolution. But in the cacophony of voices, what about the voices we do not hear? Few addressed this question. Those who represent the revolution, diverse as they may be ideologically, do not reflect the diversity of those who participated and continue to participate. This is unsurprising, and perhaps inevitable given the differential access not to speaking, but to being heard, in an unequal society. But if we espouse the goals of the revolution, we must do more than note the stealing of narratives and the fact that there are voices we do not hear. II. The flags of the Arab world The picture accompanying the conference was of masses of people, presumably in Tahrir Square. The picture the organizers chose for the cover of the program was different: masses of people at a demonstration holding several Arab flags stitched together. The ""Arab"" in the conference's title and the pan-Arab gesture of the photo pointed to a desire for analysis and thinking that draws connections between the revolutions, uprisings, repression and resistance that are occurring in several Arab countries. Given the location of the conference, it was perhaps unsurprising that it was heavily Egypt-centric, and the potential for drawing connections across and between Arab countries was lost. There were several papers on social media and the power of the image, but several questions remained unexplored. There is a narrative of the revolution as a revolution for freedom. But what does this mean? Would a continuation of the same neoliberal policies and reforms fulfill a demand for freedom? Where would social justice fit into this? Would a continuation of the same relationship with the US and Israel constitute freedom - who hears those anti-imperialistic slogans chanted in demonstrations since last January? What about an analysis of the power relations ""behind the scenes"" and models for restructuring the police, the Interior Ministry and security forces, given that a majority of the poor do not live free from police brutality? The title of the conference invited us to narrate or explore narrating the ""Arab Spring."" Many however were unhappy with such a term. Some were happy to simply note their uneasiness and move on. Others wanted to explain their discomfort. How could what is happening in Syria and Libya be described as ""spring""? Makdisi asked. Several pointed to the implications of what came before the spring, the slumber of winter, passivity out of which the revolutions sprung. And given that the upsurge of dissent is not limited to the Arab world, what global connections are cut off by the Arab of the ""Arab Spring""? What about links to an international economic crisis? III. A Cairo university desk In the Cairo University lecture hall where I sat, distracted students had doodled and scribbled on the desk. There was a drawing of a flower, a declaration of love, some random words. There is the ""UA07"" of the Ahly Ultras, ""25 January"" and ""Down with military rule."" It was a reminder of many things. It was a reminder of the fact that we are in the midst of a revolution. In Cairo University, where the struggle also takes place, where many students are active participants in that revolution, some have lost their lives. And in the midst of it, what is the place for theory? The question was asked explicitly and implicitly again and again. A sense that urgency somehow stands opposed to the luxury of theory. But is theory luxury or necessity? What kind of theory? What kind of intellectual? An engaged intellectual? What is engaged? Questions that are asked in all kinds of times and places, but that in this time and space have a particular urgency. Participants in the conference struggled with these questions. Some felt almost guilty for theory. For Zeinab Aboul Magd at the American University in Cairo, the solution has for the past few months been to ""give up on theory."" She recognizes that theory is internalized, that it is not possible to give theory up per se, but feels that what she can offer revolutionaries is information, research, informed analysis, not theorizing. It appears that those working, researching and writing in Cairo are most troubled by the relationship between theorizing and participation, who in physical proximity to the struggle question the relevance of theory. After novelist Radwa Ashour gave a keynote address, a participant asked whether we need distance to be able to theorize and analyze: Is it because we are too close that it is hard? Ashour's answer pointed not to physical but temporal distance. Indeed, several contributions, while interesting, did not move beyond a level of description. Those most explicitly theoretical did not offer new and fruitful avenues of theory to help us understand the current moment, or contribute to taking it forward. For instance, there was a paper about the media's treatment of Lara Logan and Mona El-Tahawy in the wake of the sexual violence they experienced, a paper that very much relied on the body of theory that has made sense of ""Western"" constructions of ""honor killings"" and other violence toward women, which often invokes Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's ""white men saving brown women from brown men."" While this was certainly interesting, it seems that the current moment calls for a different kind of theorizing. Theory that may in a sense be a luxury, but that in the current moment of urgency is all the more necessary. IV. Young working-class man meets wealthier young woman There are several stories that do the rounds on social media, not only from the 18 days, but also from the bloodshed since. Stories about people who are often anonymous. There is the story from the five days of fighting around Mohamed Mahmoud Street in November of a young man saying to a woman that she should stay back, he would die, while she, educated and cultured, would help rebuild the country. This story made the rounds as one of those that point to the determination and willingness to give up anything, even life, in the struggle for freedom. Ashour related it in her opening talk. Several people nodded, smiling. As in most conferences, it is the stories in the breaks, on the way out of sessions, that are often particularly thoughtful. In those moments there were several conversations between people disturbed and frustrated by this story. It is not the story that unsettles so much as its narration. It is not about denying agency to the young man who was willing to be a martyr if necessary, who may now indeed be a martyr - this is his right. But it is its repeated narration by middle-class activists in a way that soothes and allays our worries. One that implicitly suggests a class division of labor in the revolution as okay - ""they"" can die, ""we"" will rebuild. That suggests that however loud we call for social justice, we may not have internalized its meaning. The revolution continues to be fought on several fronts."
"60",2012-03-01,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sense-community-foreigners-cairo","After the incident in Mahalla as well as the ongoing NGO crisis, to say nothing of xenophobic acts being reported in day-to-day life, it's easy for Egypt's foreigners to fall into a sort of unease, as we panic about what our roles here might be in a time of great uncertainty. Like many in my community, I don't want to leave Cairo. I think of it as my home both now and in childhood, and the thought of maybe having to leave at some point in the future is gut-wrenching. The culture of rumors is at an all-time high in the midst of the unrest, and all over - in smoky bars and in online forums - the fear of the unknown, the worry of Egypt changing and becoming an unwelcome and indifferent host, at times reaches shrill, near-hysterical levels. It's easy to fall prey to it, and easier still to forget the small but meaningful daily acts that help to constitute a community here. Sometimes, it takes trauma to recognize just how meaningful community can be in Cairo. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The first thing I did the morning after the Port Said tragedy was stock up on food. November's events on Mohamed Mahmoud had come seemingly at random and back then I found myself stranded, with cat, in an apartment in Talaat Harb, anxiously watching Al-Jazeera Mubasher and chain-smoking as I wondered whether or not this new strain of gas was going to saturate my apartment and asphyxiate the one living being that I loved more than myself. This time, I told myself, I wouldn't be such a fool. I bustled about the neighborhood, collecting goods from the twins at the nut shop on Noubar, from my favorite wholesale vendor in the Bab al-Louq souq, fetching cans of beans at the Isis shop. Like me, the rest of the neighborhood was anticipating something. We all knew what was inevitable, we would continue on with our business, albeit briskly, until the time came. I got home, put on a pot of tea, unearthed my 15LE gas mask, sat on my balcony and waited. My neighbors waited too. Downstairs, my neighbor smiled and shrugged as if to say, ""Here we go again,"" and across the street the young boys who live on the building's rooftop pulled out their Ahly banners and waved them as the Ultras' march approached us. My flat is situated just above the famous (or infamous, to some) Macarona Reda and boasts a sizable community of residents and workers. In addition to the restaurant, there are two family-owned and run kiosks, the proprietors of which also live on the rooftop and act as de facto bowabs. The building has always had a family-oriented air about it, its denizens welcoming my parents and siblings graciously when they came to visit me in December. My flat is everything I could dream of, save its water pressure and uneasy proximity to the Interior Ministry, aggressively dominating my beautiful view with an ominous black flag and an unearthly shade of pink. As the front lines made themselves apparent on the night of 2 February, I felt a heavy relief that I was situated on the protesters' side; six months ago, I would have been in a building on Noubar, uneasily watching policemen fire tear gas canisters and retreat. Macarona Reda's co-owner, moonlighting as my landlord, is nothing if not a good businessman, and so on Thursday the restaurant's twofold role became apparent as both building security and supplier of sustenance to young revolutionaries. Every time I had a visitor I would traipse down nine flights of gas-saturated stairs and unlock the heavy iron gate, assuring whoever was on duty as de facto guard that yes, he was my friend and no, he was not taking pictures. The building became its own ecosystem, mirroring the triage efforts happening in the outside world. As I rushed up and down nine flights of stairs to let visitors in from the fray, I'd often run by one of the kiosk owners. We'd wave wordlessly to each other and continue with our duties. It always seems a little misguided to me when people speak of a security vacuum in post-uprising Egypt, for truly, under the Mubarak regime there always seemed a kind of suspicious kindness, as though anyone might smile and offer tea to your face and then rat on you behind your back. True, during my tenure in Cairo I generally feel a stronger sense of immediate community than in any other city, but now more than ever it seems stronger than any semblance of community I had prior to the uprising. On Monday afternoon, feeling a little stir-crazy, I decided to shrug off the consistent bombardment of tear gas and leave Bab al-Louq for a few hours. As I left my building, my favorite employees of Macarona Reda cautioned me to be careful and made sure I'd wrapped my scarf around my face. As I scurried down the street, eyes watering, I ran into my fruit vendor, who yelled to me to be careful. As I reached Midan Falaky, amidst the fray I was greeted with warnings, not to keep out or to go away, but to be careful. One young protester emerged and helpfully sprayed saline solution in my eyes, and I waved my thanks and continued on my merry way. Two blocks north, no longer affected by tear gas, traffic continued as usual, businessmen walked to work, a young guy shouted, ""Welcome!"" in my ear. I promptly burst into non-gas-induced tears. Two blocks north, I suddenly felt much less safe, as though my community -which had stayed together both in the midst of trauma and outside of it - had evaporated."
"61",2012-03-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-offers-egyptians-qatar-taste-home","DOHA - With its three friendly matches scheduled for Cairo last week scuttled by the Interior Ministry after the Port Said disaster, the Egyptian national football team has now gone almost seven months without competing on home soil. For the squad and its legions of supporters, that's far too long. The resulting exile does, however, have at least one set of grateful beneficiaries. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As the starting lineups of Egypt and Congo emerge from the tunnel of Gharafa Stadium in Doha Friday evening for the final of Egypt's three games in Qatar, the east end of the ground erupts. Turnout is sparse - perhaps a thousand in this 22,000-seat venue. But the crowd's numbers belie its enthusiasm. Egyptian flags decorate the stands. Small kids with faces painted red, white and black join in the cries of ""Masr!"" A group of seven holds aloft placards spelling out ""I EGYPT."" For the fans - some of Qatar's tens of thousands of Egyptian expatriates - these rare opportunities to glimpse Egypt's sporting heroes offer a welcome taste of home. They've become increasingly frequent as of late. Egypt's last game before this trip, a 2-0 loss to Brazil in November, also took place in Doha, just down the road. ""It's great,"" says Amr Gamea, a 27-year-old IT specialist. ""All Egyptians love the country. So they smell the Egyptian air with the team coming over here."" Near the midfield stripe, a group of young men leads the crowd in chanting, ""Great Egypt team! We have to give her our soul!"" If their love for Egypt is unequivocal, their feelings about their adopted country are decidedly mixed. In many ways, it's hard to imagine a place more different from Egypt than Qatar. The pace of life is slow, at times, crawling. The sidewalks in downtown Doha are close to deserted. You can walk for an hour without hearing so much as a beeping car horn. Social life is mostly confined to colossal malls. Only the constant din of construction machinery erecting Doha's latest, sleekest skyscrapers lends the faintest hint of vitality to an otherwise lifeless urban tableau. The quiet life suits many just fine. Ahmed Awad, 28, moved to Doha from Cairo five years ago and now works for the Qatari Football Association. He's seated between two friends with an Egyptian flag that spans the length of them. ""Everything is organized,"" he says. ""It's small, but a very nice country."" Many echo the sentiment. Amid the continuing upheaval in Egypt, Qatar represents an oasis. Crime is low. The streets are clean. Political unrest is practically nonexistent. Like almost all of Qatar's temporary residents, who comprise three-quarters of its 1.8 million residents and more than 90 percent of the labor force, Egyptians come here for a single reason: to tap into Qatar's booming economy, which boasts the highest GDP per capita in the world. Awad explains that in Qatar, an Egyptian can expect to make anywhere from three to five times his salary back home. Beyond work, though, Qatar holds few attractions for most expats. One cab driver, a Ugandan, puts it bluntly: ""We come here to get our money, and that's it."" Indeed, the tranquility of Qatari life elides easily into boredom. Asked what there is to do for fun around here, Awad grimaces. ""Fun?"" he repeats, and then laughs a little. After some thought, he suggests the mall, or perhaps the beach if it's not too cold. ""There's no lifestyle here,"" his friend, Xenia chimes in. She moved from Greece last year to work on the Pan Arab Games and decided to remain because of Greece's own political and economic woes. She hasn't had the easiest time of it so far. As a woman, she says, decent-paying work isn't easy to find. Most importantly, for the Egyptians interviewed, Qatar is not, and will never be, home. All hope to return to Egypt, and sooner rather than later. Even Abdul Latif, a 45-year-old sales manager at Ready Mix who says Qatar is ""very, very, very good"" wishes to go back to his hometown of Mansoura as soon as possible. ""If things in Egypt are good after next 25 January, I will,"" he says. The expat community remains intimately connected to life back in Egypt - sending back money to family members, paying regular visits and, of course, closely tracking political developments. So it's no surprise that, besides football, politics constitutes the primary talking point. Nor does it come as a great shock when 15 or so young men, identified by witnesses in the crowd as members of Ultras Ahlawy, begin to chant against the Egyptian military and police from behind the Congolese goal before being whisked away by security. Predictably, the fans in attendance express a range of reactions. Mohamed Abdelkader calls the protesters ""bad guys"" and condemns the outburst of political theater. ""People come [to Qatar] to work,"" he says. ""There's no need to make problems."" His friend, Mahmoud Mohamed, adds that the continuing demonstrations back in Egypt only destabilize an already precarious situation. Mohamed Rostom, new to Qatar after five years in Dubai, takes a different view. Of the military, he says, ""Sometimes they do good, sometimes bad,"" but he identifies with the demonstrators. ""If they were allowed to chant, I would join them."" The temporary distraction, however, is quickly forgotten by just about all, who promptly divert their attention back to the match. They try to rally Egypt to a third and final victory to close out the tour, but to no avail. The game ends in a nil-nil draw. It's no matter. The crowd leaves in as high of spirits as it arrived. Back at the team's hotel, young fans stream into the lobby, hoping to get a picture with their favorite players. No one goes home empty-handed. Two thousand kilometers might separate the expat community from home, but if anything, distance has only deepened the sense of attachment to Egypt and those who represent it. Even among those here for years, there is no question where their loyalties lie. ""There is one team for all Egyptians,"" says Mohamed Zein, a 25-year-old advertising administrator, who has lived in Qatar for the last four years. ""This is the team for our country."""
"63",2012-03-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/group-condemns-egyptians-arrest-qatar-solidarity-port-said-victims","A human rights group denounced the arrest of 12 Egyptians and their detainment for more than 10 hours following a friendly football match between Egypt and Congo Friday in Qatar. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information said in a statement Saturday that Qatari police arrested the Egyptians for holding banners that condemned the killing of football fans in the violence at Port Said last month, which left 74 dead. ""The banners did not say anything unlawful, only the fans' views on the role of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, and expressed their solidarity with the martyrs of the ultras, who died during the bloody events at Port Said stadium,"" the statement said, referring to groups of hardcore football fans. The organization said those arrested were released after interrogation and experienced ""cruel and degrading"" treatment. The rights group compared the incident with that of Syrian citizens in the United Arab Emirates who demonstrated against the massacres committed by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. ""The two incidents illustrate the Arab governments' aversion to freedom of expression and restrictions on those who exercise this right, whether citizens or expatriates,"" the organization said. ""The ongoing degradation of Egyptian citizens abroad under the inaction of the SCAF and its foreign ministry perpetuates the Mubarak regime's policies and negligence to the circumstances of Egyptian abroad, and shows indifference to a slogan raised by the Egyptians during their revolution, which is human dignity,"" the group said."
"64",2012-03-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/profile-mp-abou-hameds-unlikely-attributes-bring-him-spotlight","It has become a routine in every parliamentary session to watch Islamist MPs shouting to interrupt MP Mohamed Abou Hamed while talking. For one, it brought Hamed greater attention. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In what will go down in history as a popular scene from the first post-revolution Parliament, Hamed was intercepted by a clique of Islamist MPs as he was walking back to his seat in the People's Assembly. They wanted to snatch away a birdshot bullet he had shown as evidence of security forces killing protesters. Hamed was challenging claims that police weren't shooting at protesters during the last wave of violence in downtown Cairo in February. A photo of him holding the bullet high in Parliament quickly became a media icon. But behind the performance essentially embedded in parliamentary politics lies the interesting layers of Hamed's life. What makes Hamed unique is that he merges a deep religious background, a liberal ideology and a hardcore revolutionary discourse, which mark the differences between contentious parties in post-revolution Egypt. Born in Cairo on 14 March 1973, Hamed comes from an average middle-class family. His mother was a housewife, and his father was a worker who died when his son was six years old. Hamed divorced his two ex-wives and is father of 12-year old twins, Mahmoud and Salma. The young MP received his early education in public schools and graduated with a bachelor's degree in commerce from Cairo University in 1995. He is currently pursuing a PhD in political theory, and his academic work focused on the relationship between politics and religion. He founded his own financial consultancy and auditing company, which specializes in training and providing strategic planning advice to financial departments in companies. Hamed hosted a daily TV show called Kenouz (treasures) during Ramadan in 2003 on the Saudi Islamic channel Iqraa. Afterward, he hosted another program called ""Quran and Life."" ""After I began my PhD thesis, I decided I want to talk to people through a civil medium rather than a religious one because I wanted everyone to listen to me, including people from other religions,"" said Hamed, who sat down with Egypt Independent in a 5-star hotel in the affluent neighborhood of Zamalek, a few hours ahead of a protest organized by Ultras Ahlawy, which he would later join, leading chants. His approach is one that embraces schools of Islamic philosophy which were pioneered by Imam Ibn Rushd and revived by reformer Imam Mohamed Abdu in modern Egypt. ""The school that fits my personality and the way I think is that which treats religion with reason and which states that religion is made to serve humanity. And the only school that believes this is Islamic philosophy. This school looks beyond the religious rulings and into their origin and the reasons behind them,"" said Hamed. Hamed added that he has been studying comparative religion since he was 10 and different Islamic religious schools for the past 28 years. ""My interest in studying religion was not out of religiosity; rather, it was out of my interest in knowledge. Although I didn't use to pray when I was a child, my interest in studying the Quran was sparked because I used to listen to the angelic voice of sheikhs reciting the Quran to people. This is when I decided to study and memorize the Quran,"" said the young politician, casually dressed and at times browsing on his iPhone. Hamed has taught the Quran to 5,000 students since 1997. However, his scholarly background in Quranic studies does not lead Hamed to believe that politics and religion should be closely intertwined. While he recognizes the importance of religion in people's lives, he believes that religion should be treated only as a general guide for political activity and shouldn't dictate it. ""There must be a separation between religion's static doctrine and the relative political theories of humans. No one should present his political opinion as something that is as sacred as religion,"" Hamed explained. This is where Hamed comes into disagreement with Islamist political forces. As far as political ideology is concerned, Hamed describes himself as a liberal who is also a Muslim. ""Nothing dictates my political participation except that I am human, Egyptian, liberal, and so I am free,"" he stated. Hamed entered politics only after the 25 January revolution erupted. Despite being a new face, he was able to defeat his more established Islamist counterparts in parliamentary elections when he competed for the single-winner seat in the Qasr al-Nil district. He managed his own campaign but was supported financially by the newly-established Free Egyptians Party, which he co-founded with business tycoon Naguib Sawiris. ""Before the revolution, the [formerly ruling] National Democratic Party (NDP) was monopolizing political life in Egypt and that is why I didn't see a point in getting into politics. I believed that civil society was more effective,"" said Hamed. In 1997, Hamed established an NGO called the Egyptian Development Foundation which, according to him, aims at rebuilding the middle class through promoting religious education and holding trainings for youths on personal skills and career development. But once he entered the political sphere, Hamed adopted a revolutionary stance. For one, he has been staunchly critical of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Parliament. In an emergency parliamentary session held after over 70 Ahly fans were killed after a football game in Port Said, an incident that for many further manifested the failure of the SCAF and the police apparatus to handle the country's critical transition period, Hamed proclaimed: ""What happened yesterday is not an accident; rather, it's a plot for which the SCAF should be held accountable."" ""We must bring down the military rule and hasten the transfer of power to an elected civilian president,"" he continued. ""We also have to completely eradicate the idea of a safe exit for the SCAF. Anyone whose hands are tainted with Egyptians' blood has to be held accountable, no matter who he is."" And just like the SCAF, the Muslim Brotherhood has not been spared from Hamed's criticism. ""The Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party has an illegitimate majority because people voted for religion and not for the party. They transformed the elections into a religious battle, which is illegal,"" Hamed said on a TV show on the private TV Channel Rotana on 23 January, the day the People's Assembly first convened. ""The Muslim Brotherhood is following a strategy similar to that of Palestine's Hamas when it was aiming for a certain quota for its members in all state institutions; the legislative, security, military...etc. The Brotherhood wants to inherit this country. They are acting just like the NDP - if you are not a supporter, then you are the enemy,"" added Hamed. ""I will talk about the Brotherhood very soon and especially about their source of funding. The group received LE70 million from Qatar on 28 January. If we are talking about foreign funding, then their sources of funding need to be investigated. But this will not be a personal attack on them; rather, it's because the people demand transparency,"" Hamed told Egypt Independent. Hamed claims that it is his religious background that is causing ire among Islamist MPs. ""They gain credibility by presenting themselves as the people of religion, and anyone who argues with them about religion, they will consider an enemy,"" he said. But while being vocal about protecting the revolution, Hamed has not escaped criticism from revolutionaries, as some have accused him of supporting Gamal Mubarak's presidency before the revolution and of seeking fame by stirring controversy. He denies these charges. ""I challenge any one to find a picture or an article that proves the existence of any relationship between me and Mubarak or any NDP members,"" said Hamed. He explained that the only connection he had to the NDP was that his NGO, the Egyptian Development Foundation, was forced to include 50 students who were members of Mubarak's son's Future Generation NGO in a training it was holding at Cairo University. Otherwise, the Egyptian Development Foundation would not have been allowed to hold the training. Hamed doesn't hide his ambition. He confidently speaks about his plan to run in presidential elections once he turns 40, the official age at which he can enter the contest. Recently, Hamed left the Free Egyptians Party shortly after resigning as the party's vice president and the head of its parliamentary bloc, saying that he ""needs to completely devote himself to a project he has been working on for a while to serve the nation."" Hamed recently formed the Revolutionary Command Council; a coalition between more than 40 activist groups that aims at uniting all revolutionary forces across the country under one body. Hamed is confident he has something valuable to offer if he ever becomes Egypt's president: ""I believe very much in the Egyptian people, I know very well how to dream, and I have a dream and a vision for post-revolution Egypt. I don't see any candidate now who has a solid vision for the country like I do."" This article previously stated Mohamed Abou Hamed's PhD status incorrectly. He is currently pursuing the degree."
"65",2012-03-07,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-protest-demand-release-april-6-youth-movement-activist","Dozens of April 6 Youth Movement members and ultras football group members organized a protest Wednesday morning outside the Abdeen prosecution building in downtown Cairo to demand the release of April 6 movement member George Ramzy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Security forces arrested Ramzy on 6 February near the Interior Ministry while he was participating in initiatives to end clashes that erupted there in protest of the violence at Port Said Stadium earlier that week, which left over 70 people dead. Egyptian news outlets reported Ramzy faces charges of attempting to storm the Interior Ministry, attacking and causing injury to security personnel, resisting arrest and disrupting traffic. Ramzy's detention was extended more than once, most recently on 23 February, when authorities extended his detention for 15 days pending investigations. Protesters chanted several slogans, including ""Down, down with military rule"" and ""Revolution, revolution until victory."" They also waved banners with slogans such as ""Freedom for George Ramzy,"" ""Freedom for the rebels"" and ""Revolutionaries are not thugs."" The protesters said they would march to the attorney general's office if Ramzy's detention is further extended. April 6 Youth Movement member Mohamed Abdallah said the aim of the protest is to continue pressing for Ramzy's release. Abdallah went on to say, ""This case has been fabricated for more than 350 suspects who were arrested in the recent Interior Ministry events and accused of a number of charges, including resisting arrest, destruction of public property, attacking employees during the performance of their work and disruption of traffic."" Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"66",2012-03-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-martyr-day-demonstrators-both-criticize-and-support-military","Dozens of activists demonstrated in four governorates Friday to commemorate Martyr Day, both in support of and opposition to the ruling military council. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In the Friday prayer sermon in Tahrir Square, Sheikh Gomaa Mohamed Ali rejected the idea of a consensus presidential candidate and said all political forces and classes of society need to participate in drafting a new constitution to represent all Egyptians. Ali added that figures from the former Mubarak regime should be prevented from running for president. Later on in Alexandria, dozens demonstrated under the slogan ""Friday of Martyr Day"" to demand punishment for those implicated in killing protesters since the beginning of the 25 January revolution early last year. They chanted anti-SCAF slogans and were joined by dozens of members of the Ultras Ahlawy. Dozens of members of the April 6 Youth Movement and Kazeboon (Liars) Campaign - which references the ruling military council's alleged lies about using force against protesters - demonstrated at Revolution Square in front of the governorate headquarters. The demonstrators marched on Military Street in Mansoura in remembrance of the virginity tests the military government subjected women to in March last year and demanded the release of activists detained in military prisons. In Kafr al-Sheikh, the Kefaya movement staged a symbolic protest outside Al-Istad Al-Riyady Mosque, raising banners denouncing the SCAF. A number of protesters here also said their protest intended to revive the memory of virginity tests. Earlier at the Defense Ministry in Abbasseya, dozens gathered to directly protest against Supreme Council of the Armed Forces rule. Military police were deployed around the ministry to prevent protesters from approaching the building. The Defense Ministry demonstrators had gathered outside the Fatah Mosque in Ramses Square before heading to the ministry, where they demanded punishment for those involved in killing revolutionary protesters. The Second Egyptian Revolution Coalition and the Free Front for Peaceful Change participated in the protest, chanting, ""Say it: Do not fear the [military] council, the council should leave"" and ""Bread, freedom, social justice."" The protesters distributed fliers demanding the cancellation of Article 28 of the March 2011 Constitutional Declaration, which stipulates that all decisions of the Presidential Elections Commission cannot be challenged in court. The fliers say the article threatens the credibility of the upcoming presidential election and that the SCAF will use the article to ""manipulate"" the presidential election so as to produce a president acting on behalf of the generals, not the people. After prayers, dozens of members of the liberal Free Egyptians Party gathered on Qasr al-Nil Bridge and marched to the statue of Abdel Moneim Riyadh near Tahrir Square. Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr broadcast a video of a Giza march against military trials for civilians. It also reported that following prayers, another march was preparing to set off from Mostafa Mahmoud Mosque in Mohandiseen to Tahrir. Dozens of demonstrators supporting the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces gathered at the Unknown Soldier Memorial in Nasr City to join the armed forces in celebrating Martyr Day. The protesters chanted pro-SCAF and anti-media slogans, accusing the press of attempting to drive a wedge between the people and the armed forces. Egyptians celebrate Martyr Day on 9 March each year to commemorate the death of Abdel Moneim Riyadh, who died in the War of Attrition between Egypt and Israel in 1969."
"67",2012-03-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/fans-object-resumption-football-tournaments","Supporters of Egypt's two biggest football teams, Ahly and Zamalek, object to resuming football competitions, which have been stalled since violence in early February, the fan groups said in a statement Monday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Egyptian Football Association has indefinitely halted its Premier League competitions after 74 fans died in Port Said Stadium on 1 February. The deaths occurred when hardcore supporters of the home team, Masry, swarmed the pitch and attacked the guest fans. In the weeks following the match, demonstrations in Suez and at the Interior Ministry in Cairo protested what demonstrators described as lax security measures during the match. At least 17 died during the demonstrations. The Port Said incident stoked discontent with Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Investigations are still underway to identify the perpetrators and to determine the role of security forces in the bloody rampage. Police services are widely believed to have been intentionally passive during the violence. In Monday's statement, Ahly's supporters, known as Ultras Ahlawy, were joined by their arch rivals, the Ultras White Knights, in saying that those responsible for the Port Said events should be brought to justice. They urged for a transparent investigation into the incident. ""We will not accept offering a scapegoat to cover for the real perpetrator,"" the fans said in the statement, published on Ultras Ahlawy's Facebook page. They said they will not accept resuming sports activities before achieving fair retribution and releasing political detainees."
"68",2012-03-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-slam-acquittal-virginity-tests-defendant","A march of dozens of men, women and ultras moved on Tuesday from the Mugamma Building in Tahrir Square to Cairo's High Court of Justice to protest the acquittal of a military doctor accused of conducting ""virginity tests"" on female protesters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The protesters raised the banner ""Egypt's girls are a red line"" to denounce the verdict. The woman who filed the lawsuit against the officer, Samira Ibrahim, and a witness for the prosecution, Rasha Abdel Rahman, attended the march. Demonstrators chanted slogans in support of Ibrahim and against military rule. The aim of the protest is to hold accountable those responsible for dragging women along the ground and running virginity tests on them after the dispersal of a sit-in on 9 March last year, said Reem Salem, who called for the march, stressing the protesters' demand to withdraw Egyptian nationality from the officer accused of conducting the tests. Abdel Rahman said that the prosecution of Nasr City Court turned down a report she filed against the military council on the grounds that the case was outside its jurisdiction. She said she will file a report on Wednesday to the attorney general against the military council, accusing it of conducting virginity tests on women in the military prison after dispersing the sit-in on 9 March 2011. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"69",2012-03-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-call-march-urge-swifter-port-said-investigation","Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans supporting Cairo's leading Ahly club, called for a march Thursday to push for faster investigations into the violence at a Port Said football match that left 74 people dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""We are fed up and our patience has run out,"" the ultras said on their Facebook page. ""We have waited for days and weeks - for more than 40 days. It is time to take action while keeping our movements peaceful and retaining the faith that law will bring us justice."" On 1 February, fans of the home Masry team flooded the pitch in Port Said Stadium seconds after a victory over Ahly, leading to hundreds of injuries in addition to those killed. In the weeks following the match, demonstrations in Suez and at the Interior Ministry in Cairo protested what the demonstrators described as lax security measures during the match. At least 17 died in these subsequent demonstrations. The Ultras Ahlawy statement called on Egyptians to assemble at the Ahly Club at 9 am on Thursday to get retribution for the martyrs. The statement added that Ultras Ahlawy protested against oppression, corruption and the suppressive regime even before the 25 January revolution began. ""Ultras Ahlawy is the only faction in society, besides the free revolutionaries, who took part in the revolution to liberate the country without waiting to reap any benefits, like several others,"" the ultras said. The public prosecution, which launched its investigation into the incidents the same night the clashes took place, has yet to announce the results. News reports last month said suspects alleged businessmen close to Gamal Mubarak - deposed President Hosni Mubarak's son - paid them to start the clashes."
"70",2012-03-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/whats-left-tahrir-today","A little over a year after becoming a national symbol of unity, Tahrir Square has become a very lonely place. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Amid the complete absence of the state in the iconic square, those who chose to continue residing in it feel abandoned and isolated. The public often blames the square's residents for harming the revolution that they say they've been camping out in the street for months to save. Most of those who filled Tahrir last year to force then President Hosni Mubarak to step down have left, either believing that they have already won the battle or that Tahrir is no longer the way to advance the revolution. A few remain there in small groups with different motivations, all believing that the square is the only place that yielded gains throughout the last year. Within these groups, there is little trust in the political process beyond the confines of the square. In the grassless roundabout, Mekheimar Khamis Mekheimar, who was shot on 28 January 2011, dubbed the Friday of Anger, sits in front of his tent looking at a symbolic grave he made for himself. The headstone reads, ""I will not live without freedom, this is my grave, down with military rule."" ""We started our sit-in demanding our rights as the injured of the revolution, but when we were attacked, our demand became the fall of the military rule,"" said Mekheimar. The sit-in has entered its fourth month, sustained by less than a dozen mourners. It started on 18 November with a mass protest that Islamists mobilized against the supra-constitutional principles proposed by former deputy Prime Minister Ali al-Selmy. The bill was dubbed as an attempt by the military-backed government to impose the vision of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces on the state. Following the protest, the sit-in held by the injured of the revolution to demand their rights was attacked by the police, instigating a bloody four-day standoff between police forces and protesters who came to the aid of those attacked. Since then, the square filled up during days of violent confrontations and the occasional million man protests, after which people went back home. But Mekheimar and his group have stayed in the square since November. With governments that have failed - over the course of a year - to implement any major reforms, and a parliamentary performance that revolutionary forces deem disappointing, those in the square express a loss of faith in the formal political channels, which are viewed by many as a legitimate replacement of the square. ""We became completely separated from parties and political powers because they are only interested in leadership and power,"" says Mekheimar. ""Until the day I die I will keep calling for the demands of the revolution from the street and not in an office in a suit and tie,"" he adds. On the other side of the square, tempers were flaring in a tent set up in front of the Mugamma administrative building, which has been home for a few activists since November. In the tent, a computer is set up with an internet connection, and a suit is hung up for one of the activists, a lawyer, to wear to work the next day. Inside, the activists were planning the next day's protest, which they dubbed ""The Friday of Imposing the Peaceful Will,"" hoping it would bring people back to the square for an open-ended sit-in that would last until the end of the military rule and the realization of the revolution's reform demands. ""Tomorrow, there will be new political forces, and not those that burned themselves by engaging in politics before the revolution is over,"" said activist Mostafa Aly, expressing a growing resentment in the square towards political forces that refuse to come to their rescue, leaving them to be mistaken for thugs by a large portion of the public. ""We are sleeping on the street and we're expected to take orders from someone sitting in the comfort of their office?"" said one activist as he stormed out of the tent, overcome by the frustration of the last few months. For these activists, Tahrir Square is a safe haven from the hassle of politics that have proved evasive and unsatisfying to the revolutionary powers throughout the year. Not everyone in Tahrir Square is sticking to the demands of the revolution though; some went there with demands that they can't take anywhere else. A small group known by the name of its leader, Dr. Omar, is camped out in Tahrir Square demanding the excavation of a tomb under building number 21 on Nour Foundation Street in the Zaytoun area, which, according to their interpretation of one Quranic verse, holds the name of the next president. A Nasserist group that is in the process of founding a new party, ""The Popular Nasserist Conference,"" is also camped out in the square, promising a revolution inspired by former President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Having set up a stage, complete with a big screen television showing nationalist songs and a photo gallery, every night in the square since the anniversary of the revolution on 25 January, the group raises the reform demands of the revolution, in addition to cancelling the Camp David peace treaty with Israel and expelling the Israeli Ambassador from Egypt. Abandoned by political forces and the state since November, Tahrir residents function as a state within the state. ""Everyone here melted into one society where the good and the bad mix. Our society is not based on any discrimination, we only reject those that harm our interests and don't abide by the peacefulness of the sit-in,"" says Aly. The people there say the square is subjected to attacks by ""thugs"" on a daily basis. The most recent severe attack happened last Thursday, when unknown assailants entered the square with machine guns. The protesters had to fend off the attack themselves, and reported it to authorities after capturing one of the weapons. On occasion, men and women have attempted to ""purge"" the square of those there for non-revolutionary purposes. In February, one woman with a metal rod told Egypt Independent, ""We are here to cleanse the square of the street people and keep it a space for the revolutionaries."" Aly says that while the Tahrir community embraces anyone, including the widely rejected street vendors who outnumber the protesters in the square, it does reject infiltrators with malicious intentions. Mekheimar says that the security forces' presence in the square is limited to nightly patrols by military forces. He says, however, that they do little good, since the assailants that protesters hand in to security forces are released immediately after. Ultras, hardcore football fans who joined protesters after their comrades were killed when violence broke out after a football match in February in Port Said, have burnt the tents of thugs that took refuge among Tahrir protesters. The security vacuum is not only felt by those participating in the sit-in. The lack of traffic police, in addition to walls put up by the military in streets around the square, have led to daily surges in the square's traffic that the sit-in is blamed for. Columnist Fahmy Howeidy said that the complete absence of the state in the square, allowing it to become a hub for thugs and drug dealers who blend in with the protesters, is more than just an oversight. He reads it as an intentional effort by authorities to disfigure the symbol of Egypt's revolution. In an article he wrote earlier this month, Howeidy called the current state of Tahrir Square, ""The worst ending to the noblest place in the Egyptian consciousness."""
"71",2012-03-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-protest-demand-quick-trial-port-said-violence-perpetrators","Hundreds of Ahly football club's Ultras Ahlawy, Zamalek's White Nights and a number of supporters of their cause responded on Thursday to calls on social networking sites on Wednesday for a rally that would begin outside the Ahly Club and head to the attorney general's office. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The protesters gathered at 9 am outside the Ahly Club headquarters in Gezira to protest the lack of accountability regarding last month's football violence in Port Said. Hundreds of protesters marched to the attorney general's office waving Ultras flags and holding pictures of the Port Said violence victims and a large banner that read ""Glory to the martyrs."" They also chanted slogans such as ""the Ministry of Interior are thugs,"" ""I hear the martyr's mother calling...'who will get me my sons' rights,'"" and ""Down, down with military rule,"" in addition to a number of football songs. The state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram reported that the protesters then blocked Ramses Street in downtown Cairo and some were sitting in the street outside the Lawyers Syndicate. Meanwhile, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud referred 75 defendants in the Port Said violence case to court, which resulted in mixed reactions among the protesters. One Ultras Ahlawy leader who spoke on condition of anonymity said, ""We demand the immediate prosecution of the perpetrators."" He added that the ultras ""will not allow this case to be dealt with the same delays found in the Mubarak trial."" He went on to say that the Ultras Ahlawy would continue to take to the streets to demand retribution for the martyrs. Another protester accused the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the judiciary of complicity and of attempting to ""abort"" the revolution, hoping to cause chaos. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"73",2012-03-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/photos-drawing-through-walls-reconnects-downtown-streets","On 9 March, one year after military police forcefully dispersed a sit-in at Tahrir Square, arrested protesters and tried them in military courts, a group of artists and activists launched their five-day graffiti campaign ""Drawing through Walls."" A Facebook event was created, inviting people to join seven teams in painting ""open streets."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Over the past year, police and military forces repeatedly cracked down on protesters. Starting with the November Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes, the Egyptian military has erected a number of barricade walls in the downtown area, creating a maze of dead cul-de-sacs in Cairo's busiest district. Residents and local businesses have suffered as the public has steered clear of the flashpoint area. Challenging the concrete structures, the artists prepared sketches of the streets on paper before they began working on the walls. Some sketches simply show the other side of the street, which most civilians, except for residents of the particular street, can no longer access. Others recreate scenes from the clashes, while some are hopeful and poetic. Still, the process has not been very smooth. Few of the sketches capture the correct angle of the streets. Some of the artists had to climb to the top of the walls and use masking tape to mark out the lines drawn according to the right perspective. They wanted to make it look as real as possible. In addition to established graffiti artists like Ammar Abu Bakr from Luxor, many amateur groups responded to the Facebook call. This small group working on Youssef al-Guindy Street is led by filmmaker Salma al-Tarzi (second from the left). None of them are graffiti artists, but they wanted to be part of this artistic campaign as a way of protest. The past year has encouraged many people to express themselves through graffiti. Alaa Awad, who had made the pharaonic funerary drawings on Mohamed Mahmoud Street to mourn the Port Said martyrs, created an exciting drawing on the Qasr al-Aini Street wall. Along with fellow artists and friends, he recreated a drawing from the famous ""Description of Egypt,"" a book that was housed in the Institut d'Egypte before it was set ablaze in the December clashes between the military and protesters just outside Tahrir Square. Zeft, an engineering student who prefers to remain anonymous, is another active face who emerged over the past year. Working mostly with stencils, he created a beautiful and hopeful scene on Mansour Street, which witnessed much violence in February when police, ultras and activists clashed after the Port Said football violence. Zeft's colorful rainbow and playing children are fun to look at. He told Egypt Independent that one of the main inspirations for this work is Banksy's ""Balloon Girl"" painted on the separation wall in Palestine. Although normal life hasn't completely resumed in the area, the ""Drawing through Walls"" graffiti has definitely added color and warmth to the neighborhood's side streets, many of which continue to be heavily guarded by security checkpoints. But the drawings seem to be inviting people to come close and interact with the walls and the streets in different ways."
"74",2012-03-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-decry-parliaments-domination-constituent-assembly","Dozens of demonstrators, including several high profile figures, protested Saturday against the composition of the 100-member constituent assembly, which will write the new constitution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Held in front of the Cairo International Conference Center in Nasr City, where the joint Shura council and People's Assembly committee held a meeting to select the members, the demonstrations criticized Islamist political movements of dominating the process. Protesters demanded an assembly representative of all segments of society. Banners read: ""Pluralism is the constitutional reference,"" ""Yes to a constitution representing all Egyptians,"" and ""No to the legislative authority exclusively drafting the constitution."" The demonstrators also distributed a statement saying ""Wake up Egyptians, before our constitution is hijacked and tailored in favor of a particular group, and the constitution's constituent assembly is controlled."" Some Ultras Ahlawy members and public figures such as writer Karima Hefnawy, lawyer Nasser Amin, Nour al-Hoda Zky, Mohamed al-Ashkar, activist Samira Ibrahim, actor Amr al-Qady, actor Ahmed Eid and musician Hany Mehanna participated in the demonstration. Ahmed Taha Naqr, spokesperson for the National Assembly for Change, attributed the small number of participants to the remoteness of the location and the lack of transportations as well as the gas crisis. Actor Amr al-Qady said he participated in the demonstration because the constitution was the most important battle in the revolution, and he wanted to prevent the Muslim Brotherhood from hijacking it. The parliament, he said, does not have the right to dominate the constitution's constituent assembly. Actor Ahmed Eid objected the parliament's acquisition of 50 percent of the constituent assembly saying the constitution should represent, as much as possible, the classes and currents in the society or else ""that means the Brotherhood will rule Egypt till doomsday."" Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"75",2012-03-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-light-penalties-port-saids-masry-team","Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans, marched to Parliament Sunday for a sit-in to protest what they called light penalties imposed by the Egyptian Football Association on Port Said's Masry club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The association decided Saturday to ban Masry from participating in two football seasons and prohibited the team from playing at Port Said Stadium for three years. In February, 74 people were killed after Masry fans stormed the pitch at the end of a match with Egypt's top club, Ahly. The Egyptian Football Association also banned Ahly fans from attending four of their team's matches. It suspended Ahly coach Manuel Jose da Silva and Ahly team captain Hossam Ghaly for four matches for their misconduct. While Ultras Ahlawy did not see the penalties on Masry as harsh enough and called for the team's relegation, Port Said residents staged massive protests on Friday to denounce the punishments. Protesters clashed with security forces, leading to the death of one protester. The violence in Port Said outraged the public and members of Parliament, who accused the cabinet of failing to achieve security. Many blamed wilfull security failures, particularly as people were allowed into the stadium carrying weapons, and during the violence the stadium's steel doors were bolted shut - trapping Ahly fans who were then crushed to death - and its lights were turned off. The chief suspect in the case told investigators earlier this month that he was paid to lead 800 people to attack Ahly fans. In mid-March, the attorney general referred 75 suspects to criminal trial. News reports on Sunday said Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri agreed to allow Port Said Governor Ahmed Abdallah - who had been dismissed over the violence - to resume work at the request of the MPs from his governorate. Ganzouri referred the request to the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to make the decision."
"76",2012-03-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/more-ahly-fans-join-parliament-protest-over-efa-penalties","Hundreds of hardcore supporters of Egypt's leading football team, Ahly, known as Ultras Ahlawy, marched from Cairo University on their way to join their comrades' sit-in outside the Parliament on Tuesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The sit-in, which started Monday, voices rejection of the penalties imposed by the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) on Port Said's team Masry, whose supporters' bloody attack on Ahly fans following a game in Port Said Stadium on 1 February, left 74 Ahly fans dead. The demonstrators chanted slogans stressing that they would not give up their demand of retribution for the deaths. The bloody football match stoked fury over the security failures of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. On Saturday, the EFA punished Masry by freezing its football activities for two years and closing the Port Said Stadium for three years. Ahly fans said the penalties were insufficient. Leaks of the EFA's decision fuelled anger among Masry fans who clashed with security forces on Friday, leaving one dead. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"77",2012-03-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/abouel-fotouh-visits-ultras-ahlawy-sit-peoples-assembly","Presidential hopeful Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh visited the Ultras Ahlawy at their sit-in outside the People's Assembly Thursday morning, stressing their right to protest and encouraging them to keep the demonstration peaceful. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The devoted fans of Cairo's leading Ahly football team have staged a sit-in for five days outside the People's Assembly. They are protesting what they say are weak sanctions against Port Said's Masry club and to demand harsh punishment for the perpetrators of the Port Said football violence on 1 February, during which 74 people, mostly Ahly fans, were killed. The violence stoked ultras and activists' fury over the security failures of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. On Saturday, the Egyptian Football Association punished Masry by freezing its football activities for two years and closing the Port Said Stadium for three years. Ahly fans said the penalties are insufficient. Leaked reports of the football association's decision fueled anger among Masry fans, who clashed with security forces in Port Said on Friday, during which one person was killed. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"78",2012-03-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/parliament-sit-ultras-will-never-stop-singing-demands","Fire leaps out of the vat of fry oil Hatem uses to make falafel at his small restaurant. Usually, this is an accident and an occupational hazard that occurs when water makes contact with the hot oil. But this time, it's intentional. Hatem is contributing to the pyrotechnics of the Ahly ultras who have been setting off fireworks, chanting and singing during their four-day-long sit-in across from his small restaurant near the barricades outside Parliament. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""They have an infectious passion while they chant,"" Hatem says. ""I also support their cause."" While many of the protesters don Ahly football club paraphernalia, they are not outside Parliament to cheer for their team. They are demanding justice for the 74 of their own that were killed after a football match in Port Said between Ahly and the home team Masry on 1 February. On the narrow strip of pavement in the middle of the two-lane street, around 50 tents are set up. Small cardboard cut-outs mark some tents, named after either the area or ultras chapter they represent, such as ""Villa Ultras Shubra"" or ""Villa Ultras Imbaba,"" or after the name of one of their fallen, ""Villa Mohamed al-Ghandour, the martyr."" The air around the sit-in is tense as a palpable anger still runs through many of the fans and those who have come to support them, around 2,000 in total, most of them teenagers. Quiet resolve and organization mixes with youthful exuberance. Just like at football matches, there is an organized and impassioned mass that can direct its energy, but also somehow always seems to be on the brink of a chaotic eruption. The group leaders, known as Capos, have administrative control of the ultras' activities on and off the pitch, but the ultras thrive on a more organic form of managing their affairs. ""We are all self-organized. Anyone can lead a demonstration. Everyone is here because he wants to be here,"" says Mohamed Ahmed, a 21-year-old engineering student. Ahmed tells of tales heard often in ultra tents, about how security forces retreated instead of saving them while Masry fans and hired thugs attacked them with melee weapons and caused many to fall from the stadium roof. Despite the ultras' participation in the revolution, they'll admit that the aim of their group is not political. ""The purpose of our group is to support our team ... but for now none of this is about football,"" he says. Nonetheless, Ahmed and many others were pleased when the Ahly club objected to the Egyptian Football Association's decision to ban Masry for two seasons. ""This sit-in was supposed to be in front of the football association. Then we decided to direct our voices to Parliament as our representatives and call for retribution through them,"" Ahmed says. Many demonstrators in the sit-in are there for much more personal reasons, and the ultras are their conduit through which they can express their anger and dissatisfaction. Their decision to take matters into their own hands is not new, as they have been present as a force in the revolution since 28 January 2011. After Port Said, however, one anecdote from the massacre especially resonates with many and reinforces their belief that they must get justice themselves. When Ahly fans reportedly pleaded to the Port Said police for help, the officers responded, ""Don't you say you protected the revolution, protect yourselves now,"" quotes Ali, a 20-year-old student. Many ultras claim that their role in the revolution and anti-police chants in stadiums caused police to shirk from protecting them on 1 February. However, it is also their role in the revolution that is making some feel that their sit-in is a continuation of the revolution, as well as a call for justice. ""The ultras' role throughout the revolution has been to inject fervor and passion into everyone around them. During demonstrations, we'd see people joining the marches when they noticed the ultras were there,"" says Fareed Mohamed, a 23-year-old furniture salesman from Mahalla. An activist with the Free Mahalla Youth back in his hometown, an hour and a half outside of Cairo, Mohamed travels to spend his days with the ultras. For him, it's also a way to express his dissatisfaction with the country's transition process. ""Besides justice for all the martyrs since 25 January 2011, we are now seeing the farce of the constituent assembly, and have a Parliament that is not representing the revolution's aspirations,"" he says. The sit-in alternates between lulls, when some sleep, discuss, organize, joke around or entertain guests, and outbursts of impassioned reverie, when everyone chants and jumps around. Some have the lyrics to the chants printed on pages in their pockets. Most have them memorized. They resemble football chants, but instead of talking about scoring goals and prowess on the field, they speak of a moment when their childhood hobby turned deadly. The group's main activity during the sit-in - singing and chanting - is very similar to their function in the stadium and embodied in an English banner above the protest: ""We will never stop singing."" ""In the stadium, we are all singing together just to create an atmosphere for the game. Here we are chanting to make our voices heard,"" Ali says. His voice is already half gone from three days of chanting. He sleeps in his ultra chapter tent and always carries a backpack with books for the university lectures he attends in the mornings. Ali and Mohamed broke the ultra's ""anti-media"" rule to talk to Egypt Independent. It is but one of the sit-in's many-policies. Other rules include not accepting food from outsiders to the sit-in and not joking around out of respect for the martyrs. Given the ultras main demographic, young men aged 15-25, that rule tends to be disregarded. Though they refused to provide their real last names, the ultras explained that names were not important among them. Ali did know the real name of one of his friends from the ultras until he read his obituary. ""I was used to calling Mahmoud Mostafa 'Karika.' We deal in nicknames,"" he says. Mostafa, an engineering student as well, was killed by live ammunition, ostensibly from military police, during the December protests in front of the cabinet. At one point during the evening, a man on a loud speaker calls out, reminding everyone of another rule of the sit-in: ""We said no women here after 8 pm. Call us backwards if you want, but that is the rule; we cannot have women spending the night."" He later extends the time to 9 pm. Well-wishers and fellow revolutionaries are present in abundance throughout the day, including ultras from Ahly's rivals on the pitch, the Zamalek football club's White Knights. Though they used to oppose each other, ultras of the two teams are friends for now, driving home the point that this is no longer really about football. Most of the ultras do not know if their sit-in will result in an escalation. They are waiting to see the reaction of those in power, and see if they are being taken seriously first. They also don't seem to mind the possibility of escalation. Many see it is a natural outcome if they are completely ignored."
"79",2012-04-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-boycott-african-league-match-resume-protests","Supporters of Egypt's leading football club Ahly have declared they would not attend their team's African Champions League game against Ethiopian Coffee Football Club next Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Members of Ultras Ahlawy, the most devoted supporters of the club, said they would resume their sit-in outside the Parliament building in Cairo, which started in late March, to press for retribution for fellows killed in the Port Said Stadium violence on 1 February. Leading ultras members said a joint decision has been made with supporters of Ahly's rival club, Zamalek, to reject any sporting events in Egypt before achieving justice for those killed. ""The game is meaningless to us, we won't be there; the sit-in continues until our demands are met,"" said Mohamed Tarek, one Ultras Ahlawy member. Seventy-four fans were killed in a football match against Port Said's team, Masry. Masry supporters stormed the pitch and attacked the visiting team's fans, reportedly for hoisting an insulting banner. The massacre had stoked fury over the alleged security failures of Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's cabinet and the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The Egyptian Football Association punished Masry by suspending its football activities for two years and closing the Port Said Stadium for three years. Ahly fans said the penalties were insufficient. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"80",2012-04-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-stage-angry-marches","The Ultras Ahlawy, supporters of the Cairo-based football team Ahly, staged marches in different governorates Wednesday, demanding retribution for those who were killed in the Port Said Stadium violence, which claimed the lives of 74 and wounded hundreds more. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); They also called for bringing the officials responsible for the massacre to account. In the city of Tanta in Gharbiya governorate, hundreds of Ultras protested in front of the municipality headquarters, chanting slogans against the Interior Ministry and the military council, accusing them of complicity in the violence. In Sharqiya, the ultras staged protests on the campus of Zagazig University, calling for revenge for the blood of the martyrs. In Damanhour, they walked around the city carrying black flags, while in Aswan, they called for retribution for the martyrs of the revolution, Mohamed Mahmoud Street and the cabinet building violence, and the Port Said massacre. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"82",2012-04-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursdays-papers-brotherhood-struggles-hold-constituent-assembly-together","Thursday's papers reveal how the tone of the forthcoming presidential race has sharpened, with candidates throwing their hats into the ring for the first post-Hosni Mubarak election, slated to take place on 23 and 24 May. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Freedom and Justice newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brotherhood's political party of the same name, leads with a story that Khairat al-Shater, the Brotherhood's candidate for Egypt's top office, will submit his application Thursday to officially enter the race. In his first public statement since announcing his nomination, Shater denied that the Brotherhood cut a backroom deal with the ruling military council to support him in the presidential poll, according to the report. Independent newspaper Youm7 reports that presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abu Ismail is fighting to be eligible to participate in the race. The paper says that Abu Ismail has filed a lawsuit in administrative court against the Interior Ministry, accusing it of trying to delay his application past the deadline. The ultraconservative Salafi candidate's presidential bid has become imperiled by recent reports that his mother is an American citizen, which would disqualify him from running. Privately owned Al-Shorouk reports that Islamist attorney Mohamed Selim al-Awa has filed his candidacy application, officially becoming the 10th candidate on the electoral roll. On Freedom and Justice's front page, the paper quotes Tarek al-Desouky, head of the People's Assembly's Economic Affairs Committee and a Nour Party member, as saying, ""The Nour Party's final decision on the endorsement of a presidential candidate will be announced next Saturday during a meeting of the party's supreme authority."" Al-Ahram, the flagship state-run paper, reports that the Brotherhood came away empty-handed from a meeting with delegates who have withdrawn from the constituent assembly. The paper says those who have withdrawn insist on dissolving the body and re-electing its members so that they represent all segments of society. Gamal Fahmy, vice chairman of the Journalists Syndicate, told Al-Ahram that the syndicate would announce its withdrawal from the assembly today, following in the footsteps of Al-Azhar, the Coptic Orthodox Church and the Supreme Constitutional Court in protest of Islamists' domination of the body. However, Sobhy Saleh, an FJP member of the assembly, ruled out the possibility of Islamists restructuring the whole body after its members failed to reach common ground on resolving the dispute, the paper adds. Reporting on the same news, Youm7 says a number of political forces have called for a million-strong nationwide protest this Friday for a new composition of the 100-member assembly. A countrywide ultras march also makes headlines in Thursday's newspapers. Privately owned Al-Tahrir writes that the Ultras Ahlawy, devoted fans of Egypt's leading football club Ahly, organized massive marches across the country, demanding retribution for martyrs who lost their lives after a match in Port Said on 1 February. More than 70 people were killed in the violence and hundreds injured. Ultras blocked off 6th of October Bridge, chanting anti-military slogans and holding up pictures of martyrs, the report says. On its seventh page, independent Al-Dostour writes that Mohamed Abou Hamed, an MP and former leading member of the Free Egyptians Party, has launched new party, called the Lives of the Egyptians Party. In a press conference, Abou Hamed explained why he has formed the party. ""Civil, liberal parties on the scene have failed to present political programs that address Egyptian citizens' crucial issues."" The party, which is still under construction, would comprise 75 percent of its members from the younger generation. ""I will apply for an official license within the next three months after appointing 5,000 members,"" Abou Hamed said. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"83",2012-04-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-abu-ismail-slams-reports-his-mother-held-american-citizenship","Presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abu Ismail called reports that his mother is American a plot against him. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""There has been a well-orchestrated plan in play for a long time,"" said Abu Ismail in a statement on Facebook. ""Many bodies used forces inside and outside the country to subdue my presidential campaign."" Abu Ismail said he undertook all relevant procedures with the Interior and Foreign Ministries, the Passports, Immigration and Nationalities Administration Authority and the Presidential Elections Commission. He asked his supporters to pray for him to turn the crisis into a victory. The Presidential Elections Commission said on Thursday that it received an official letter from the Interior Ministry's Immigration and Naturalization Department confirming that Nawal Abdel Aziz Nour, the mother of presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, entered Egypt on a US passport in the last five months before her death. The commission's chairman, Farouk Sultan, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the commission will, however, await a response from the Foreign Ministry which, he said, has the final word on determining Nour's nationality. According to Egyptian law, candidates running for president cannot descend from parents who hold citizenship that is not Egyptian. The letter specifically mentioned that Nour used the US passport several times traveling to and from the United States, and to Germany in 2008 and 2009. On Wednesday, Abu Ismail filed a lawsuit against the chairman of the Presidential Elections Commission and the interior minister, demanding that they prove their claim that his mother carried US citizenship. He said in earlier statements that his late mother only received a US green card, and not the nationality, and voiced concerns of possible plots to push him out of the race. Abu Ismail's supporters called for a million-man demonstration on Friday. ""We are sure his mother did not have a dual nationality,"" said Gamal Saber, one supporter. ""And the Ahly and Zamalek ultras will join us."" Saber said the authorities need to prove that claim by presenting a video showing Abu Ismail's mother taking the oath while she was granted US citizenship, as well as submit citizenship documents with her fingerprints. Adel Afify, president of the Salafi Nour Party, also said there has been a conspiracy against Abu Ismail from day one when he announced his candidacy. Diplomatic sources had told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the elections commission is investigating the nationalities of other runners, including Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, Amr Moussa, Hossam Khairallah, Abul Ezz al-Hariry, Mohamed Fawzy, candidate of the Democratic Generation Party, and Ahmed Awad al-Saeedy, the candidate of the Egypt National Party. Mohamed Selim al-Awa, another runner, had denied rumors that one of his parents had Syrian citizenship. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"84",2012-04-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/feminist-union-criticizes-preventing-girls-staying-overnight-ultras-sit","The Ultras Ahlawy sit-in's ban on women at its protest site after 10 pm is a violation of citizens' right to protest, according to a member of the Egyptian Feminist Union. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""We cannot criticize Islamists for banning women from participating in protests when revolutionary forces do the same,"" union member Omar Ahmed said on Sunday. ""They even forbade them from smoking."" He added that these rules mean women are perceived as a ""source of suspicion."" However, the union did issue a statement supporting the Ultras Ahlawy's demand to complete the goals of the 25 January revolution. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"85",2012-04-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-ends-sit-temporarily-nehal-news-1-hold","Hundreds of hardcore Ahly football team fans decided Sunday to suspend their sit-in at the People's Assembly temporarily until the outcome of the Port Said football violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); trial comes out, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. Ultras Ahlawy started the sit-in to protest what fans say are weak punishments for Port Said's Masry football club, and to demand harsher punishments for the perpetrators of the violence that occurred 1 February and left 74 people, mostly Ahly fans, dead. Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud last month charged 75 people in connection with the bloodiest football violence in the nation's history. The accused include nine senior police officers. Mahmoud's decision came after Ultras Ahlawy staged their sit-in to demand swift justice and protest what they said was a delay in filing the charges. The decision, which was posted on the group's Facebook page, came after an Ahly fan meeting during which they agreed on two main demands: that the victims of the violence be considered officially as revolution martyrs and that a review of the case be expedited. The Port Said fact-finding committee has agreed to consider the victims martyrs, a decision declared by Ashraf Thabet, Parliament's deputy speaker. Following a meeting between the group's representatives and Justice Minister Adel Abdel Hamid, the minister also formed a special unit to follow up on the case to guarantee a swift decision and punishment for the perpetrators. The Ultras Ahlawy group leaders called for its members to not attend the football game between Ahly and the Ethiopian Coffee club that took place Sunday in Military Stadium to avoid clashes with police or military officers. The Ultras watched the game on a large screen at the Parliament sit-in."
"86",2012-04-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-zamalkawy-member-accused-cabinet-incident-case-released-nehal-news-2","State security prosecution presided over by Wagdy Abdel Moneim, the judge of the case of the cabinet clashes, decided Wednesday to release Mahmoud Omran, a member of the Zamalek Club's White Knights. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Omran, who is known as ""Shika,"" was accused of burning down the Institut d'Egypte. Prosecution also accused him of assaulting security forces and damaging public and private properties. Ahmed Heshmat, a defense team member and lawyer with the Hisham Mubarak Law Center, said no clear reason for arresting the suspect existed and there was an absence of evidence against him. Shika is supposed to be released on Wednesday evening or Thursday after finishing procedures at the Abdeen police station and security department, Heshmat added. On 16 December, military forces violently dispersed a weeks-long sit-in outside the cabinet protesting the appointment of Kamal al-Ganzouri as prime minister by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Ganzouri was prime minister during the Mubarak era. Protesters were also demanding that the SCAF immediately transfer power to a civilian body. At least 17 people were killed by the military during the clashes. Ahmed Ragheb, a lawyer defending Omran, told Al-Masry Al-Youm on Saturday that he called on the judge to investigate the torture of his client at Abdeen police station and summon the police officers who arrested and interrogated him. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"87",2012-04-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/masry-club-fans-protest-against-moving-port-said-massacre-trial-cairo-nehal-news-2","Some 100 members of the Masry Club ultras, known as the ""Green Eagles,"" chained the gates of the investment zone in Port Said at 1 am on Sunday to protest moving the trial of suspects implicated in the February football violence there to the Police Academy in Cairo, demanding the trial be held in Ismailia. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Military leaders eventually convinced the ultras, the name adopted by hardcore football fans, to re-open the investment zone and let its 37,000 workers resume work. Ashraf al-Ezaby, coordinator of the suspects' defense team, said they met on Sunday to attempt to move the trial to Cairo on Tuesday. Ezaby added that the team communicated with security leaders in Port Said to coordinate moving the lawyers and the families to Cairo and ensuring their security. However, no response was received, despite threats made by the Ultras Ahlawy, he added.A number of Masry ultras and Salafis have decided to travel along with the lawyers and the families to keep them secure. The Ismailia Court of Appeals had previously granted permission for 100 of the victims' families and 43 of the suspects' families to attend the court session. The security directorate will move 61 of the suspects imprisoned in the Port Said prison and Port Fouad police station to Cairo to attend the session. Security sources at the Interior Ministry told Al-Masry Al-Youm on Sunday that the security services at the Cairo Security Directorate plan to coordinate with the armed forces to secure the trial sessions. Major General Mohsen Mourad, the Cairo security chief, held a meeting with senior leaders of the directorate and the Central Security Forces to draw up a security plan, which will include securing the academy and the suspects on their way to and from the academy, according to the sources. The sources also added that strict security measures would be enforced outside the academy's premises starting at 5 am Tuesday, and that troops would be deployed on roads leading to the academy. A security cordon would be imposed at entrances of the academy, they said. Translated from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"88",2012-04-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-holds-first-trial-session-football-violence-suspectsnews1","The trial of 75 defendants implicated in the deaths of 74 football fans in Port Said began Tuesday in Cairo's Police Academy, in the same courtroom as the trial for former President Hosni Mubarak. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Judge Emil Habashy, head of the Port Said Criminal Court, was forced to suspend the session after the plaintiffs and defendants' lawyers began shouting at each other. The session is being broadcast live on state television. On 1 February, supporters of Port Said's home club, Masry, and Cairo's leading team, Ahly, began clashing after Masry fans stormed the pitch following a rare victory. In the ensuing violence, 74 were killed and hundreds injured in one of the deadliest football-related incidents in history. Critics have accused security forces of doing little to prevent the fighting in the stadium. A month later, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud referred the suspects in the case to criminal court, including nine Port Said police officers and three Masry club executives. Two minors were also referred to juvenile court. Police have said it would be impossible to hold the trial in Port Said due to security concerns, and later set the trial to be held in the highly guarded Police Academy, where Mubarak, former Interior Ministry Habib al-Adly and six former security officials have been tried on charges of involvement in killing protesters during the 18-day uprising early last year. Early Tuesday morning, state TV reported that the Interior Ministry and army forces have devised a plan to protect the academy during the trial; 4,000 riot police agents are set to be deployed. Scores of fans of the Ahly club, known as the Ultras Ahlawy, were present in front of the Police Academy in the morning. In a statement on their Facebook page on Monday, they urged members not to respond to ""provocations"" at the trial and protect the families of the victims outside the court."
"89",2012-04-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-masry-ultras-protest-against-injustices-following-port-said-violence","Roughly 200 Masry team Ultras demonstrated in front of general authority of Port Said governorate Friday, during a meeting between Governor Ahmed Abdullah and members of Parliament and the Shura Council to discuss toughening punishments for the Masry Ultra club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The protesters said they did not deserve harsher penalties, and asked the governor to present their case. The representatives, including Wafd party People's Assembly representative Mohamed Gad, and Ali Dora, Freedom and Justice Party representative, talked about increasing the punishments leveled on the hard-core soccer fans for the Masry team. On 1 February after a match between Ahly and Masry, scores of fans stormed the field and the visiting team's bleachers in the worst incident of football violence in Egypt's history, which resulted in the deaths of over 70 people. Many attributed the bloodshed to a deliberate lapse in security or planned attack. In March, the general attorney charged 75 people with murder and negligence in the case, including nine police officers and two minors. The Masry team has been excluded from football events following the violence. Protesters asked for ""the lifting of injustices done to the team."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"90",2012-05-01,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/profile-junior-malek-brings-street-politics-high-school","""We are the future of this country,"" says Ahmed Malek, also known as Junior Malek, about people his age who are still in high school. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Malek is a prominent 17-year-old activist who was a leader in mobilizing the high school protests and strikes that took place on 11 February, the one-year anniversary of Hosni Mubarak's resignation and just a few days after the Port Said football violence. But even before then, Malek could be seen on the front lines of clashes with the military, or organizing educational reform protests at the Education Ministry. ""Whether older people accept it or not, we will outgrow them, and spread, and eventually have some sort of control over most sections of society,"" says Malek. ""The more the youth realize this, and try to become informed, aware and able, the more promising the future of Egypt will be."" Malek wants to study political science when he finishes high school, with hopes of getting into foreign policy, human rights or municipal government. In recent months, he has also become a member of the Revolutionary Socialists movement. ""I was only a leftist at first, but the more I learned about socialism, the more I saw myself having to align with their cause,"" says Malek, who believes the movement's interests have those of the nation at heart. But even though he is extremely politicized, Malek is still a funny and lighthearted teenager, constantly smiling, laughing and making jokes. He also admits that his political interests are relatively new, and a direct result of the 25 January revolution. Prior to the uprising in early 2011, Malek was thinking about becoming an actor, and was already somewhat well-known for playing the young Hassan al-Banna in the 2010 TV show, ""The Brotherhood."" ""But all the while as I was growing older, like 14 or 15, I started to realize that things were off, particularly in school,"" he says. Malek, who lives in Mohandiseen with his family, attends Madinat al-Dawliya, a private school in Zamalek, which has an American educational curriculum. ""I didn't understand why I had to be educated with an American system, and I questioned what was wrong with our own [public system],"" he says. ""But for a young person, before 25 January, it was hard to find older people and teachers to talk to you honestly about these questions."" Malek says that he would mock the educational system and Mubarak with his friends, but was never able to really take his criticism beyond that. But as he grew older, that frustration eventually turned into more concrete plans. He dreamed of joining the April 6 Youth Movement, one of Egypt's most prominent pro-reform groups. But because he was so young at the time, he joined the only rebellious outlet he had access to: the Zamalek White Knights ultras. ""They were active and organized, and seemed disobedient and free, so I was drawn to it,"" Malek says of the organization of football fanatics. ""Then after 25 January, and the battles began, everything changed."" To avoid cliches discussing the initial uprising and its effect on engaging Egyptians in politics, Malek fast-forwards to the July sit-in in Tahrir Square, where he says the high school political movement was born. ""This was when it became clear who the dedicated activists were, and we spent a lot of time discussing our individual lives, and for the first time I found other high schoolers, from other schools, who felt the same way,"" he says. Despite being in a private school himself, he says that important bridges were built with many other students at this time, from both public and private schools. He says they all generally agreed that Egypt's current school system was horrendous, regardless of where you were. ""Either your parents have a bit of money, meaning you will most likely go private [school] and are therefore automatically unpatriotic and kind of detached from local culture, or they don't and you go [to] public, where the education is terrible and the schools are falling apart,"" he contends. ""The choices are patriotic poverty or unpatriotic privilege,"" says Malek, though he admits that there are rare exceptions to this. Another important agreement among the students was that they felt a personal duty to highlight and remove the ""mini-Mubaraks"" from high schools, says Malek, without giving any names. Malek and his new friends from Tahrir started a Facebook page and a Twitter hashtag #s4c (students for change), and eventually organized their first protest at the Education Ministry in late September last year, demanding educational reforms. It was a bit disappointing, Malek says, with a turnout of only around 100 protesters. The group decided to spread awareness in their schools, and compile a database of students and teachers who felt the same way they did. Meanwhile, clashes between activists and the security forces occurred on a monthly basis from October through February, leading to increased dissent against the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces as many young people were killed in the fighting. For Malek, the November clashes were a turning point in his life, as he says he was beaten unconscious by the military, lost a lot of blood from his head, and was eventually sent to hospital, where his parents found out for the first time what exactly he had been up to all those months during the late nights he had said he was spending ""with friends."" Malek's father, Malek Mostafa, is a prominent member of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, while his mother is apparently anti-revolution. ""They were really angry and worried, but in conflicting ways,"" he adds, half-jokingly. ""They just want me to graduate, above all."" But once February rolled around, Malek was back on the streets. After violence at a football match in Port Said left 74 people dead, most of them Ahly ultras, many blamed the SCAF for the incident. And many of those killed were young people, breathing new life into the student movement. Malek says that after the Port Said incident, they found hundreds of young students joining their Facebook page, which now has over 4,000 members, as opposed to 13 last July. ""I found many familiar faces from surrounding schools, and it was easy to mobilize and set up protests both in and out of the schools,"" says Malek. Although many of the new faces were joining as a statement against the SCAF, Malek says that they naturally aligned themselves with the educational reformist views of the group. However, despite the high school protests and general strike not having any significant effect on politics, Malek believes this mobilization of young people will have two very important lasting effects. ""Firstly, many of us have bought respect from teachers, who usually talked to you and looked at you condescendingly, and taught you like a stupid kid,"" he says, adding that now public school students argue with teachers in class against the ministerial curriculum. However, he also stresses that all teachers are different, and some deserve a lot of supportive recognition. ""Secondly, we now have a good database of not only thousands of students, but teachers looking to get involved in educational reform protests in the future,"" he says. For now, Malek says it is hard to maintain protests and momentum within the schools, particularly since these schools still control whether or not they will actually graduate, and that success would be to maintain a prolonged presence that can be passed down to younger students when his batch graduates. ""You have to maintain a balance between rebelling for reforms, but not getting singled out and having your future destroyed in the process,"" he says. ""But the goal is to make sure the youth realize their power, both now and in the future."" Malek admits that he doesn't actively force students to engage in politics and see his views, ""but if I find someone hint at it or mildly interested, then I will push and encourage."" But Malek says that students have generally become more opinionated and vocal in schools since 25 January. He also says that they are organizing to stage large protests, with teacher involvement, against the educational system and the SCAF after exams in the summertime. ""We are planning something big, I can't say much more yet,"" he says. Malek says he believes there is a new half-socialist, half-capitalist philosophy stirring in the youth of today. ""I can feel it, but I can't exactly explain it, but since the day I was born [in the mid-nineties] we have all been heavily connected [through the internet] in a new way,"" he says. ""We're the first generation in history of this sort, and I think something huge is around the corner."""
"91",2012-05-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/abbasseya-fallout-leaves-scaf-top-revolution-floundering","Hours after a bloody fight between military forces and protesters when the latter violently dispersed the weeklong sit-in next to the Defense Ministry last Friday, military police officers celebrated their victory by dancing to patriotic songs along with some civilians in the street. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The scene was shocking for the revolutionaries who felt the military considers them enemies, while some say it indicates the majority's fatigue from excessive protests and their longing for stability. With less than a month before the presidential election begins, both revolutionary forces and Islamists find themselves losing credibility with the mainstream. Instead, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which has mismanaged the transition over the last 14 months, is poised to benefit from continued perceptions of chaos and instability, readying to carve out a long-term role for itself after the official transfer of power to civilians. ""The SCAF has definitely come out a winner from the Abbasseya clashes because they have made the revolutionary and Islamist forces appear as irresponsible and chaotic. They put the blame on Islamists to a great extent by portraying them as reckless, unmindful of the people's interests and violent,"" said Samer Suleiman, a political scientist at the American University in Cairo. One person died and 296 people were injured in last Friday's clashes between protesters and military forces outside the Defense Ministry. Fighting between protesters, mostly Salafis, and other civilians earlier in the week left 11 people dead. In a development that many people saw as dangerous, protesters were reportedly seen with guns for the first time since the revolution began. One Abbasseya resident was killed in the crossfire as fighting trickled to the side streets throughout the week. The clashes will improve the chances of presidential candidates who belong to the old regime such as former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq and former Foreign Minister Amr Moussa, since their campaign promises focus on restoring security and stability to the country, Suleiman told Egypt Independent. Although the military crackdown dealt a blow to revolutionary forces through the random detentions of activists, the casualties were fewer than previous clampdowns during which tens were shot by the military and security forces. ""We [revolutionaries] definitely lost the public opinion after Friday and now the SCAF is appearing as the protector of the state and its institutions,"" said Mohamed Effat, a video journalist and activist. Effat was against the sit-in and its goals, even though he supported them after they were attacked out of solidarity and in defense of their right to peacefully protest. ""The escalation, marching to the Defense Ministry, its timing and goals were politically stupid. It's meaningless to start a sit-in there calling for the fall of military rule three weeks before the presidential election because it will backfire,"" he says. Because the sit-in was initiated by supporters of disqualified Salafi presidential candidate Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, Islamists were largely blamed for the chaos by different media outlets. ""They are tapping in on the Islamophobia inside everyone so people rush into the arms of the army begging them not to leave power,"" said Effat. Since the resignation of former President Hosni Mubarak following the 18-day uprising, Islamists have risen as the dominant force in Egypt's political arena, manifested in their landslide victory in parliamentary elections as both the Muslim Brotherhood and ultra-conservative Salafis won about 70 percent of seats in Parliament. Mohamed Seif al-Dawla, a political analyst, argued that the SCAF used the recent violence to smear its Islamist opponents. ""Even though the main Islamist political parties, the Freedom and Justice Party and the Salafi Nour Party, were not present at the sit-in, state media were exaggerating minor violations from the protesters who were majority Salafis in order to weaken the Islamist forces' public support,"" he said. Seif al-Dawla believes that the SCAF is paving the way to maintain a strong influence on the government and its policies even after it officially hands over power to an elected civilian president in June. A sense of chaos in the country will help the generals to justify their continued role. The military council was being increasingly criticized for its failure to manage the transition period. The revolution's goals of dignity, social justice and freedom have gone unheeded as the country's economy teeters on the edge of crisis - protests and strikes continue, about 200 protesters were killed by the military and security forces since February 2011 and crime persists throughout the country. The frustration with the SCAF's management was reflected in the nationwide marches on the revolution's anniversary, calling for the fall of military rule. However, Ashraf al-Sherif, a political science professor at the American University in Cairo, believes that the rough transition period has been intentionally orchestrated by the SCAF, which doesn't want real change. ""The SCAF wants to maintain a political void. They neither have a political project nor the means to apply it, but at the same time they are against relaying real power to any other political force,"" said Sherif. Sherif argues that even though the SCAF can't afford to cancel the presidential election, the transfer of power will only be superficial as the generals will make sure to limit the powers of an elected executive authority, just as they have the current Parliament. ""It seems that there are new institutions that ostensibly share power with the SCAF, such as Parliament, but in reality they have very limited space for maneuver. When the Brotherhood tried to cross these limits, they clashed [with the SCAF],"" said Sherif. The period of relative agreement between the SCAF and the Brotherhood came to an end after the Islamist group reneged on its previous promise not to field a presidential candidate. They had nominated Khairat al-Shater, the deputy supreme guide, who was later disqualified from running. The Brotherhood's political party then put forward its president, Mohamed Morsy, as a candidate. The Brotherhood, which holds the largest number of parliamentary seats, hasn't been able to win most of its political battles with the SCAF or the secular forces, including its demands to sack the cabinet and its attempt to dominate the Constituent Assembly charged with writing a new constitution. According to Sherif , the SCAF has weakened the revolutionary forces such as the April 6 Youth Movement, the Ultras, the Revolutionary Socialists and, most recently, Abu Ismail's supporters. General Hassan al-Roweiny, SCAF member, previously accused the April 6 Youth Movement, a major player in the 25 January revolution, of having foreign agendas and aiming to incite division between the people and the military. More than 70 Ultras, hardcore football fans who also played an important role in revolutionary actions, were killed in a soccer game by the supporters of an opposing team in an incident that many believed was planned by the security forces as payback. At the same time, says Sherif, ""The SCAF has been engineering its relations with the political forces through playing the Islamists against the secularists and vice versa, then playing the role of the mediator at times and at other times being an opponent."" Still, political forces and revolutionary groups share some of the blame for their marginalization. Their political immaturity and lack of foresight has prevented them from securing real political gains or making inroads with the majority of the population who are not wholeheartedly committed to revolutionary goals. Additionally, secularists have had no problem allying with the SCAF against the Islamists when it is convenient, and they were against the radicalizing of revolutionary forces in the street so that they won't compete with them for public support, said Sherif. The Islamists, meanwhile, don't have clear political projects, according to Sherif. They can't think strategically, and they have been misusing their parliamentary majority, which led to mistrust between them and secularists. Revolutionary forces are now seeing the need to turn to politics, saying they will focus on the presidential election, which is three weeks away."
"92",2012-05-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-gather-police-academy-ahead-port-said-trial-nehal-news-1","Dozens of Al-Ahly football club fans known as ultras gathered in front of the Police Academy Wednesday for the trial of 75 suspects accused of attacking and killing googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); dozens following a February match in Port Said. The criminal court scheduled the third trial session for hearing the testimonies of witnesses from numbers 56 to 68 and reviewing footage included in the investigation evidence. The session was supposed to be held Saturday but was postponed until Wednesday because the suspects were absent and due to insufficient security because of clashes at protests in Abbasseya. Military and security forces were deployed around the academy Wednesday. On 1 February, supporters of Port Said's home club, Masry, and Cairo's leading team, Ahly, began clashing after Masry fans stormed the pitch following the team's victory. In the ensuing violence, 74 were killed and hundreds injured in one of the deadliest football-related incidents in history. Critics have accused security forces of, at best, doing little to prevent the fighting and, at worst, of a conspiracy to incite unrest. A month later, Attorney General Abdel Meguid Mahmoud referred the suspects to criminal court, including nine Port Said police officers and three Masry club executives. Two minors were also referred to juvenile court. During the most recent session, the court also ruled that the interior minister, head of the National Sports Council, head of Masry club and head of the National Football Association would be included as defendants in the civil lawsuits filed by relatives of those killed and injured in the violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"93",2012-05-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/mosry-rally-cairo-university-attracts-thousands","A crowd of thousands gathered at a youth-focused campaign rally for Muslim Brotherhood presidential candidate Mohamed Morsy Saturday evening at Cairo University. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Supporters marched in nearby streets, disrupting traffic in the area and chanting slogans for Morsy and carrying posters bearing his image. In attendance were Freedom and Justice political party leaders, and legislators from both houses of Parliament. Also present were members of the hard-core soccer fan group the Ultras, who chanted ""Freedom and Justice, the men are behind Morsy."" On a stage, organizers of the conference broadcast Quranic verses, and patriotic songs. One rap song featured the lyrics ""Morsy, Morsy, son of the Brotherhood, symbol of balance, come on, come on, you millions of Egyptians, your wound will heal and oppression is gone... Renaissance, renaissance, the will of the millions, better years are coming."" Campaign workers distributed Morsy leaflets to passing by pedestrians and cars. Also present were some Salafi leaders who have endorsed Morsy. Second deputy of the Committee for Sharia Law and Reform Mohamed Abdel Maqsood led supporters in chants of ""Salafi and Brotherhood, one hand."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"94",2012-05-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/unconventional-campaigners-help-moussas-broad-appeal-0","Fares Teama stands out slightly on the Amr Moussa campaign bus. Unlike the rest of the campaign team, decked out in business suits and khakis, Hajj Fares, as he is known on the campaign trail, wears a blue galabeya and a mustache as he rides along with the presidential candidate from campaign stop to campaign stop. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As he smokes a cigarette, the vegetable merchant-turned-presidential campaign activist explains to Egypt Independent why he has decided to leave his son in charge of the business while he tours with Moussa for over a year. ""The whole world knows who Amr Moussa is and he knows Egypt's worth,"" says the 44-year-old father of seven who originally comes from Monufiya but currently lives in Matareya, Cairo. Moussa, a former foreign minister in the deposed regime, is a frontrunner in the election set to begin on 23 and 24 May. His political experience and promises of prosperity give him wide appeal, but the way the message is delivered also helps. Moussa's campaign is reaching out to a diverse base of supporters by trying to portray a candidate with cross-sectional appeal. While the campaign includes politicians and college professors who inspire confidence in their professionalism, it also includes members of certain marginalized sectors, which are more likely to follow one of their own than to respond to a Cairene campaigner. According to Ahmed Mokdamy, a media coordinator in the campaign, the campaign includes Bedouin and Nubian representatives and workers. As there is high level of mistrust toward politicians in these sectors due to years of marginalization, insider campaigners go a long way. Members of hardcore football fan groups, ultras, also contribute to the campaign, informally, by traveling with it to protect the rallies. ""We have to communicate with all the classes of society, and this diversity among the volunteers enables communication with each individual in the language he understands,"" Ashraf Swelam, a senior political advisor to the Moussa campaign, told Egypt Independent at the campaign's central office in Dokki. The campaign's coordinators across the country are varied depending on the nature of the place, from white-collar employees to farmers and merchants, Swelam says. Moussa has visited each of Egypt's 27 governorates during his campaign, some more than once. The campaign also has at least one office in every governorate, which are financially and operationally independent from the central campaign. College students have also been generous with their contribution to Moussa's campaign. Many colleges around the country have formed their own parallel Moussa campaigns whose members show up to his rallies in their own busses. Sweilam says that while most of these college campaigns started on their own initiative, they now coordinate their efforts with the respective governorate's campaign office. The decentralization of the campaign, in addition to Moussa's extensive touring, has allowed the campaign to make a good use of Moussa enthusiasts around the country and to incorporate their efforts into the central campaign. Hajj Fares started showing his support for Moussa by sending out text messages to his friends and setting up banners in his area before he established contact with the campaign in a rally. The campaign now benefits from Hajj Fares' contacts around the country, which he has made as a merchant, by having him travel to governorates ahead of rallies, or call his acquaintances if he is unable to travel, to gather support. Except for a few senior campaign members who quit their jobs to work on the campaign full time, Swelam says most campaign members are volunteers. Moussa's ability to attract traditionally non-politicized sectors to his campaign is not the result of chance. While drafting his platform, the campaign put significant weight on what people want, as explained by Swelam, who is also the chief editor of Moussa's platform. Mohamed Morsy, the Muslim Brotherhood candidate, positions himself as the choice for the group supporters and other Islamists, while Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, another frontrunner, tries to balance an image that's appealing to liberals, Salafis and revolutionaries. Swelam explains that, unlike most candidates, Moussa's campaign targets everyone. ""Our constituency is Egypt,"" Swelam says. However, one sector still opposes Moussa's candidacy: some supporters of the revolution denounce Moussa as a remnant of the former regime and say his election would be treason against the revolution. When Egypt Independent asked Swelam how the campaign dealt with this, his short answer was, ""We don't."" Realizing that Moussa can make it without the votes of those who consider him feloul, a word used to describe members of the Mubarak regime, the campaign doesn't waste its time trying to change their minds and instead focuses on the majority, which it believes cares about its interests more than Moussa's past. ""Since March 2011, not a single poll has not shown Moussa leading the pack, so it's obvious that the feloul issue is a concern of a minority. We totally dismiss them,"" says Swelam."
"95",2012-05-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/shafiq-vows-revive-revolution-bring-stability","In an address to journalists on Saturday afternoon, former prime minister and presidential election front-runner Ahmed Shafiq said the revolution has been stolen from the youth and that he will make sure to return it to them. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); It was a very different mood at his campaign headquarters to that of previous press conferences. Suddenly, the former army officer has found himself the main act in Egypt's presidential elections after coming second to the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsy. Initial results say he reaped 24.5 percent of the votes. Both will enter run-offs. Entrance to the pleasant suburban villa that houses the Shafiq campaign was heavily restricted, campaigners perhaps trying to avoid a repetition of what happened when Shafiq went to cast his vote in his New Cairo polling station on Wednesday. He had a shoe thrown at him. Shafiq, standing on a wooden block in front of a podium set up in the villa's garden, addressed a writhing throng of photographers and cameramen. He chided them when they refused to move away from the podium. Talk of the revolution dominated Shafiq's statement. After thanking Egyptians who ""answered his call"" and voted for him, he said the elections would not have happened without the revolution and those who made sacrifices and died for it. There would be ""no turning back,"" Shafiq said. ""I promise all Egyptians we will start a new era. There will be no return. We do not want to reproduce the old regime. The past is dead,"" Shafiq told journalists. But when several journalists questioned Shafiq about his connections with the former regime, he gave them short shrift, telling one journalist ""again? I'm bored of these questions,"" prompting laughter from the press conference. Shafiq dedicated a part of his address to Egypt's young people, specifically ""the 6 April Youth Movement and the Ultras [hardcore football fans who've had a prominent presence in protests over the past year and a half], who want decent youth centers."" He said, ""the revolution has been stolen out of your hands. I promise to return to you its fruits."" During the 18-day uprising last January, Shafiq appeared on television and mockingly offered the protesters candy if they would go home. He has since referred to the revolution as ""unfortunate."" In the conference, he also thanked the army for ensuring fair elections, which ""reaffirmed their historic role."" He then turned to some of his presidential election opponents, running through them one by one: ""Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, the doctor and the politician. My friend and brother Amr Moussa the international diplomat. The respectable judge Hesham al-Bastawisi."" Addressing Egyptians at large, to whom his talk about stability has been currency, he said, ""Egyptian citizens: At the start of the manifesto I announced during the first round of elections, I promised security. Your millions of votes say that you want that and do not want our country to sink into chaos. My promise to restore security still applies, according to the law and with respect for human rights."" Shafiq also promised job opportunities, social justice, ""acceptable"" healthcare, comprehensive social insurance and development. He said that these goals would only be attained ""if there is stability."" ""There is no stability without security,"" Shafiq said. Addressing his political opponents, Shafiq said he is ""open to dialogue"" with all political forces while at the same time being ""determined"" to build an ""alliance with the people."" In an interview on Friday with Al-Hayat satellite channel, Shafiq said he wouldn't mind the Brotherhood forming a cabinet if he is elected president. Shafiq said that his presidential race is motivated not by ambitions for power but by a desire to ""take Egypt into a new era."""
"96",2012-06-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/several-political-powers-protest-mubarak-trial-verdict-lina","Marches are being staged nationwide in protest of the verdict handed out by a Cairo court today in the case against former President Hosni Mubarak and ten other defendants accused of killing protesters and squandering funds. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Mubarak received a life sentence alongside his Minister of Interior Habib al-Adly. All other defendants were acquitted. Over 500 activists and martyrs' relatives in Alexandria protested on the stairs of the High Court in al-Mansheya district against the sentence. A march headed to Al-Qaed Ibrahim Square, blocking the Corniche Road and preventing cars from passing. The protesters chanted: ""We don't want much talk, we want a death sentence,"" ""Trial, trial, the same gang still rules,"" ""Oh general prosecutor, for how much have you sold the blood of martyrs?"" and ""Death sentence to Hosni Mubarak."" The protesters expressed their dissatisfaction with the ruling saying it was not enough due to the heinous crimes the defendants committed against protesters. Many across the country said only a death sentence would have been sufficient. In Aswan, hundreds of members of the Revolutionary Youth Coalition, political parties, Kefaya and April 6 Youth Movement, staged marches to condemn the verdict, which found most of the Ministry of Interior officials, top aides of Adly, innocent. They called for reviving the revolution, holding revolutionary trials of Mubarak and icons of his regime and purging the judiciary of corruption. Wael Refaat, a lawyer and media spokesperson for the Coalition of Revolution Youth, criticized the exoneration of Mubarak's sons and Adly's aides and said the ruling opens the door for the exoneration of Mubarak and Adly if their sentences are appealed. The presiding judge's introduction, he said, gave the impression that he was going to sentence the defendants to death. Al-Rouby Gomaa, a rights activist and the head of Lawyers against Corruption Movement, described declaring Adly's assistants innocent as unfair, saying Adly's aides are only his followers Adly who responded to his orders to kill protesters and damage important evidence, abusing their positions. Mostafa Mandour, secretary for Salafi-oriented Assala Party in Aswan, said, ""The people are dissatisfied with the light sentences. The people are capable of returning to the streets."" In Daqahliya, in the Delta of Egypt, hundreds of revolution youth, and members from Hazemoun Movement, Haqqi, 8th April officers, Emsek Feloul, April 6th Youth movements, protested in the Shuhada Square in front of the Daqahliya governorate headquarters against the Mubarak trial verdicts. The protesters toured several streets in Mansoura. The protesters chanted, ""We want retribution, they killed our brothers,"" and ""In the name of God, we came to say to the oppressor 'No',"" and carried hanged dummies of Mubarak and Adly. In a statement, the protesters said the rulings ""do not meet expectations"", and added that Mubarak and Adly would be exonerated if they appealed the verdict since Adly and his assistants were declared innocent. In Suez, one of the first places to erupt in the January 2011 uprising and to offer martyrs, protesters took to the landmark Arbaeen Square to express the verdict rejection. They chanted, ""Oh martyr, sleep and relax, and we shall continue to resist."" They also shouted, ""Execution, execution!"" Sayed Raafat al-Abed, member of the Freedom and Justice Party in Suez said that the ruling ""does not conform to the amount of blood split in all Egypt's squares and all the wounded who incurred serious injuries during the uprising."" Similarly, Talaat Khalil, secretary general of Ghad al-Thawra Party in Suez, said, ""The preamble presented by Judge Ahmad Refaat is an accusation of the whole Mubarak era, as if it was a revolutionary court. But when he moved to pronouncing the verdict in the case, he simply accused the prosecution for not giving him enough evidence."" Ali al-Geneidy, whose son Islam was killed in Suez during the uprising by gunfire, said he had expected Adly's execution, but was surprised to find all his aides who gave orders to central security officers to shoot protesters acquitted. He called it ""a planned scenario which is complemented by the acquittal of a lot of policemen in other cases raised for the killing of protesters."" There are 26 other cases heard in different courts in Egypt where policemen are accused of killing protesters during the 25 January uprising. Meanwhile, Ultras Ahlawy called on people to take to the streets following the issuing of the verdict. On Facebook, the statement described the verdict as ""the final scene in the farce"" that signals the return of the suppressive regime and called on people to revive the revolution. ""Simply, if the dream of the revolution is still alive within you, or if this country means anything to you ...whether you are into politics or not, you should be out on the street, with the revolutionaries,"" the message read. Edited translations from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"98",2012-06-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/april-6-youth-movement-agrees-revolutionary-figures-continue-demonstrations","The April 6 Youth Movement googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); met Monday with certain former presidential candidates and revolutionary figures and agreed to continue with mass demonstrations on Tuesday in order to complete the demands of the revolution. In a statement made Monday, the group said all parties present at the meeting agreed to work on lobbying for the political isolation law that would ban candidate Ahmed Shafiq from the presidential race. Other demands include a retrial for Mubarak and his men, cleansing the judicial system and dismissing the attorney general. The statement said attendees to the meeting included former presidential candidates Hamdeen Sabbahi, Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh and Khaled Ali, as well as MP Essam Sultan, Wasat Party head Abul Ela Mady, and film director Khaled Youssef. Representatives for the Ultras Ahlawy and bloggers also attended. Earlier in the day, the April 6 Youth Movement, the 25 January Revolution Youth Coalition, the Maspero Youth Union and other groups called for mass protests Tuesday to demand the retrial of officers accused of involvement in the killing of protesters during the January 2011 uprising. The April 6 Youth Movement was one of the main organizations that promoted anti-Mubarak protests at the beginning of 2011. Massive protests on 25 January sparked a wave of demonstrations that ultimately culminated in Mubarak's resignation on 11 February 2011. In recent months, April 6 has been highly critical of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which assumed power after Mubarak. In July, the SCAF accused the group of treason following a planned demonstration in front of the Defense Ministry."
"99",2012-06-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protests-demanding-mubarak-retrial-and-shafiq-removal-continue","Hundreds of Egyptians continued to protest Monday in Cairo and other governorates against the verdict googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); issued against ousted President Hosni Mubarak and his former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly. Demonstrators also demanded that the political isolation law be applied to runoff presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq, Mubarak's former prime minister. Three marches joined protesters in Tahrir Square coming from the Shubra, Dar al-Qadaa al-Ali, and Agouza neighborhoods of Cairo. The Dar al-Qadaa al-Ali march was joined by members of Ultras Ahlawy who chanted, ""The people want purge the judiciary,"" and ""No to feloul (remnants of the collapsed regime),"" in reference to Ahmed Shafiq. The march from Shubra neighborhood was joined by imams from Al-Azhar, as well as members of April 6 Youth Movement. The Zamalek Ultras White Nights participated in the Agouza district march, demanding that Mubarak be retried. Chanting, ""We students are with the workers, united against capitalism,"" some 200 Cairo University students marched to Tahrir Square. Protesters demanded revenge for the deaths of the martyrs, the retrial of the Mubarak and the other defendants, and Shafiq's ouster from the presidential race. ""The verdict of Mubarak's case shows that nothing has changed. It is a farce,"" said Abdel Rahman Farouk, a student who took part in the march. ""The law of political isolation must be applied to Shafiq, who was Mubarak's right hand. His regime must be held accountable. We must speed up the formation of a civilian presidential council, because the Egyptian people are on the threshold of a second revolution,"" Farouk added. Three marches took place in Minya Governorate in Upper Egypt, with nearly 250 people rallying in Minya City before reaching Palace Square. Another 150 protested before the court of Maghagha and then took to the streets of the city, while some 300 others gathered outside Abu Khafaja Mosque in Adwa and chanted slogans against the former regime. Dozens of activists also demonstrated in front of Daqahlia City Hall this Monday and decided to have an overnight sit-in to protest the verdicts, and to demand the removal of the attorney general, the application of the isolation law, the retrial of Mubarak and the purging of the judiciary. Demonstrators called on revolutionary forces to mobilize citizens to participate in the ""Tuesday of Justice,"" chanting, ""Don't be afraid to say it, SCAF has to go,"" and ""Whoever is silent, why are you still silent? Have you claimed your rights?"" Banners were held bearing Shafiq's image with written slogans declaring, ""No leftovers,"" ""Don't vote for the supervisor of the Battle of the Camel,"" and, ""We haven't forgotten you, martyr. We haven't forgotten Khaled Saeed,"" in reference to the 2010 death of Khaled Saeed at the hands of police forces, an event that is considered to be a major contributing factor to the 2011 revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"100",2012-06-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/baradie-real-battle-cancelling-presidential-elections-news-1","Mohamed ElBaradei told reporters Tuesday night that, ""The real battle right now is writing Egypt's new constitution and canceling the presidential elections, because the legitimacy of one of the candidates is highly doubtful,"" referring to former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egyptians have been driven to demonstrate in squares across the country because the goals of the 25 January revolution have not been achieved, ElBaradei, the former head of the UN nuclear watchdog, said upon his arrival in Cairo airport. ElBaradei was returning from Vienna and was received by supporters and journalists. ElBaradei also said there are doubts about the legitimacy of Parliament, and added that he is heading to Tahrir Square to ""support the protesters."" ElBaradei said that he would hold a meeting with the revolutionary youth, claiming that, ""The revolution did not achieve any of its goals, including bread, freedom and social justice."" All political powers, including parties, presidential candidates, Parliament and revolutionary forces must hold a meeting in this critical stage to find a way out of this crisis, ElBaradei said. A number of political powers agreed in a meeting that continued till 2 am Sunday on three demands: the cancelation of the presidential election, the immediate transfer of power from the military council to a civilian presidential council, and holding special ""revolutionary tribunals"" for the defendants in the Mubarak case. The meeting participants released a statement saying that the presidential election would be invalid ""under the rule of the military council."" The meeting was held at the Egyptian Current Party headquarters and was attended by a number of political, revolutionary and youth movements including the Revolutionary Socialists, the Alliance of Revolutionary Forces, the Second Revolution of Anger, the Free Egyptians Party, the Free Salafi Youth Movement, the Ultras Ahlawy and the Zamalek White Knights, the Maspero Youth Union and the Free Front for Peaceful Change."
"101",2012-06-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-flock-tahrir-square-preparation-tuesday-protestnews1","Thousands of Egyptians from different backgrounds and affiliations took to the iconic Tahrir Square googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); on Tuesday to call for the application of the Political Isolation Law against presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq and a retrial in the Mubarak case, in which six top security officials were acquitted of killing protesters during the 25 January uprising. The protest grew throughout the day as a number of marches from all over Cairo led by parliamentarians, former presidential hopefuls, revolutionaries and movements including the Muslim Brotherhood joined the demonstration. The Health Ministry said that a total number of seven people have been injured during Tuesday's demonstrations, six of whom were transferred to hospitals for treatment and are all in good condition. The head of the Egyptian Ambulance Authority, Ahmed al-Ansari, said that most of the people suffered from low blood pressure and fainting, while two other people suffered minor injuries. A group of parliamentarians marched to Tahrir after People's Assembly Speaker Saad al-Katatny decided to end the evening session to allow members to join the ongoing demonstration. Independent MP Hamdy al-Fakhrany was among those who submitted a request to end the session early, Katatny said. The march included Freedom and Justice Party MP Mohamed al-Beltagy, Social Democratic Party MP Zyad Elelaimy and Salafi Asala Party MP Mamdouh Ismail, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. Beltagy confirmed to Al-Masry Al-Youm the necessity of ""retrials [in the Mubarak case] and enforcing the Political Isolation Law,"" and added that Morsy's Nahda (Renaissance) Project is capable of achieving the goals and aspirations of the Egyptian people. A march led by former presidential hopefuls Hamdeen Sabbahi and Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh also marched to Tahrir from a mosque in the Mohandiseen neighborhood of Cairo. The protesters carried signs reading, ""No elections without the exclusion"" and chanted against Shafiq and against the military council that they believe supports him. ""Listen to us Shafiq, it seems you like to be insulted,"" and ""If you're asking, 'Why Shafiq,' the field marshal brought him with his own hands,"" chanted the crowd. ""The exclusion law is the first thing; it's unacceptable that Mubarak's man who doesn't even acknowledge us [the revolutionaries] participates in the first election after the revolution,"" said housewife Hanan Hassan as she took part in the protest. Some protesters called for a presidential council to take over power while others said that this is still under negotiation and the most important thing is to exclude Shafiq from the race. Activists from the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, as well as members of the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, joined the march. The protesters found the current crisis an ideal time for the people to unite. ""Let's go to the square, one hand just like the old times,"" the protesters chanted referring to the first 18 days of the revolution when all sectors of society united to overthrow Mubarak. ""The military council confronted us with two candidates that we don't want, thinking that they'll force us to choose the one they want; instead they have revived the revolution in the street,"" said Samir Hamad, a member of the Popular Committees to Protect the Revolution. Sabbahi, the second runner up in the first phase of the election, received a hero's welcome, lifted up on shoulders as the crowd chanted, ""Here is the president."" Sabbahi and Abouel Fotouh demonstrated their newly forged unity by standing on a van and holding up their joined fists. Some in the crowd, however, saw the gesture as coming too late. ""Now they're uniting,"" smirked one of the protesters, to which another responded, ""Don't remind me, god forgive us all."" Failed attempts to convince Abouel Fotouh and Sabbahi to run on the same ticket could have changed the course of the election entirely, as they garnered 40 percent of votes in the first round between the two of them. The Socialist Popular Alliance Party slammed the Muslim Brotherhood in a statement released Tuesday evening, accusing it of riding the new revolutionary wave for the sake of its presidential candidate in the runoff. Thousands of protesters led by former presidential candidate Khaled Ali marched from Fatah Mosque in Ramses Square to Tahrir. The demonstrators chanted, ""We swear by the blood of the martyrs to start another revolution,"" ""Down with military rule,"" and ""The people demand to purge the judiciary."" They carried banners saying, ""The ousted regime is rebuilding itself"" and ""Down with [Field Marshal Hussein] Tantawi."" Thousands of Ultras Ahlawy members joined protesters in Tahrir after a march from Zamalek neighborhood. Hundreds of demonstrators organized a march from Istiqama Mosque in Giza to Tahrir, carrying banners reading, ""No to remnants of the ousted regime,"" ""Down with military rule"" and ""Egypt is a state, not a military camp."" Scores of protesters from Cairo University joined the march. Hundreds of activists from the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists had earlier led marches from several squares in Giza to Tahrir. The protesters called for the application of the Political Isolation Law against Shafiq, Mubarak's last prime minister. The law is currently being considered by the Constitutional Court. Protesters also demanded that the ousted president be executed, and also chanted slogans including, ""The people want the martyrs' rights"" and ""Gamal, tell your father that revolutionaries hate you."" Hundreds of revolutionaries and Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Dawah members travelled from Kafr al-Sheikh, north of Cairo, to take part in the demonstration in Tahrir. The spokesperson for Freedom and Justice Party in Kafr al-Sheikh, Ayman Hegazy, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the protesters left for Cairo on Tuesday morning to support the demonstrators in Tahrir. Several buses carrying thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members from various governorates had earlier arrived at Tahrir to take part in what activists have labeled a million-person protest against the verdicts in the trial of former President Hosni Mubarak and others. Hundreds of protesters marched around the square, holding banners demanding a retrial for Mubarak, his sons Gamal and Alaa, and former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly. Popular committees in charge of securing the square's entrances disappeared as protesters began to flood the iconic traffic circle. By the afternoon, youths had begun collecting barriers to be set up on Talaat Harb Street leading to Tahrir. On Saturday, a Cairo criminal court sentenced Mubarak and Adly to life in prison for failing to prevent the murder of pro-democracy protesters during the 18-day revolt that forced Mubarak to step down. The court also exonerated six former senior security officials on the same charges. Mubarak's two sons and businessman Hussein Salem were found not guilty of separate financial corruption charges. The Tuesday demonstration also demanded the application of the military government-approved Political Isolation Law, which would prevent Shafiq from competing in the presidential runoff on 16 and 17 June. Protesters called for the formation of a presidential council comprising prominent pro-revolution figures to replace the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces two weeks before the election is set to take place. Shafiq and Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Morsy both reject the idea, saying the winner of the runoff election will be the legitimate president of the country. Tahrir Square, which was the center of the January 2011 uprising, has seen mass protests since the Mubarak trial verdict was issued. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"102",2012-06-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-families-port-said-victims-protest-front-police-academy","Relatives of Ahly Club supporters who were killed in the Port Said football stadium googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); last February blocked the road outside the Police Academy in Cairo on Wednesday. They were protesting the Port Said Criminal Court's decision that they cannot attend the trial of the 75 defendants in the case. The Ultras Ahlawy joined in the protest. Police stationed in front of the police academy managed to prevent clashes between the families and drivers who were affected by the road blockage. The court said it took the measures to avoid fights between the victims' families and defendants during the trial. On 1 February 2012, a premier league match between Port Said's football team Masry and guest team Ahly in Port Said Stadium ended when Masry fans swarmed the pitch and attacked Ahly supporters. The rampage led to 74 deaths. During Wednesday's session, the court heard the testimonies of defense witnesses and the defendants, who denied all charges. An altercation took place between the defense team of the nine officers charged in the case and that of the other defendants, who accused the former of guiding the witnesses to testify in a manner that would exonerate their clients. Witnesses had denied the involvement of certain defendants who they said were not present during the violence, while another witness said he had warned the security director of a conspiracy days before the incident took place. Islam Ezz Eddin, 23, a photojournalist who administers the Masry fans' website, said he had attended a meeting of the club's supporters one day before the match. He said attendees at the meeting had agreed to welcome Ahly fans. He blamed the fatal clashes that occurred on 1 February on an insulting banner displayed by supporters of the rival team. Eddin also said he had told Port Said's security chief, Essam Samak, that a plot was being prepared days before the game. Samak denies that this conversation took place. Eddin also blamed the stadium's lighting engineer for the light outage that occurred when the violence broke out. The court decided to adjourn until Wednesday and Thursday to continue hearing witnesses. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"103",2012-07-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/morsy-s-debts","For 16 months, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces has tried to convince us we are indebted to it for the revolution. In reality, it was the military council that was indebted to us for its newfound absolute powers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Today, there's enough debt to go around. The Salafis owe the revolution their historic political rise and escape from the noose of Hosni Mubarak's state security. The country's liberals owe the SCAF and the judiciary for the disqualification of ultraconservative Salafi Sheikh Hazem Salah Abu Ismail from the presidential roster. The military is indebted to the Muslim Brotherhood for its silent obedience throughout a year of violence against protesters and revolutionaries. The Brotherhood owes non-Islamist revolutionaries for kick-starting the uprising last year. All of this debt has built up while the country is running in the red. Virtually no single political institution, party, organization, group, state apparatus or movement possesses a reservoir of absolute legitimacy in the current maelstrom. Yet the one person whose debts are most colossal is newly minted President Mohamed Morsy. Many commentators and Morsy himself have admitted that even if he possessed executive power - which was recently stripped of him by the SCAF's supplement to the Constitutional Declaration - the task of balancing the economy, uniting the public, managing the country's increasingly entangled foreign policy, and most importantly enacting directives that fulfill the revolution's goals of subsidies, dignity, freedom and social justice, appears at least insurmountable. But even all of these challenges do not obfuscate his greatest burden. Like Atlas from the Greek myth, who was condemned to carry the celestial universe (depicted in art as the earth) on his shoulders for eternity, Morsy carries into his amputated presidential post a universe of un-payable debts. Morsy's greatest creditor is, of course, the Brotherhood, for nurturing him throughout much of his political and professional career and for pulling him out of near obscurity to lead its charge to the presidential palace. He owes Khairat al-Shater, the Brotherhood behemoth, for relinquishing the spotlight to him and entrusting him with this task. He cannot forget the organization's investment of tens of millions of pounds, if not more, and the dedication of tens of thousands of its loyalists to energize his campaign. He owes Brotherhood Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie for exercising his authority and dominion to bestow his blessings, vet and allow him to be the face of a long-awaited Brotherhood presidency. That is why we should see Morsy's public removal from the Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party ahead of his ascendency to the presidency as a far-fetched and unconvincing gimmick. A significant proportion of Morsy's deficit is owed to the ruling military council, with which he's been playing a game of rhetorical brinkmanship over the past few weeks. Both have flexed their muscles ahead of a seemingly conciliatory conclusion. Lest we be fooling ourselves, the Presidential Elections Commission, which in addition to being absolute and incontestable in its rulings, was appointed by the military council. There are at least five scenarios the commission could have orchestrated to significantly disadvantage Morsy - including the disqualification of his former opponent, ex-Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq, which would have fielded an arguably more competitive contender - or barring Morsy from the race on the grounds of illegal campaigning by the Brotherhood and the FJP. But none of these things happened. At Hike Step military base on Saturday afternoon, in what was dubbed a ""transfer of power"" ceremony, the SCAF reminded Morsy in not-so-subtle ways that had it not been for the generals, Egypt would not be where it is now, and by extension, neither would Morsy. So in the end, Morsy is president not simply because of the electoral win, but with a nod from the military council, a debt he will have to repay. And if that wasn't enough, perhaps Morsy's greatest debt is to the electorate outside of the Muslim Brotherhood, whose support catapulted him past his contender. From revolutionary groups to individuals, from the April 6 Youth Movement to the ultras, from activist Wael Ghonim to the once-demonized Revolutionary Socialists, Morsy's diametrically opposed camp is extremely wide and polarized, pushing him beyond his Brotherhood base. Many of these groups ""squeezed a lemon over themselves"" (an adage meaning bit their tongues and acted against their natural will) and voted for Morsy to defeat the old regime. They did so despite the unflattering and often counter-revolutionary record of the Brotherhood throughout the transition. This non-Brotherhood electorate, which entrusted Morsy with its vote, expects to be vindicated in their support. Asserting his revolutionary tendencies, Morsy participated in an electrifying mock swearing-in on a stage in Tahrir as if to spite the SCAF, then politely and obediently succumbed to its will the following day to get officially confirmed as president before the Supreme Constitutional Court. As the president becomes a more adept and charismatic performer with every engagement, he is also honing his ability to circumvent confrontation by speaking from both sides of his mouth. This ambivalence should force the revolution's proponents to take heed and judge Morsy on his actions rather than his words. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"104",2012-07-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-association-asks-morsy-intervene-suspension-end","Egyptian Football Association spokesperson Azmi Megahed called on President Mohamed Morsy to intervene against the suspension of football activities in Egypt. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The EFA received a letter Sunday from the Interior Ministry saying that it refuses to resume football activities because of the current security situation, state-run news agency MENA reported. ""I believe that the ministry's decree was hasty and I even consider it to be disastrous as football activities have been suspended since February. The president must intervene to find a solution since football is a source of income for a wide range of people,"" Megahed said. ""Egyptian clubs are facing severe financial crises after the suspension and cannot find resources to pay the players after the withdrawal of the sponsoring companies. The suspension has also harmed the national team,"" he added. Megahed said that players with the clubs' second and third tier teams who are poorly paid have had to look for other sources of income during the suspension. The Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore football fans who support Cairo's Ahly club, has announced that it will hold a march Tuesday from the Ahly Club to the Journalists Syndicate then will hold a news conference about the Port Said violence, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. The group said in statement on its Facebook page Monday that the press conference would disclose information about the 1 February violence, when fans of Port Said's home team, Masry, flooded the pitch and the visiting team's stands following a victory over Ahly, leading to 74 deaths and hundreds of injuries. Some Ultras Ahlawy broke into the team's training session last week and held banners slamming the team's administration and its players for how they dealt with the Port Said issue. Ahly's administration held a news conference Monday that a few of the martyrs' families attended. Hassan Hamdy, the president of the club, launched an attack on the Ultras Ahlawy during the presser. ""This is an incident that the club has never before witnessed, and it is not acceptable for its fans and its members,"" Ahly's official website quoted Hamdy as saying. Hamdy reportedly agreed to make a second financial reimbursement to the martyrs' families before the month of Ramadan. Edited translations from MENA and Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"105",2012-07-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/clashes-break-out-ultras-ahlawy-protest","Clashes erupted Tuesday evening between members of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , a group of hardcore football fans who support Cairo's Ahly football team, and anonymous people who rejected their protest in downtown Cairo. Dozens of Ultras Ahlawy staged a protest at the Journalists Syndicate Tuesday evening after marching from the Ahly Club in Zamalek. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that the clashes erupted after a quarrel between a kiosk owner outside the syndicate and ultras, which escalated into a fight with knives and rubber bullets. State-owned Al-Ahram newspaper said on its website that gunshots were heard but it reported no injuries. Al-Masry Al-Youm said that birdshots were fired during the clashes. The ultras reportedly withdrew after around 30 of their members were injured by stones and rubber bullets. The Health Ministry reported that six people sustained injuries in the clashes. The protesters reportedly headed back to the Ahly Club to continue their demonstration. Protesters demanded a speedy trial for those accused of inciting and perpetrating the violence in the Port Said football stadium on 1 February following a match between Ahly and the home team, Masry. Seventy-four people were killed and hundreds were injured when Masry fans stormed the pitch and the visiting team's stands. One Monday, the Port Said Criminal Court postponed the trial to 25 August. Kareem Rahim, one of the protest organizers, stressed that those killed in the Port Said violence are ""martyrs,"" not mere victims or thugs. During the protest, the ultras chanted slogans against the club's administration, specifically the head of the club, Hassan Hamdy. They say the club has let its fans down. Some Ultras Ahlawy broke into the team's training session last week and held banners slamming the team's administration and its players for how they dealt with the Port Said issue. Ahly's administration held a news conference Monday that a few of the martyrs' families attended. Hamdy launched an attack on the Ultras Ahlawy during the presser. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"106",2012-07-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-s-deafening-three-letter-yell","When comedian Ahmed Mekky uttered the Latinized acronym for the slang term ""aha"" in his film ""H Dabbour,"" he broke a taboo in the film industry. But because he spelled it out in English as ""a7a"" - to represent the heavy ""h"" sound in Arabic - its incomprehensibility to the censors and anyone with little online knowledge allowed it to slip the ironclad grip of the Mubarak-era cinema gatekeepers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Yet the term, whose etymological roots are very difficult to disentangle, remains a salient part of Egyptians' expression of disdain, shock, agony, anger and a plethora of other hyperbolic emotional states. Whether it is a verb, noun, adjective or onomatopoeia is inconsequential because its meaning is understood. In a personal conversation with writer and blogger Ahmed Nagy back in February 2008, he lashed out against the culture of conformity and the high premium paid to those who speak in polite euphemisms about the state of their lives and country. ""So what if I say a7a! It is how we speak in this country! We hide behind politeness and accept what is happening around us!"" But the term is not a newcomer to the Egyptian vernacular. Anecdote and testimony suggest the masses pleading with former President Gamal Abdel Nasser not to abdicate after the humiliating defeat of 1967 shouted ""Aha, Aha, la tatanaha!"" (A7a, a7a, don't abdicate!). Since the revolution, it has been used publicly to reflect on the deterioration of the country's political arena, from songs like ""Aha ya thawra"" (A7a, oh, revolution) by Ahmed al-Sawy to songs by the Ultras football fans. Historically, the fissures between socioeconomic classes in the country were maintained not only by access to authority and power but rather through the admonishment of the masses, on the grounds of what is often described as ""vulgarity."" A7a was once the explosive, screeching, unnerving, alarming and deafening yell of the ""vulgar"" poor. But as class consciousness was shaken to its core under the feet of a mass revolutionary movement, so has its vernacular. A7a now permeates all social classes with fervor, shattering social norms and elite mores. In a country whose masses are economically depressed, sexually repressed, and politically and socially suppressed, a7a is the semiotic sum of all dissident expression against the tyranny of the status quo. Both the enfranchised and the disenfranchised turn to it in frustration and camaraderie, even under the nose of societal etiquette and the dominion of authorities - whether armed with bullets, ideology or purported holiness. At a time when the state's role was to avoid at all costs khadsh haya', or scratching the modesty, of society - a precursor to the collapse of political honor - Egyptians, literary and lay, have empowered vulgarity and turned it into an arena for awe-inspiring creativity and a space for aesthetic brilliance. Yet this revolutionary generation of artists, writers, musicians and activists are walking in the footsteps of their ancestors who rescued language and expression from the fangs of power from time immemorial. Dating as far back as 1150 BC, ancient Egyptian artists produced what is now known as the satirical and erotic papyri, which ridiculed the pharaohs and royalty by depicting them as animals doing frivolous things, in the face of that period's culture of megalomaniacal self-deification. In other images, scruffy balding and overweight men, with comically oversized genitalia are shown performing sexual acts with many women in a fantastical fashion. Such images are a direct challenge to the absolute virility of the omnipotent god-kings. And the story continues. From Naguib Surour's infamous poem ""Kos Omeyaat,"" which was banned from circulation in Egypt for decades, to Khairy Shalaby's extraordinarily explicit and evocative novels, such as ""Wekalet 'Ateya"" (The Lodging House) on life in Cairo's 'ashwa'eyaat (urban slums), Egypt's creative class have all too often used profanity to amplify the pulse of the street to the ivory towers. In April 2008, during an interview with Al Jazeera, poet Ahmed Fouad Negm recited a new poem suggestive of Gamal Mubarak called ""'Arees al-Dawla"" (The State's Groom). He recited: ""Exit one heaven and enter another, it makes no difference to us, nor does it hurt our bodies, it doesn't break our hearts or bust our balls"" before the interview was cut short. Today, no one is above the ridicule and sharp criticism of a newly liberated Egyptian public. From President Mohamed Morsy, who is the subject of a recently posted song on YouTube channel Bahgaga, and the Saudi king's backside described in Cairo graffiti, to an online voiceover of a Nour Party ad depicting the protagonist as a sex-crazed pedophile, the threat to power comes not from political adversaries but from the same creative class that produced the sa'aleek (vagabonds) of yesteryear: people like poet Abdel Hamid al-Deeb, writer Mahmoud al-Saadany and others. In our days of political jockeying, uncertainty and disparagement, many are resorting to the versatile three-letter word - if not for refuge, for release. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. This article was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition"
"107",2012-07-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/offside-egypt-s-transitional-politics-shows-football-red-card","On 30 June, President Mohamed Morsy was attending a ceremony organized by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces at the Central Military Area, also known as Hike Step, to celebrate the handover of power to Egypt's elected leader. At roughly the same time, Egypt's national football team was playing against the Central African Republic, in a crucial match to determine whether Egypt would qualify for the Africa Cup of Nations, to be held in South Africa in 2013. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); However, Egypt's national team, commonly dubbed the Pharaohs, was unable to qualify for the tournament after the two teams drew 1-1. In order to qualify, Egypt needed to win by two goals, after it had lost to the same team 3-2 at home in June. The national team's failure to qualify was rather disregarded by a media once obsessed with the most popular sport in the country. For sports media, normally accustomed to reveling in criticizing the national team and its coaches, to receive the news with such apathy was odd to many. That attention fell to politics rather than to football stands in stark contrast with the February 2006 drowning of Al-Salam ferry in the Red Sea, which cost 1,100 passengers their lives and was associated with regime corruption. That accident also coincided with Egypt's hosting of the Africa Cup. ""At the time of that catastrophe, state media rearranged the public's priorities through unprecedented, extensive propaganda for the championship, urging high turnout at stadiums. So the state managed to diminish public attention to the incident,"" says Emad Shahin, professor of political science at the American University in Cairo. With today's more dynamic political scene now taking the attention away from the game, questions are being raised about the level of distraction once engineered by the regime. ""The balance is being reset. The former regime used some sources of entertainment, such as football, to ensure people were distracted from politics and allow them to transfer their need for political affiliation, to an Islamist or leftist party for example, to certain football teams, such as Ahly and Zamalek,"" Shahin says. Ayman Abou Ayed, head of the sports department at the state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram, says Egypt's national team played four official matches over the past few weeks that were all overshadowed by the presidential election. The busy political landscape has also outshone the team's declining performance. Egypt, which has won the Africa Cup of Nations seven times, has not achieved a single football success over the 18 months of the interim period following the 25 January revolution. Egypt currently ranks 42nd in the monthly FIFA World Rankings, slipping from a respectable ninth place in July 2010. Political interruptions Continuous interruptions have marred both the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 seasons. The former was put on hold for three months following the outbreak of protests in January 2011. The 2011-2012 season started six weeks behind schedule in mid-September. That season came to an abrupt end in February when a match between Ahly and Masry in Port Said left 74 people dead, after clashes between fans of the two clubs. Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri ordered the dissolution of the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) in the aftermath of the bloody match, appointed a temporary one and called off the league. The incident turned football into a political conversation, in which the country's military rulers and their security apparatus were charged with failing to prevent the massacre. ""This was the first time in the history of Egyptian football that victims have fallen after a football match. This match has fanned the flames of conflict between revolutionaries and the SCAF,"" says Ayed. The match sparked protests in Cairo and Port Said that were met with staunch resistance from the security apparatus. Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights, which support Ahly and Zamalek respectively, staged several marches across Egypt calling for the downfall of the SCAF and accusing it of involvement in the incident. The protests demonstrated how hardcore football fans were becoming increasingly involved in politics, an issue that the revolution had highlighted since ultras were among the first to take to the streets in January 2011, demanding an end to the repressive practices of the police apparatus. ""The violence that erupted after the [Port Said] match is one of the most important reasons why people have lost interest in football,"" Ayed says. Meanwhile, the Interior Ministry has decided that all official matches for Egypt's national team and other Egyptian teams be played without spectators until political conditions in the country improve. Khaled Bayoumy, a football expert, says, ""The absence of spectators is one of the reasons why people are apathetic about football. Playing regular matches at the local and African level reflects the restoration of security."" From sports to politics: The media shifts In the same way that political interruptions have taken the public's attention away from football, sports media have followed suit. After the revolution, all sports talk shows have dedicated at least a segment or more to politics. For one, former presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq, the last premier under toppled President Hosni Mubarak, appeared on the Modern Sport channel. Khaled al-Ghandour, a former player for Zamalek in the 1990s and a sports presenter on Dream TV, says certain issues cannot be ignored. Even a sports presenter is interested in commenting on the presidential election, he says. ""It is now necessary for me to allocate at least five minutes of the show's one hour to politics,"" he adds. The political orientation of football icons has also become central to public opinion, rather than their usual business of sport. Ahly football star Mohamed Abu Treika was one of the first to declare support for a presidential candidate publicly. Abu Treika appeared in a YouTube clip before the first round of elections held in May and announced his support for Morsy. His decision to announce his choice for president left his club in an awkward situation, particularly since Ahly's TV channel had been broadcasting Shafiq's campaign commercials for free in support of his bid. Commenting on Abu Treika's move, Ghandour said, ""Any football star has admirers who may be influenced by his choices. That is why I would have preferred that every player keeps his choice for president secret."" Meanwhile, the support that Shafiq got from Ahmed Shoubeir, Ahly's goalkeeper in the 1990s, and Magdy Abdel Ghany, a presenter on Modern Sport and another former Ahly player, also grabbed attention. Both Shoubeir and Abdel Ghany were entrenched in politics before the revolution, being MPs from the formerly ruling National Democratic Party, in 2005 and 2010 respectively. ""Several sports media professionals brown-nosed the former regime by giving the audience a large dose of sport to divert their attention away from politics. Today, the opposite is happening,"" says Bayoumy. Back to normal? The Interior Ministry on Sunday announced that league matches would not resume for the 2012-2013 season, citing security concerns. The suspension has cost the league heavily, with losses estimated at LE1.2 billion, according to a report issued by the board of directors of the EFA. They include an average of LE570 million in annual sums payable by clubs to players, LE210 million in lost sponsorship contracts, LE200 million for TV commercials, and LE270 for contracts with satellite channels that broadcast the tournaments. Meanwhile, the new EFA elections are due to begin at the end of August. Three electoral lists of candidates are competing for the board and its chairmanship. The first list includes members of the dissolved board, who are considered part of the former regime. The second list comprises footballers who have Islamist orientations and receive the support of the Freedom and Justice Party. The third includes reformists in the field who are associated with neither the old regime nor the increasingly powerful FJP. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"108",2012-07-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/photos-clashes-outside-syrian-embassy","Some 300 Syrian and Egyptian activists clashed with Central Security Forces on Wednesday evening, after their attempt to raise the flag of the Syrian revolution over the embassy in Cairo was met with birdshot fire and tear gas. Barrages of stones were exchanged, injuring dozens as a six-hour long street battle was waged at the embassy and in the surrounding area. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Clashes started at around 6:45 pm as stones were lobbed at security officers, and continued for several hours. Earlier that day, a bomb killed three of President Bashar al-Assad's top military officials, including the defense minister, the most significant blow to Assad's government since the outbreak of the country's nearly 17-month-old rebellion. Fighting that followed attacks launched by the Free Syrian Army had spread throughout Damascus. This prompted protesters in Egypt to march to the Syrian Embassy in Cairo, where a standoff with the security forces eventually escalated into clashes. Protesters, who came out in solidarity with Syrian opposition forces, were demanding Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy take a stance in favor of the Free Syrian Army, in addition to the expulsion of the Syrian ambassador and an end to the shelling and besieging of Syrian cities by the Assad regime. ""Down with Bashar,"" and ""Egypt and Syria are one,"" they chanted. ""The fact that they protect the embassy shows their support for Bashar al-Assad,"" remarks a 20-year-old Egyptian protester who spoke on condition of anonymity. ""The Syrian people are being massacred and Morsy is sitting on his chair in the meantime. We recognize none but the Free Syrian Army, and we want Morsy to take a stance."" ""This ambassador is complicit in massacres in Deir al-Zor and Idlib. He does not represent me and we want him gone,"" says Abdel Aziz Ilwan, a 26-year-old Syrian from Hama who studies in Egypt. A 23-year-old Syrian who spoke on the condition of anonymity defected from the army and fled from Aleppo seven months ago. ""Many of my friends died and I don't know anything about my family,"" he said, adding that he felt compelled to protest against Assad's regime. Ceasefire Around 9 pm, a short-lived moment of calm gave protesters the chance to plead with police for the release of five protesters who had by then been detained. ""We want nothing else, we will leave if you release them"", pleaded one protester. Activist Islam Nuriddin, who had been negotiating with the security forces for the release of demonstrators, said his efforts were to no avail. Egyptian protesters were asking Syrians to leave out of fear they would be deported. As ultras were singing songs against the Interior Ministry, the protest transformed slowly into yet another chapter in the feud between Egyptian youth and Central Security Forces. The latter were responsible for the killing of many protesters, creating deep-seated animosity that has manifested itself in numerous violent confrontations since January 2011. Tensions rose until fighting erupted again, taking a more violent form this time. Security forces and protesters took turns charging and retreating, as stones filled the sky for at least another four hours. This time, protesters hurled Molotov cocktails at security forces, who responded with birdshot. After midnight, protesters were pushed back to the Kempinski Hotel on the Corniche, from where they moved up and down the side streets near the American and British embassies, where the battle now took place. Every now and then, young men sprayed with birdshot, shot with larger bullets, or wounded by rocks would run back to take cover. Single police cars passing by the protesters were attacked with rocks, shattering the windows. People dressed in plain clothes as well as police and army uniforms were seen throwing stones at protesters this time. In the meantime, chants against the Interior Ministry became dominant, and one protester remarked that in addition to showing solidarity with the Syrian people, demonstrations show the crimes of the CSF against the Egyptian people must not be forgotten."
"109",2012-08-01,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/patron-saints","Egypt's revolution was leaderless, but not everyone got the memo. Today legions gravitate towards one notable or another, one visionary or another, one sheikh or another, one demagogue or another. There are those who self-describe as ""Hazemoon,"" the followers of Sheikh Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, and those who consider themselves among the ultras of Mohamed Elbaradei. There are those who see the Brotherhood's Supreme Guide as clairvoyant and those who mourned for months the death of Pope Shenouda as if a connection to God had been permanently severed. Some flock after Sheikh Wagdy Ghonim's fiery vitriol and others watch hours of online inflammatory videos from defrocked and exiled Father Zakaria Botros. In the end, there's plenty of hand-kissing going on these days. At a time when Egyptian institutions are fighting for their survival, celebrity messiahs, saviors, and deliverers are a pound a dozen. They are auxiliary instruments whose seemingly rogue contrarian posturing does little beyond nudge age-old institutions toward greater hegemony over society. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); All institutions have inherent problems, which are magnified and aggravated within religious institutions specifically. They are hierarchical structures that emphasize conformity, render subjects dependent, and enshrine a chain of command. Their process of specialization in their ranks leads to ultra-specialization and the disappearance of peripheral vision. Designed to increase efficiency and improve transfer of talent, information, and resources, they are instead killing the spirit of inquisitiveness, destroying intellectual curiosity, and digging a grave for Egypt's polymaths. Take for instance Al-Azhar, which without necessary testimony is an institution of remarkable repute and international acclaim, and one of the oldest academies in the world. Over the past 60 years, Al-Azhar has slowly relinquished its independence and become subservient to the state. With its work limited to reaffirming the priorities of the sitting government, the state's hegemony of Al-Azhar ensured its ability to guide religious jurisprudence was either severely hindered or effectively harmonious. Not long ago, an education at Al-Azhar was the most sought after by sons of the working class in the country's governorates. Because of the clout attributed to Azharite education in rural Egypt, hundreds of thousands migrated to Cairo over the past three generations to become seasoned in religious affairs and return to respectable jobs in their hometowns. Simultaneously over the past few decades and very much on the same grounds in the country's towns and villages, the Muslim Brotherhood developed its confessional and doctrinal platforms in the political, economic, and social realms, expanding their reach almost in parallel to Al-Azhar. The two have avoided confrontation, at least overtly, for much of the past few decades, with only occasional spats between the Supreme Guide and sheikh of Al-Azhar. Neither was prepared to throw the other under the bus, but both understood that they were on overlapping territory. Despite supporting their political adversaries, Al-Azhar avoided incriminating the Brotherhood entirely (although they were spectators as the former regimes harshly punished them). In return, the Brotherhood consciously decided not to undermine Al-Azhar in their working class strongholds. The January 25 uprising and the ensuing turmoil have left Al-Azhar utterly disoriented. With its ability to control its own institution hindered, Azharites have splintered with elements supporting the Brotherhood, others critical of both the Brotherhood and the Salafis, and others siding with the amorphous leftist nationalist revolutionary fronts. With Al-Azhar incapable of pulling its rank, the Brotherhood and Salafi groups filled the void by taking advantage of the institution's delayed and reluctant public statements and dwindling reach. As if punishment for their former collusion with the Mubarak regime, Al-Azhar is now being marginalized by the Brotherhood. Nowhere was this more glaring and startling as when Al-Azhar Grand Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayyeb was seated at the back of an auditorium for President Morsy's speech at Cairo University ahead of his swearing in. Al-Azhar's proud pontiff stormed out in defiance and displeasure. Al-Azhar's tug of war with the Brotherhood cuts across the breadth of the state infrastructure, the most recent being Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's choice of Salafi Sheikh Mohamed Yosri Ibrahim as minister of endowments, a choice Al-Azhar vehemently rejects. Having lost control of Islamic airwaves and the growing appeal of political Islamist parties not under Tayyeb's reign, Al-Azhar's fort looks weaker than ever. Even on the Constituent Assembly, Islamists negotiating with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and other political groups insisted that Al-Azhar's designated seats be considered among those of civil society not the Islamist current. So the marginalization of Al-Azhar has become systematic, perhaps to the positive effect of deinstitutionalizing its revered stature or demystifying religion, perhaps in egalitarianizing it, or maybe in shattering the blind acceptance that is so obdurate within it. However, there is every indication that what might replace Al-Azhar's religious reach will emulate its most undesirable qualities and ignore its most commendable. If the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafi groups prevail they are likely to reproduce Al-Azhar's hierarchy, already evident in their preexisting structure, while hastily and clumsily dismissing Al-Azhar's most redeemable quality - careful and studious scholarship on matters of faith and practice. As for the church, Al-Azhar's twin, there is no questioning that the institution is now bearing the brunt of its most misguided, albeit well-intentioned, decisions and actions over the past few decades. While its history of nationalistic commitment is luminous, it has however engineered, largely out of fear and clientalism, a near-absolute annexation of all aspects of private and public life for Egypt's Copts. Beyond the church's original task of spiritual guidance, it subsumed everything from their children's sporting activities to their secular celebrations. This was all done with the state's support and guidance. In the end, as far as Mubarak was concerned, no Coptic matter cannot be resolved by a single phone call to Pope Shenouda. So the state guaranteed Christians safety from the propped up perennial ghost, the Brotherhood, in exchange for unequivocal silence and blind obedience. This could only be delivered if the church had full and unchallenged control over the community, both politically and socially. And the church succeeded and delivered precisely that. Today, the times are changing as the church finds itself in the same predicament as Al-Azhar. It is literally bursting at the seams. While some Christians are fearful of the days ahead, opting to escape the country by any means, the vast majority are here to stay. They are vocalizing and actively participating in all aspects of public life. No longer passively agreeing to the church's representation of their political will or best interests, they ceased to be the same old unified front. Instead they act and engage as citizens. Their visibility is also at an all-time high. Nevertheless, the church remains, through its Millet Council and governance bodies, forceful in its intent to speak for the country's religious minority, something many Copts refuse. The most evident moment of defiance of the church was when the Coptic Maspero Youth Union chanted against Pope Shenouda for forgivingly hosting the SCAF's top brass after the 9 October 2011 massacre. For much of the last 18 months, the church has tried every tool at its disposal to bring such revolutionary Coptic groups under its wing, but to no avail. In the end, the patriarchy, like Al-Azhar, is at a crossroads. Neither seeking refuge with the military or siding with the Muslim Brotherhood is favorable. In the end, and despite the turbulence, Al-Azhar and the church will outlive this episode, each relying on their legacy, authority, and constituency. Al-Azhar will likely end up with the constitutionally-sanctioned last say on all Sharia-related matters and the church will continue to preside over Christian affairs, making them both mirror images of each other. The irony is that without exception, all parties in this Olympiad of constitutional and political competition over power and prestige (the SCAF, the Muslim Brotherhood, Salafis, Al-Azhar, the church, etc.) are embodiments of counterrevolution. They are counterrevolutionary in their classist schisms, rigid hierarchy, deification of authority, commitment to neoliberal economics, and admonishment of dissidence. Assuming all religious institutions are well meaning and benevolent, we still see how their love, affection, and care for their subjects have turned tutorship into sponsorship, protection into oppression, and guardianship into custody. For this reason, the late activist Mina Daniel and Azharite Sheikh Emad Eddin Effat, both killed while disobeying draconian decrees to avoid revolutionary struggle, represent critical dissenting currents. While Al-Azhar, the church, the Brotherhood and other deep organizations learn from their margins, there are little indications this is happening. It is not in the nature of paternalistic institutions to willfully forgo saintly patronage over ""their"" masses. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. A shorter version of this article was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"110",2012-08-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/eight-military-prisoners-pardoned-suez","Eight individuals who were arrested in front of the Suez Police Department while protesting against the Abbasseya clashes googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); were pardoned on Thursday, said the Suez Freedom and Justice Party secretary Ahmed Mahmoud. The detainees, who were members of the Ultras football club, were charged with attacking military personnel and damaging public facilities. In July the Suez military court sentenced seven of the demonstrators to six months in jail, and the eighth was sentenced to three years for possession of fireworks. The No to Military Trials Campaign responded to the announcement by expressing its disappointment that activist Bassem Mohsen has not been pardoned. Activist and campaign member Mona Seif said that it was a ""black comedy"" that Mohsen, who was arrested while protesting against military trials, was not among the pardoned. ""This position shows that there is bias against Mohsen for being a revolutionary who was not shaken in spite of what he had faced"" when he was injured in Mohamed Mahmoud events of last November, Seif said. She stressed that the campaign members will continue to challenge Mohsen's two year prison sentence in court. ""We consider any prisoner leaving military prisons as a victory, despite our sadness that they were not tried in front of a normal judge and that they already spent in prison,"" she said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"111",2012-09-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-storm-efa-protest-season-opening","Members of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , a group of hardcore fans supporting Cairo's Ahly football team, stormed into the Egyptian Football Association headquarters on Wednesday, lit fireworks and threw Molotov cocktails, said Mohamed al-Mashta, legal adviser to the association. The ultras were protesting the EFA's decision to begin the football season retribution had been attained for their colleagues who died in the Port Said Stadium violence. In February, 74 Ahly fans were killed when Masry fans stormed the pitch in Port Said. Security forces were accused of failing to protect them. Edited translation from MENA"
"112",2012-09-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/alexandria-security-says-cannot-secure-sunday-football-match","The Alexandria Security Directorate said it would be unable to secure football matches at Borg al-Arab Stadium, after the interior and sports ministers made the decision to hold the first match of the Egyptian Super Cup there on Sunday, according to a report in the state-run Al-Ahram newspaper. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); No final decision on the match had been made as of Thursday night. Khaled Gharaba, head of the security directorate, has demanded that Egyptian Super Cup games - all of which are scheduled to be played at the Alexandria stadium - be called off, fearing a repeat of recent sports-related violence. The Ultras Ahlawy, a group Ahly Club supporters, stormed the headquarters of the Egyptian Football Association in Cairo Wednesday. They were protesting the league's decision to resume play before the perpetrators of a deadly stadium riot in Port Said this February are judged in court. Football association matches have been delayed since the Port Said Stadium violence, which left 74 dead and hundreds injured. Security bodies still worry that the threat of fans storming stadiums will make games difficult to secure. Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin and Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq held an emergency meeting with club representatives Thursday to discuss the directorate's stance on securing the games. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"113",2012-09-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-accuses-ministry-instigation-cancels-gathering","The Ultras Ahlawy, an association of hardcore supporters of Egypt's leading football club, Ahly, have accused the Interior Ministry of plotting a clash between Bedouin tribes in Alexandria's Borg al-Arab area and its members who were planning to storm the stadium hosting a Super Cup match between their Premier League champion team and the Egypt Cup winner, ENPPI. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq had announced that the game would be played at Borg al-Arab Stadium on Sunday despite the tensions surrounding the event. Ahly fans had threatened to storm the pitch during the game to protest the resumption of football activity before prosecuting the perpetrators of the violence that followed a Premier League match between Ahly and Masry in Port Said Stadium in February and left 74 dead. The group said on its Facebook page Sunday that ""the Interior Ministry has returned to its 'dirty' practices by playing Egyptians off against each other,"" adding that it possesses a recording of a phone call by an Interior Ministry official instigating the residents near the stadium against the ultras. The group also said it cancelled a gathering previously slated for Monday. Farouq decided on Saturday to postpone the beginning of the Premier League one month to 17 October instead of 17 September. Farouq's decision came after meeting with the heads of the clubs participating in the league and Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin, who stressed the need to postpone the season until stadiums can be properly secured according to the standards set by the public prosecution, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. One of the club representatives who attended the meeting and declined to be named told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the Premier League is under threat of being canceled this year and that the postponement is one step toward the cancelation of the season. Last week, scores of Ultras Ahlawy members broke into the Egyptian Football Association's office in Cairo to protest the EFA's plans to start a new soccer season on 17 September."
"114",2012-09-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-first-football-match-port-said-goes-ahead-despite-protests","The inaugural match of the Super Cup, between the Ahly and ENPI clubs, began at 9 pm on Sunday at Borg al-Arab stadium in Alexandria, despite protests from some football fans to cancel football matches until justice is attained for the victims of the Port Said Stadium violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); last February. The players arrived at the stadium an hour beforehand amid tight security. Alexandria security forces had earlier expressed reservations about their preparedness to secure the match. The match was set to begin at 8 pm, but local security said they would need one extra hour to secure it. Alexandria Governor Khaled Ghoraba had said the match would be played on time, but no spectators would be allowed in the vicinity of 6.5 kilometers from the stadium. Earlier Sunday, thousands of the Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore Ahly Club football fans, marched to Borg al-Arab Stadium, where the match is set to be played, threatening to stop the match by force. President Mohamed Morsy's spokesperson said at a press conference earlier Sunday that the president was not responsible for deciding whether the match would be played. The match is the first official Egyptian football match since the Port Said Stadium violence in February. ""It is up to the Sports Ministry to cancel or allow the match to be played,"" spokesperson Yasser Ali said. Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq insisted Saturday that the match would go ahead. He also criticized Ahly player Mohamed Abu Treika for refusing to play, in solidarity with the ultras. Early last February, 74 were killed and hundreds injured after fans of the local Port Said football team, Masry, stormed the field following a rare victory. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"115",2012-09-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-ultras-march-alexandria-stadium-sit-outside-players-hotel","About 300 people marched Sunday to the Borg al-Arab stadium in Alexandria to protest a game scheduled there later in the day between Ahly and ENPI. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); By late afternoon, the Ultras Ahlawy had reached the hotel in Alexandria where players are staying and say that police and security inside the hotel outnumber them. The group has decided to camp in front of the hotel until the match kicks off. The ultras chanted, sometimes rhyming in Arabic: ""Oppression is everywhere, we won't forget when we were slaves of the regime,"" ""The Interior Ministry is made up of thugs"" and ""Fuck football."" Plans to hold the game, which is part of the Super Cup, have stirred tensions after all football activities in Egypt were halted following the killings of 74 Ahly fans at a game in the coastal city of Port Said in February. Ahly fans and their supporters deem it unacceptable that football activity is resumed before the prosecution of the perpetrators of the massacre, which is pending a court case. Earlier today, the official Ahly fans group, Ultras Ahlawy, issued a statement accusing the Interior Ministry of instigating the local community of Borg al-Arab against them ahead of the game, in response to their plan to storm the stadium to stop the match. As a result, the group decided to cancel its planned gathering. However, informal gatherings of Ahly fans still grouped and started heading to the stadium, chanting, ""No Super,"" in reference to the football match. On the way to the stadium, seven police trucks filled with policemen drove by the march giving the finger to the protesters, who replied with similar gestures. With ongoing tensions, and following an earlier break-in by Ultras Ahlawy members into the Egyptian Football Association office in Cairo to protest the plan to resume the season on 17 September, Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq announced on Saturday that the season would be delayed until 17 October. Tensions between ultras and the police have been commonplace in recent years, predating the revolution."
"116",2012-09-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-ultras-teacher-uprisings-and-military-lawsuits","Monday's papers focus their coverage on three main developments. Topping the news are the Ultras Ahlawy and their stand to prevent the convening of matches until justice is served in the trial of Port Said Stadium killings. Also capturing headlines are the dozens of lawsuits filed against Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi and former Armed Force Chief of Staff Sami Anan - the former top two members of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces - and an open-ended ""teachers' uprising"" due to commence today. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The hardcore football fans, known as ultras, have captured headlines in all daily papers today. Ultras Ahlawy staged minor protests outside the Borg al-Arab Stadium Sunday, where dozens of Ultras Ahlawy ""Devils"" called for the cancellation of Egypt's ""Super Cup"" matches until justice is served in the trial of those behind the killings of 74 football fans in Port Said in February. The ultra's demand for the cancellation of the ""Super Cup"" has been endorsed and supported by a number of different political parties and currents. In independent Al-Shorouk, the headline reads, ""Ultras surround hotel housing the Ahly and ENPI teams"" in Borg al-Arab, referring to their bid to cancel matches. Independent newspaper Al-Watan details police preparations in Alexandria: ""Thirty divisions of the Central Security Forces deployed, along with police dogs and undercover officers, to secure the Super Match."" Police forces had been placed on high alert ahead of these protests in Borg al-Arab, in apprehension of security concerns associated with the ultras' earlier threats regarding the storming of the football pitch to prevent the game from taking place. Ultras had claimed police forces were instigating locals against these hardcore football fans ahead of the match. According to Al-Shorouk, ""Tribal leaders claim there was no coordination or agreement between them and the police regarding the presence of the ultras in their town."" Also in Al-Shorouk, the Muslim Brotherhood's chief financier and deputy guide, Khairat al-Shater, ""demands an apology from the Freedom and Justice"" newspaper for publishing criticisms of the ultras in the mouthpiece of the Brotherhood's political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party. Independent Youm7 newspaper writes, ""Shater attacks the Freedom and Justice paper due to its stance against Ahly fans."" On his private Twitter account, Shater wrote, ""Allowing the Super Cup matches in the name of safeguarding the state's stature is a manipulation of a rightful demand."" The multimillionaire Islamist added, ""Preserving the state's stature will be realized when the real perpetrators of the Port Said massacre are brought to justice."" Shater called on Freedom and Justice to issue an apology to Ultras Ahlawy. However, the ultras did not seem to accept Shater's apology on behalf of the Brotherhood. According to the liberal opposition Al-Wafd newspaper, ""Ultras league criticizes Shater's apology, describes it as being a sponge to soak up their anger."" Backtracking his original comments published in the Freedom and Justice newspaper, Editor-in-Chief Adel al-Ansary writes an op-ed titled ""Ultras are not to be blamed."" Ansary's whitewashing article mentions that ultras were an integral part of the 25 January revolution and are an important revolutionary force. However, the he also points out that a few members of the ultras were involved in unwarranted acts of violence, including a previous attack on the Egyptian Football Federation. In related news, Ahly football team's star striker, Mohamed Abu Treika, has stood in solidarity the ultras' demands for a cancellation of the Super Cup matches until a just court verdict has been issued against those responsible for the killings of the 74 fans in the Port Said Stadium. According to Al-Watan, Abu Treika may thus be subjected to disciplinary actions for boycotting matches, including the docking of 20 percent of his annual income. Abu Treika earns an estimated LE5 million each year (over US$830,000). In other news, the SCAF's former top officers, Tantawi and Anan, are being pursued in the courts. Both are accused of killing dozens of peaceful protesters since the 25 January revolution, while the Anan is also being accused of corruption and financial irregularities. President Mohamed Morsy retired both Tantawi and Anan on 12 August, but he also decorated them with top medals and appointed them as presidential advisers. Al-Tahrir, an independent paper, writes, ""Lawsuits start piling up against Tantawi and Anan."" The article mentions that aside from the killings of peaceful protesters, assaults, virginity checks and more than 12,000 military trials against civilians have spurred these charges against the two generals. Anan is also being accused of illegally acquiring plots of land for real estate for private gains. These charges have been filed before the public prosecutor's office and military prosecutors. Al-Shorouk mentions that 26 such charges have been presented to military prosecutors, though prosecuting authorities have not yet taken action against either Tantawi or Anan. The April 6 Youth Movement activist group is among those filing complaints, along with various human rights groups. In other news, a ""teachers' uprising"" is due to start. Organized by independent teachers syndicates, this ""second teachers' uprising"" is scheduled to take place immediately before the beginning of the academic year. A similar action involving teachers' protests and strikes was held around the same time last year. ""Teachers threaten to freeze the academic year,"" reads the top headline in party paper Al-Wafd. Al-Watan writes, ""Following failure of negotiations with Morsy, 'Teachers' Second Uprising' launches today."" Thousands of teachers have been demanding a monthly minimum wage of LE3,000 ($500) improved working and teaching conditions, an incremental pay raise system, additional public spending on education and the end of private tutoring lessons, among other demands. Dozens of teachers have been protesting in Nile Delta cities over the past couple of days in the run up to Monday's scheduled nationwide protests. Al-Watan also mentions that teachers' strikes will commence in Cairo, Alexandria and Port Said. In Cairo, an open-ended sit-in protest is to be held at the Saad Zaghloul Mausoleum, near Education Ministry. In other developments, the top headline in the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper reads, ""Foreign-funded NGOs threatened national security and incited against the army and police."" The article cites former Planning and International Cooperation Fayza Abouelnaga who claims that numerous American NGOs were illegally receiving funding without licenses. Abouelnaga's statements come as part of the ongoing investigations against 43 foreigners and Egyptians accused of receiving foreign funding for unlicensed NGOs. The trial has been adjourned until 2 October. The investigations and legal actions commenced in December of last year. During Sunday's court hearing, Abouelnaga claimed that these unlicensed NGOs ""have unknown objectives."" Despite this statement about their unknown objectives, the ex-minister then testified that ""these NGOs sought to establish TV stations and shows, as well as establishing illegal organizations which threaten national security."" Abouelnaga added that ""there are recordings which point to US NGOs instigating locals against the army and police forces."" In Al-Shorouk, Abouelnaga claims, ""I have recordings of these NGOs which incite against the army and police."" The former minister also claimed that 68 of these unlicensed NGOs received $US60 million in funding which was not registered with the Egyptian government. In Al-Ahram, Abouelnaga is quoted as saying that between February and May 2011, the US side ""spent $105 million on projects for awareness raising and democratic reforms."" Yet she claimed American NGOs vied to instigate Egyptian youth against the security forces to protest the state and to attack its institutions. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned"
"117",2012-09-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-thousands-protest-us-embassy-0","The number of protesters outside the US embassy in Cairo began to decrease Tuesday night after thousands had gathered earlier to protest a film they said was being produced in the United States that insults the Prophet Mohamed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ultras, hardcore football fans, have joined the protest, banging drums, setting off fireworks and insulting the Central Security Forces soldiers stationed around the embassy. Earlier, around 5,000 people chanted against the US and President Barack Obama, declaring that they are willing to give their lives to avenge the dignity of their prophet. Some protesters scaled the embassy walls and tore down the American flag, which they told Egypt Independent they burned. The demonstrators set up a ladder behind the wall and flew a black flag with the words ""There is no god but Allah and Mohamed is his messenger."" Protesters say there has been no violence. AFP reported that police intervened without force and persuaded protesters to come down from the embassy walls. Protesters spraypainted the Islamic declaration of faith on the embassy's outer wall. The shahada was also spraypainted on the embassy's entrance, along with ""Bin Laden,"" and demonstrators hung up the Egyptian flag. Mohamed al-Deeb, a 20-year-old university student, was provoked to take part in the protest after seeing clips of the film in which the Prophet Mohamed is portrayed as homosexual and misconceptions about Islam are spread. ""What angered us is the insult to the Prophet and the lack of response from the state,"" Deeb said. ""We are always peaceful and we do not want to escalate, but if the film is shown, we will."" Protesters told Egypt Independent that they want the US ambassador to be expelled, for the film not to be shown in the US, and for Egyptians involved in the making of the film to have their citizenship revoked. ""Just like the US always complains that its national security is in danger, we feel that our spiritual security is in danger by having something that is holy to us insulted,"" said protester Wahid Younis. ""We want the US to take action against this film to end this sit-in."" A US embassy official had no immediate comment on the protesters' actions but the embassy had put out a statement earlier on Tuesday condemning those who hurt the religious feelings of Muslims or followers of any other religions, Reuters reported. ""We firmly reject the actions by those who abuse the universal right of free speech to hurt the religious beliefs of others,"" the embassy said in its statement."
"118",2012-09-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/prophet-film-clashes-continue-near-tahrir-outrage-and-firebombs","Protesters ripped the doors off a police car, as they pushed it toward the line of black-clad Central Security Forces officers guarding the road leading to the US Embassy in Cairo. From 100 meters away, they advanced, throwing rocks, until the crowd was perhaps a dozen meters away from the CSF line. Protesters set the car on fire next to the Omar Makram Mosque, and black smoke billowed into the air, obscuring part of the CSF lines from view. Tear gas canisters volleyed through the black smoke, and protesters were driven back. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The exchange was just one episode in ongoing clashes which started late last night and have continued unabated, as protesters angry at a film which they say insults the Prophet Mohamed seek to make their way to the US Embassy, which is less than 250 meters from Tahrir Square. Early in the afternoon, 30 to 40 people, mostly men aged from their mid-teens to mid-twenties, were directly taking part in the fighting. Petrol bombs were occasionally thrown by the protesters. Both sides threw rocks, and protesters picked up burning hot tear gas canisters, and lobbed them back toward security services. Protesters and CSF troops alternately chased each other up and down the road between the Omar Makram Mosque and the Mugamma, a huge, brutalist government building which sits on the south side of Tahrir Square. A hundred protesters milled around those directly involved in the fighting, in the road by the Omar Makram Mosque, close to the fighting, yet not actively involved. And further back still, hundreds more were standing in the south of the square, venting their anger over the amateurish film, apparently made by anti-Islam activists, which depicts the Prophet Mohamed as a gay, wine-drinking fraud. Earlier in the day, reports on social media had identified most of those clashing with CSF as ""ultras,"" organized hardcore football fans, who have been a fixture in Cairo street battles since the beginning of last year. But by mid-afternoon, the composition of the crowd was diverse. Egypt Independent found only one person identifying as an ultra, and saw few people wearing the beards and dress typical of Salafis, conservative, or orthodox Islamists. ""I am here as an individual,"" said Hussam, 27. ""Perhaps there are some ultras here, but it's as individuals. We feel humiliated. We can't believe the CSF are protecting them while they do these things."" One 21 year old protester said he was a member of the April 6 Youth Movement, but present as an individual, not as a member of that organization. Mahmoud Sayed, 69, who works for the Ministry of Heath, expressed what appeared to be a common demand amongst protesters. ""The ambassador has to be expelled,"" he said. ""All we want is that, we don't want to kill him like they did in Libya."" Islam, 19, a student, agreed with Sayed's demand. ""Our government, which we elected, has to bring us our rights. If they don't do this, we have to do it ourselves. They want us to fight and die for it, apparently,"" he said. Among protesters interviewed by Egypt Independent, there was a palpable sense of humiliation, as if the film was felt to represent an infringement of their dignity. Many saw the film as just one among a litany of humiliations which Muslims had suffered at the hands of Western governments. As the call to prayer issued from the mosque around 3:20, the crowd, as if spontaneously, lifted their arms to call for a moment of peace. For twenty seconds, no rocks flew. Then, the clashes resumed. By 4 pm on Thursday, heavy tear gas pushed protesters back from the Omar Makram Mosque, all the way to Mohammed Mahmoud Street. White tear gas vapor steamed from canisters in Tahrir Square."
"119",2012-09-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-against-film-clash-police-tahrir","A protest against a film deemed offensive to the Prophet Mohamed turned violent as clashes erupted between demonstrators and police in the early hours of Thursday in Tahrir Square. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police vehicles fired tear gas at protesters who were banging stones on metal to make noise. Stones were hurled from both sides. An anonymous protester said he demands that the US ambassador to Egypt be expelled and measures against the screening of the film be taken. Protesters chanted a mix of anti-police songs commonly sung by football fans, the ultras, and religious slogans for the Prophet Mohamed. ""I am here to defend the prophet and to protest the security men who are Muslims and yet preventing me from letting my voice be heard. Nothing has changed under [President Mohamed] Morsy. The revolution will prevail,"" said protester Abdallah al-Masry, 27, of the Movement of the Revolutionaries of the Egyptian Street. Egypt Independent saw two police cars burning during the clashes, following which protesters were seen surrounded by police officers. The protests on Thursday follow a round of demonstrations on Tuesday outside the American Embassy in Cairo, when the US flag was replaced with an Islamic flag bearing the words, ""No god but Allah."" Morsy called on the Egyptian Embassy in the US to take action against the movie, while the Muslim Brotherhood called for protests on Friday. The film, entitled ""Innocence of Muslims,"" flashes between the present and the past, portraying the life of Christians under Islamic rule and the early days of Prophet Mohamed's leadership. The film was promoted by the controversial American priest Terry Jones, whose name is associated with the calls to burn the Quran in 2010, as well as some members of the Coptic diaspora in the US."
"120",2012-09-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-assault-ahly-club-players-demanding-port-said-trial-verdict","Some 200 hardcore football fans assaulted Ahly Club players as they trained at the Nasr City branch Sunday, while thousands of other protesters surrounded the club outside. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The fans, known as ultras, were demanding justice for those killed in violence at Port Said Stadium in February, when 74 were killed and hundreds more were injured after Ahly lost to the local Masry Club. Their assault on the players expressed frustration that most of them have decided to play this season. The protesters oppose the football season beginning without a verdict in the Port Said trial. Two weeks ago, the ultras threatened to storm Borg al-Arab Stadium in Alexandria, where the opening match of the Super Cup was played between Ahly and ENPI clubs. However, police managed to keep them away. Before the match, some press reports on social media websites said that the Interior Ministry had asked nearby residents to chase away the ultras. This never happened, and the Interior Ministry denied the reports. The ultras, historically suspicious of the Interior Ministry, accuse police of complicity in the Port Said Stadium violence, especially since investigations into the incident revealed that security leaders had been informed that clashes would take place but allowed the match to be played anyway. The hardcore fans also blame the Ahly Club Board of Directors for failing to provide adequate legal assistance to the families of the victims. The Port Said Criminal Court previously rejected a request submitted by lawyers of the victims' families to change the court that was considering the case, which they deemed sluggish in its duties."
"121",2012-09-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-storm-media-production-city","Hundreds of Ahly football club ultras on Tuesday stormed Media Production City vandalizing the offices of Modern Sport channel who had recently aired criticism of the ultras, hardcore football fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Both the Ahly and Zamalek ultras demand the termination of sport activities until those responsible for the Port Said Stadium violence are brought to trial. On 1 February, 74 Ahly fans lost their lives after a game at Port Said Stadium. Videos of the incident showed the police officers assigned to protect the stadium standing idly by when the attacks took place. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"122",2012-09-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/virus-spreading-safarkhan-s-next-show-takes-them-out-their-comfort-zone","Ganzeer has been pretty much living in googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Safarkhan gallery since 7 September. First he was hanging wooden panels of varying shapes and sizes on the walls of the ground floor, then he started painting on them. Egypt Independent visited last weekend, when there were 10 days left until the opening of his show, ""The Virus is Spreading."" There were already big splashes of bright color and larger-than-life figures, full of both references to his previous work and his trademark sarcasm, brash and political. One of the central elements in ""The Virus is Spreading"" is a cat, representing Egyptians. ""They've had it rough. They were dieties and now they're scavenging for chicken skins,"" he explains. ""The status of the cat and the people go hand in hand."" A bandaged, haloed cat painted on a panel, one of the first things you see when you walk in, is accompanied by the words (in Arabic) ""One day they kick me, then they turn me into hawawshi. It looks like they've forgotten my importance but I'm going to do the right thing. I won't let them kill me. I'm going to stay alive, not for me but for them."" Safarkhan is a small old-school commercial gallery in the upmarket neighborhood of Zamalek. Ganzeer is the nom de guerre of Mohamed Fahmy, a young energetic multifaceted artist whose production spans various media and disciplines from graphic design to writing to street art. Although already a seasoned art maker, his international renown increased dramatically when he made some pioneering revolution-related graffiti in 2011. His work is ideological and to a certain extent site-specific. In this case, the exhibition is an installation -- or the embodiment of an idea. Downstairs the ""counterculture"" is represented by the Egyptian street, with imagery spilling off panels onto the wall and ripped posters Raymond Hains style. Upstairs, the establishment is represented by the kind of old-school hang that normally characterizes Safarkhan shows: individual paintings on white walls. Within this simple symbolic dichotomy he has set up, Ganzeer has given himself space to improvise. He is joining a long line of artists who have attempted to recreate the impression of something that is not art in a gallery. As with a lot of installation art, this work will have an emphasis on the viewer's presence in the space, and Ganzeer wants it to be like a cinema or theater experience. But while installation work often emphasizes the importance of each audience member's subjective experience, here the message will be quite unambiguous. And while installation art has historically tended to work against the market, being ephemeral and wholly site-specific, in this exhibition the individual parts will be for sale -- so you might end up with a shoulder or single word from the show on your living room wall. Ganzeer says he wants the work downstairs to recreate the ""overstimulation you get on the street"" -- and is thus using various styles and media from paint and marker pen to collage -- but he is clear that the work is not meant to be street art. Indeed, the installation is almost entirely created by Ganzeer himself and doesn't incorporate found objects or the work of other street artists - though he is letting visiting friends tag the walls. The ripped posters are nearly all his own (including one from his first solo show, ""Everyday Heroes,"" at the Townhouse Gallery in 2007). And his work is undeniably artier than that say, of the Ultras - the hardcore football fans who have created a lot of protest graffiti since the 25 January revolution, some very naive looking, some more sophisticated. So ""The Virus is Spreading"" presents a fantasy version of the street, in keeping with Ganzeer's interest in comics, his creation of fake advertisements, his imagining of unlikely situations in order to shed light on reality. ""I was getting bored,"" says Mona Said, who co-runs the gallery with her mother Sherwet Shafie. She says this show -- moving away from more traditional painting shows -- is part of a new direction for the gallery, motivated in part by seeing some great work by young artists from the Gulf. ""Mona approached me and said she wanted something cool,"" Ganzeer says, explaining that he thought of the concept for the exhibition after her invitation. In terms of audience, he says he wants to both introduce something new to Safarkhan's art buying crowd, and introduce a new crowd to this gallery -- including school kids and university students. Ganzeer never underwent any formal art education, but did a business degree at Banha University, which he says was quite useless. He learned to draw from ""How to Draw Comics the Marvel Way"" by Stan Lee and John Buscema, which he says was great. Regardless, he has developed a distinctive style for making art that is much in demand. Political concerns are always at the forefront of the work, and his subjects vary according to where he is making it - a piece made in Frankfurt in April featured child soldiers wielding machine guns made of euro notes. While he has been super-active in Egypt, he often also makes work in support of cultural practitioners elsewhere, like Nour Hatem Zahra, the ""Spray Man"" killed by Syrian security in April, and Pussy Riot. His work is often anti-military -- all militaries. He also organizes a lot of things, such as a zine, a map of Cairo's graffiti, a graffiti week and a space in an empty shop in downtown, where art will be nearly on the street (to open early 2013). ""The Virus is Spreading"" looks like it will be fun, exuberant, graphic and angry -- a good combination for right now. And somehow, I think it will offer some optimism on the state of Egypt's ongoing revolution. ""The Virus is Spreading"" opens at Safar Khan gallery on 1 October at 6.30 pm and will run until 1 November."
"123",2012-10-01,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-tuesday-against-football-season","The leaders of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , the hardcore fan group for Cairo's Ahly football club, announced plans to hold a protest in front of the Sports Ministry Tuesday against the Premier League football season. The ultras' call comes in response to a demonstration staged by former and current footballers and media personalities on Monday demanding that sports activity be resumed following a months-long hiatus after the Port Said massacre. According to state-run newspaper Al-Ahram, former Ahly goalkeeper Ahmed Shobeir organized and led the protest in front of the Sports Ministry on Monday. Shobeir is a former member of the dissolved National Democratic Party. On 1 February, 74 people were killed and hundreds injured when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. Ahly fans and their supporters say it is unacceptable that the football season resume before the perpetrators of the massacre are punished. The Port Said Criminal Court is currently hearing a case in which 75 people are charged with responsibility for the deaths, including the former head of security in Port Said, three of his aides, police officers who were working security at the match, and some Masry Club fans. In a statement on Facebook, the Ultras Ahlawy invited its members as well as any Egyptian who supports their cause to gather in front of the Tarsana Club in Mohandiseen Tuesday to march to the Sports Ministry, where they will begin protesting at noon to reject the return of Premier League games until the trial is over and to demand corruption be purged from the sports sector. The group noted that they have no problem with lower football divisions holding games and only call for the postponement of the Premier League season. ""Sports activity will not be resumed, especially the Premier League, regardless of pressure, until retribution has been achieved,"" one of the group's leaders said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"124",2012-10-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-ministry-ready-secure-football-matches","The Interior Ministry googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); is ready to provide security for the football league matches that are scheduled to begin on 17 October, an official security source said on Thursday. The ministry said the league could resume play following the implementation of certain specified security and safety requirements at all stadiums. Sporting clubs suffered great losses when the league's activities were stopped last year following the Port Said stadium massacre that took the lives of 74 Ahly fans, known as ultras. Egyptian courts are still trying 73 defendants in the case. The Ahly Club Ultras oppose resuming play before those responsible for the massacre are punished, and have interrupted the team's training sessions several times. Edited translation from MENA"
"125",2012-10-07,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-it-s-all-about-100-days","Readers will find it difficult to judge the performance of President Mohamed Morsy, as Sunday's newspapers seem to report on almost two different people. While state-owned and some party-affiliated newspapers mark Morsy's ""historic"" speech, other private newspapers see a poor performance by the Muslim Brotherhood-backed president in his first 100 days. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); State-owned Al-Ahram quotes Morsy's promise in the speech with its big, bold-centered headline, ""I will lead the people to a real renaissance,"" reminiscent of the way it reported on ousted President Hosni Mubarak's speeches. Describing Saturday's celebration of the 6th of October War's 39th anniversary, Al-Ahram says it was both official and public. Morsy addressed the nation in a two hour-long speech in Cairo Stadium under the slogan, ""The people build and the army protects."" The mouthpiece of the Freedom and Justice Party surprisingly does not describe Morsy's speech as historic. Yet, the paper describes the celebration's crowd of attendees as ""extremely large,"" including the ""Ultras Brotherhood"" who raised some slogans to express their happiness over a 39-year-old victory and promising liberation of the Gaza Strip soon. The paper describes the celebration's atmosphere as being ""family-oriented"" as families from governorates all over the country flocked into the Cairo Stadium to celebrate the anniversary with the first democratically elected Egyptian president. State-run Rose al-Youssef quotes Morsy in a brighter remark with a big red headline instead: ""We kiss the heads of all of those who participated in October's War."" The state-owned daily quotes Morsy's rejection of usury in reference to the IMF loan. Bank loans are rejected by Sharia due to its interest-based system, which is considered usury. The paper also highlights Morsy's references to what he called a ""success"" in his 100-day program, as he claimed to have solved 70 percent of security problems, 85 percent of energy shortages, 80 percent of the bread crisis, 40 percent of street cleanliness issues, and 60 percent of the traffic problem. Other newspapers believe otherwise. Under a headline that reads ""Morsy in 100 days,"" the privately-owned Al-Tahrir newspaper tracks Morsy's performance with some shocking numbers. The paper, known to be highly critical of Morsy and the Brotherhood, says that Morsy has made 29 decisions, none of which are in favor of the poor. The paper also counts what sites Morsy has visited nationally and internationally. He has visited, according to the paper, 12 mosques, eight Arab, African, and European countries, and only four Egyptian governorates. The paper continues the accounting of Morsy's activities: 51 speeches at a rate of one speech per two days, totaling in 30 hours of talk. The paper questions Morsy's tendency to address only American newspapers, and the fact that all his TV interviews were pre-recorded. Unlike Freedom and Justice, Al-Tahrir reports that the atmosphere in Cairo Stadium prior to the celebration was Brotherhood-dominated. The paper alleges that Brotherhood youth were controlling the entrances and exits of the stadium and that police forces were only protecting the president. The paper also claims that the Brotherhood mobilized tens of thousands to attend the celebration, describing the process through which the attendees were escorted to the stadium. In a headline questioning what the president did in 100 days, partisan Al-Wafd newspaper discusses issues that did not appear in Morsy's speech. The paper focuses on long term issues like education, poverty and health problems, and says that Morsy has failed to address them. The newspaper says the poor are selling their children and committing suicide due to extreme poverty amid alleged government austerity measures and subsidy cuts. The paper also slams an alleged ""Brotherhoodization of school curriculum,"" as well as limited educational opportunities and deteriorating school conditions. The paper describes the health sector as needing ""intensive care,"" as more poor sick Egyptians are dying due to the lack of a proper health insurance system. The paper also says that 1.5 million minors labor in difficult working conditions, referring to a study conducted by the National Council of Motherhood and Childhood. The study also claims that 92 percent of Egyptian children suffer from stunted growth due to lack of proper nutrition. Privately-owned newspaper Youm7 refers to a poll conducted by the New World Foundation for Development and Human Rights that shows 49 percent dissatisfaction with Morsy's performance during his first 100 days, while 34 percent of respondents said they were satisfied and almost 17 percent were undecided. Those unsatisfied criticized Morsy's inability to find quick solutions to society's urgent needs, as well as his failure to address the major issues mentioned in his 100-day program. Those satisfied said that security and traffic issues have improved. The poll was conducted on 300 citizens from different ages and occupations, with no further details on their socioeconomic backgrounds. In a satirical op-ed in Al-Tahrir, activist Nawara Negm follows tradition and slams Morsy's performance in his first 100 days. Negm, heavily critical of the Brotherhood, says the people did not ask Morsy to create a program for the 100 days of his rule, but rather Morsy committed himself to fulfill promises to the people in the first days of his presidency. Negm reminds Morsy of an on-air promise he made to a woman named Wafaa, the mother of a martyr, saying that Wafaa and hundreds of martyrs' mothers are still waiting for justice to no avail. She also criticizes his failure to clean up streets as well as the police force's failure to deal with the traffic problem. She refers to continuing allegations of torture and human rights violations inside police stations, an echo of Mubarak-era practices. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"126",2012-10-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-storm-club-demand-dismissal-chairman","A large number of Ultras Ahlawy on Wednesday stormed the Ahly club and demanded that Chairman Hassan Hamdy resign for tarnishing the club's reputation. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Around 200 ultras participated. They did not commit any acts of violence, and stressed that they just came to deliver a message. The Illicit Gains Authority interrogated Hamdy on Tuesday over accusations that he amassed wealth unlawfully during his tenure as director of Ahram Advertising Agency. The authority released him on bail of LE2 million pending investigations after he failed to prove the legality of his fortune. The authority also decided to ban Hamdy from leaving the country and freeze his assets. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"127",2012-10-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-federation-elects-new-chief","Gamal Allam won the presidency of the Egyptian Football Federation elections. He is set to head the organization for the next four years. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Primary vote counting indicated Thursday that Allam would win by 22 votes more than his competitor, former football player Osama Khalil. Early results also suggest that candidates running on the same list as Allam for other positions in the federation are favored to win. Allam said his first move as federation chief would be to discuss the resumption of the Egyptian Premier League, in a statement made to Al-Masry Al-Youm. He also said he intends to turn a new page with the Ultras. The state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram had reported a few hours ago that the Ultras Ahlawy were marching to the presidential palace to demand the suspension of the league before retribution for the victims of the Port Said Stadium massacre is attained. Former Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri dismissed former federation head Samir Zaher, following the Port Said violence that took the lives of 74 football fans in February. Protesters and activists also accused the Interior Ministry of failing to secure the match. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"128",2012-10-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-microbuses-set-ablaze-near-tahrir-brotherhood-members-chased-square","An anti-Brotherhood vibe prevailed in Tahrir Square on Friday evening, following clashes between members of the group and other protesters throughout the day. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters in the square appear to have driven out the Muslim Brotherhood youth with whom they had been fighting throughout the day, eyewitnesses reported. As protesters chased the Brotherhood members from the square, they chanted, ""We will continue the path as free revolutionaries, we will continue the path as free revolutionaries."" Two microbuses used earlier to transfer MB members to the square were set ablaze, sending smoke all over the Egyptian Museum area. Protesters took pictures of the burning buses, while chanting anti-Brotherhood slogans. Rock throwing battles and protests had continued into Friday evening in and around Tahrir Square after a day of intermittent skirmishes. Witnesses report seeing fighting and clashes on every street leading into the square, while the police or security forces never appeared on the scene. The fighting marks a dramatic pro-Brotherhood, anti-Brotherhood polarization. Anti-President Mohamed Morsy protesters were chanting ""Sell the revolution, Badie (the Muslim Brotherhood supreme guide),"" or the occasional ""Fuck Morsy,"" while members of the Freedom and Justice Party chanted, ""There are men behind Morsy."" Others chanted slogans related to the recent Battle of the Camel verdict, where all defendants were acquitted and families of the martyrs shouted slogans calling for the toppling of the regime, apparently a suggestion that the ousted Mubarak regime is still ruling the country. They also chanted ""People want to purge the judiciary."" A wounded young man was seen being severely beaten and dragged into the square by other protesters. Occasionally one group of protesters would charge at another, causing widespread confusion and chaos. Eyewitnesses reported that in the midst of rock throwing battes, they were often unsure of where the rocks were coming from, or who the other protesters were targeting. One middle-aged man told Egypt Independent that he couldn't understand what was happening, and that the fighting must stop; when a rock hit his arm, however, he then joined in the rock throwing. Another young protester told Egypt Independent that the situation is extremely chaotic, stating, ""When you throw a rock, does it know who is a Muslim Brother and who isn't?"" Earlier this afternoon witnesses reported that the Muslim Brotherhood removed its stage from Tahrir Square, claiming that they were insulted during the Friday prayers. Several protests with different aims occupied the square today. The ""Judgement Day"" was originally organized to protest what leftist activists call Morsy's poor performance in his first 100 days in office as well as the Constituent Assembly, but Islamists were also protesting Wednesday's verdict in the Battle of the Camel case, which saw 24 former Mubarak regime figures acquitted of all charges. The political differences between the groups of protesters led to waves of scuffles between opposing groups. Earlier today the Ministry of Health had reported a total of 12 injured, but early this evening Mohamed Sultan, head of the Egyptian Ambulance Authority, said in a statement that the number of injured transferred to Mounira Hospital had risen to 19 by the late afternoon. Injuries included incision wounds to the face and the head as a result of being hit by stones. Sultan said he expects the number of injured to increase throughout the evening. The authority stationed 42 ambulances around the square. Head of Mounira Public Hospital Mohamed Shawky described the case of protester Ahmed Omar Abdel Elsamad, 37, who was admitted with a serious injury to his eye. The other cases have been treated for minor injuries and discharged, he said. Earlier this afternoon, fistfights broke out between Muslim Brotherhood youth and members of the Constitution Party and the Popular Current Party at Al-Istiqama Mosque in Giza Square, after pro-Morsy demonstrators chanted slogans to disrupt the chants of the anti-Morsy protesters. The anti-Brotherhood protesters chanted, ""Down with the supreme guide rule,"" accusing the Brotherhood's leader of betraying the revolution. The Brotherhood youth responded by chanting, ""We dismissed the public prosecutor, go see what you can do with the judiciary,"" calling their rivals ""traitors and spies."" The Brotherhood youth raised their shoes against their opponents, which then sparked scuffles that were broken up by other protesters. A march then left from the mosque to Tahrir Square, led by the Constitution Party, the Popular Current and the April 6 Movement, and joined en route by hundreds of Cairo University students. Around the same time, another march left a Dokki neighborhood in Giza for Tahrir, joining members of the April 6 Youth Movement, the National Association for Change and other political forces. The demonstrators chanted slogans against Morsy's Renaissance Project, calling it fake. ""Oh Mubarak you can rest, Morsy will continue the path,"" and ""Bread, freedom, dissolving the Constituent Assembly,"" the protesters chanted. Minor clashes between protesters began earlier in the day, when members of the Revolutionary Socialists group tried to prevent Brotherhood members from entering the square via Mohamed Mahmoud Street as they chanted slogans in support of Morsy. The two groups threw rocks at each other until other protesters seperated them. A mass of Brotherhood members then assembled at the Mohamed Mahmoud entrance to Tahrir and, in turn, blocked their opponents from coming back into the square. During his Friday prayer sermon today, Omar Makram Mosque imam Mazhar Shahien called on his congregation to break up the ongoing clashes between pro and anti-Morsy protesters. Also this afternoon, satellite TV channel Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr showed protesters dismantling the stage set up in the square which they claim belongs to the Popular Current party recently established by former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi. This was the second time today the stage was attacked. One of the vandalizers spoke to the channel, justifying the attack by saying that people on the stage had been shouting anti-Morsy slogans, but today's protests were supposed to be against the Battle of the Camel acquittals. Hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood members from across the nation streamed into Tahrir Square starting in the early afternoon. Buses and microbuses coming from different governorates lined up near the square, while Brotherhood youth stood guard at its entrances. At the end of Friday prayers, a march kicked off from Omar Makram Mosque to the square. The protesters chanted slogans such as, ""We either bring their rights or die just like them,"" ""Retribution, retribution, our brothers were shot dead,"" and ""Say it, don't be afraid, the general prosecutor must leave."" They also raised banners reading, ""Where is Sharia, where is religion?"" and ""Where is the right of the martyr?"" The anti-Morsy protesters had already begun to assemble in Tahrir at 9 am on Friday. Anti-Muslim Brotherhood banners declaring the protesters' demands were hung in the middle of the square and several street vendors also began to gather there, but traffic was not disrupted. Wafd Party members raised a banner that read ""The people want a Constituent Assembly that belongs to the revolution, a revolutionary constitution. Egypt is for all; the majority changes, while the constitution remains. We want a Constituent assembly that represents all segments of the nation."" Other banners read: ""Morsy's achievements: accumulated garbage, begging to the IMF [International Monetary Fund] and the United States, acquittal of all revolutionaries' murderers ... Brotherhoodizing armed forces, police and state institutions ... You are only the president of the group."" ""A stage was prepared in front of the tourism offices and a statement on the objectives of Judgement Day was distributed. The president was supposed to be reflective of the will of the revolution, but the final outcome for his 100-day plan was shameful. We are on the verge of reproducing the Mubarak regime,"" said Mohamed Arnab, secretary general of Wafd Party's youth committee in Cairo. The stage belongs to Mahrousa Youth Movement, the Coalition of Revolutionary Forces, the Karama Party, the Wafd Party youth, the Revolutionary Socialists, the National Front for Peaceful Change, the Second Revolution of Anger and the Popular Conference Party, said Arnab. The demonstrations in Cairo and across the governorates were organized against Wednesday's acquittal of all the defendants in the Battle of the Camel case, the new constitution being drafted by the Constituent Assembly, and the perceived failure of President Mohamed Morsy's 100-day plan. The Union of Revolutionary Youth first launched the call to demonstrate against Morsy's 100-day platform in September. In addition, the union called for protests demanding the dissolution and reformation of the Constituent Assembly and justice for the martyrs and protesters injured during and after the January 2011 revolution. The union soon won the support of the National Association for Change, the Constitution Party, the Egyptian Democratic Social Party, the Tagammu Party and others. The Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafi-oriented Nour Party and Salafi Front joined the protests to denounce the Battle of the Camel case acquittals. Former officials from ousted President Hosni Mubarak's regime had been accused of inciting the killing protesters in Tahrir Square when thugs mounted on camels and horses attacked protesters on 2 February 2011, killing dozens. The Ultras Ahlawy also said they would stage a march on Friday to the presidential palace in Heliopolis to demand that all football activity in Egypt be halted until justice was won for those killed in the Port Said Stadium massacre last February. They also called for the dismissal of corrupt leaders in the football leagues and federations. Leftist leader Kamal Khalil told Al-Masry Al-Youm that by joining the protests against the Battle of the Camel ruling, the Brotherhood was simply trying to divert attention away from protests against the new constitution. ""The Brotherhood is the ruling authority now, they were the ones who called for a reconciliation with former regime symbols ... and now they are calling for retribution?"" Khalil said. Other demands from protesters today include setting the minimum wage at LE1,200, reversing the Morsy administration's decision to end government subsidies on essential commodities, eliminating corruption in state institutions and putting an end to the country's dependence on foreign aid and loans."
"129",2012-10-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-marches-arrive-tahrir-number-protesters-grows","The number of protesters in Tahrir Square swelled into the hundreds on Friday afternoon as marches arrived in the square from various districts in Cairo. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters are demonstrating against the Muslim Brotherhood and its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party. Liberals, leftist and revolutionary figures are calling the day of protests ""Egypt for all Egyptians."" Demonstrators chanted slogans such as, ""Down with the rule of the supreme guide,"" and raised banners reading ""Bread, freedom, dissolving the Constituent Assembly."" During the march to Tahrir from Mohandiseen, minor clashes took place between the April 6 Youth Movement and members of Amr Moussa's Conference Party. Quarrels took place also between protesters participating in a march coming from Shubra district and a number of the Muslim Brotherhood. The marches began at the end of Friday prayers. The satellite TV channel Al-Jazeera Mubasher Misr showed footage of a march entering Tahrir from Talaat Harb Street. Protesters chanted, ""Sell the revolution Badie,"" referring to the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide. Other activists standing on a stage in the square announced that the Ultras Ahlawy would also be marching to join them. Marches began Shubra, Sayeda Zeinab and Mohandiseen. Activist Ahmed Harara and Emad Abo Ghazi, a Constitution Party leader and the former minister of culture, both joined the march from Subra. Dozens already began arriving in the square early on Friday morning. Members of the Constitution Party set up a stage in the square with a banner reading, ""No to the hegemony of the Constituent Assembly."" Other banners in the square read, ""We want the constitution to be for all Egyptians,"" and ""From Tahrir we say 'No' to the constitution tailors."" Ambulances lined up at the entrances to the square in anticipation of any emergency events. The protesters' demands include the dissolution of the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated Constituent Assembly, the rejection of the final draft of the new constitution, the establishment of a minimum and maximum wage, an end to high prices, the retrial of the acquitted killers of the martyrs of the revolution, the recovery of funds smuggled abroad by former regime officials, and the elimination of corruption in state institutions. Seven marches were planned from different locations in the greater Cairo area to Tahrir Square throughout the day, in addition to demonstrations in several governorates where clashes that took place last Friday between leftist and Brotherhood forces during a day of protests criticizing President Mohamed Morsy's first 100 days in office. Participants in today's marches call for an apology from the Muslim Brotherhood for last week's clashes. Thirty parties and political movements announced participation in today's protests, including the Constitution Party, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, the Popular Socialist Alliance, the Revolutionary Youth Union, the April 6 Youth Movement and the Kefaya Movement. Amr Moussa and Hamdeen Sabbahi both stated that they would be marching today. The National Association for Change announced participation as well, and called on participants not to respond to any provocation, so as to keep the protests peaceful. The April 6 Youth Movement has called for a consensual constitution. The movement demanded an apology from the Muslim Brotherhood and called on Morsy to hold the group responsible for Friday 12 October clashes."
"130",2012-10-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-clash-over-attempt-block-match-nigeria-s-sunshine-team","Security forces increased their presence at the Baron Hotel in Heliopolis on Sunday after supporters and opponents of resuming Egyptian Football Association games clashed outside the hotel. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Earlier in the day, two workers associated with the domestic football league marched to the hotel to prevent Nigeria's Sunshine Stars Club from traveling to a semi-final match of the CAF Champions League with Egypt's leading team, Ahly. The workers acted in an attempt to force a resumption of domestic football play, which has been almost entirely suspended since a bloody incident at a match in Port Said earlier this year. The match is due to begin at 7:30 pm Cairo local time. At around 7 pm, the bus supporting the Nigerian team was seen leaving the Baron Hotel for the stadium. The football association workers clashed with members of Ultra Ahlawy, a group of hardcore fans of Ahly Club. The ultras have held frequent public protests against resuming play in the domestic Egyptian Premier League since 74 Ahly fans were killed in a domestic match in Port Said on 1 February. The ultras demand that a verdict be issued for the 75 people being tried in criminal court over that incident before domestic games resume. Observers say around 3 million people make a living from the games played in the local league. Only one Egyptian Football Association game has been played this year due to delay from ultra protests. The Ultras Ahlawy protesting do not oppose the Sunshine-Ahly match, which is regional and thus not associated with the domestic league. The domestic football association workers attempted to obstruct the game in an attempt to draw attention to their own plight, and in doing so drew a reaction from the devoted Ahly supporters. After the football workers' demonstration, Ahly ultras went to the Baron Hotel vowing to protect the Sunshine players. They said the match should be played, as it for a regional championship. The Facebook page for the Ultra Ahlawy had called on members to go to the hotel to enable Sunshine players to travel to the stadium, and reported that police had fired live ammunition into the air at the demonstration."
"131",2012-10-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/unresolved-security-financial-losses-pose-challenges-football","On Sunday 21 October, a number of Egyptian football league players and sports workers besieged the Baron Hotel in Heliopolis. Staying there were the Sunshine Stars, a Nigerian team due to play against Egypt's premier club, Ahly, in the African Champions League semifinal. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Egyptian league players were protesting Ahly's decision to play the match with the Nigerian team, when Ahly have supported the Egyptian Football Association's decision to postpone this year's Premier League season indefinitely. Ahly fans, Ultras Ahlawy, ultimately intervened to help free the Nigerian players from the chaos and allow the game to take place. The postponement of the Premier League is the second in less than two months, and follows the Port Said tragedy in February, when 74 football fans were killed after violence erupted following a game between Ahly and Masry teams, with no security intervention to stop the bloodshed. The case is still being heard in court. Meanwhile, Ultras Ahlawy say they do not object to international matches, such as the game between Ahly and the Sunshine Stars, but stand their ground on rejecting the resumption of the season. They say it should only resume after the perpetrators of the Port Said massacre have been brought to justice. The postponement has drawn attention to the two biggest issues affecting the current game: poor security arrangements in stadiums and the massive economic losses caused by the stoppage. Players and workers in the field, including the EFA, have been calling for the season to resume, emphasizing the LE1.2 billion estimated losses. But the entity responsible for securing the matches, the Interior Ministry, has refused to give the green light for the resumption of the competition, citing security concerns. Egypt Independent investigates. Security Although the Interior Ministry had previously mentioned that matches would be played in stadiums belonging to the Armed Forces, it issued a brief statement Tuesday in which it said it had postponed the season because the atmosphere was still unsuitable for resuming the competition. But the security problem is rooted in a deeper political feud between the police apparatus and football fans in Egypt, a feud that predates the 25 January revolution. Even though the ministry declared at the beginning of its statement that it was capable of securing the league, it appears that it is not ready to clash again with hardcore fans, particularly Ultras Ahlawy, according to some experts. Khaled Bayoumy, a former member of the Egypt Football Association (EFA) responsible for coordinating the security of the stadiums after the Port Said incident, says the resumption of the league ""depends on a decision on the part of the Interior Ministry to carry out its role of securing stadiums. ""It should break the barriers of fear and be firm with spectators who refuse to abide by the rules, such as being searched before entering stadiums and refraining from attacking public establishments,"" Bayoumy says. He says hardcore fans have to get over their historic disagreements with the Interior Ministry, which started before the revolution. Hardcore Ahly and Zamalek fans were among the first groups to join the revolution to protest security violations, including the arrest of some of their leaders by the now-dissolved State Security Investigation Services, which always feared their mobilization abilities could be used in anti-regime protests. Even after the revolution, friction between Ultras Ahlawy and security forces continued, pushing some of their members to join protests condemning the military rule that followed the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak. The Port Said stadium violence created a seemingly irreversible rift in the relationship between Ultras Ahlawy and security, with Ultras Ahlawy placing the blame on the Interior Ministry for its failure to intervene to stop the tragedy, particularly after investigations revealed security was aware of potential rioting but did not cancel the match. An Ultras Ahlawy member who did not want to be identified says the state keeps putting off the season because it fears the outcome of the trials of suspects in the Port Said violence will be the same as in previous ones in which security officers were released. A series of violent clashes following the 18-day uprising that toppled Mubarak left many dead, while the cases are pending in court in what has been described by human rights watchdogs as a staggering lack of accountability. In cases in which security officers were accused of killing protesters during and after the revolution, a series of acquittals cast doubts over the prospects of justice. ""Even if the suspects are indicted, it will be hard for us to change the way we support our team. The grandstands are our kingdom, and the Interior Ministry should understand that,"" the Ultras Ahlawy member says. ""We have never invaded the pitch, but we have the right to express our opinion and send messages to the competitors with our flares, chants and banners - activities that the Interior Ministry used to punish us for."" Last month, the Sports Ministry drafted a law on sports rioting comprising 27 articles. That law imposes financial penalties on spectators who attempt to enter a stadium with flares and fireworks in their possession. Spectators who use fireworks and intimidate other spectators or subject them to danger while inside the stadium would be sentenced to a minimum of three months and a maximum of seven months and be required to pay LE10,000. The same penalties would apply to spectators who insult players or referees during the matches. However, the law has yet to be approved by President Mohamed Morsy, who currently holds legislative powers. ""If the state wants the league resumed, then it should do so without hesitation. The idea of having an exceptional law to handle rioting is not bad, but the question is, why has it not been approved until now? And, if approved, is it going to be enforced?"" asks Bayoumy. The Port Said incident was not the first time that fans stormed the playing field. The fans of the Mahalla Football Club did the same during a match with Ahly Club in December at the end of the first round of last year's season. The EFA then stipulated conditions for the new season to ensure safety in stadiums. It requested electronic gates at the entrances and exits, surveillance cameras inside and outside, barbed wire between the spectators and the playing field, and a buffer zone of 15 meters between the fans of each team. Although many thought these conditions would make stadiums feel like military zones, former Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's Cabinet decided to carry out the Interior Ministry's conditions for resuming the season, and allocated funds for the development of 14 stadiums. But Bayoumy says Ganzoury did not meet his promises, and that it was current Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's Cabinet that spent those funds last August, allocating LE1 million to each stadium. ""Cairo Stadium was the only one that was developed, with the rest not yet finished,"" Bayoumy says. ""The EFA will have to use the stadiums of the Armed Forces that are already fitted to those conditions."" EFA President Gamal Allam said the resumption of the league is in the hands of the government, not his association. ""We have already put down the schedule of the games, after the Armed Forces agreed to give us six stadiums,"" he explains. Ahly is playing against the Tunisian Esperance team in the African Champions League final early next month. It has asked the Interior Ministry to allow spectators to attend the game. But it has not yet been determined where the game will be played. Big business he most popular game in the world - football - is also the most-loved sport in Egypt, and the chief source of income for Egyptian clubs. Since football became a career for many Egyptian players, several businesses tied to the game have thrived from the sale of Ahly or Zamalek flags ahead of major matches, all the way to the sale of players in million-pound deals. The halting of the football league's season has had a negative impact on all stakeholders, starting from the EFA all the way to the clubs, advertising companies and satellite channels that benefit from the matches. ""Football pays for the sports activities in clubs,"" says Medhat Shalaby, a sports commentator who works for Modern Sport satellite channel. ""Sponsorship and broadcasting rights are what keep clubs going. There are more than 24 different games that depend on football for money."" Amr Wahby, former marketing director at the EFA, says ""every club has sponsors who fund it,"" adding that when the league stops, the sponsors do not get their rights, and consequently do not give money to the clubs. The suspension of the league has also had a negative impact on the other clubs that do not play in the Premier League. Wahby says clubs that do not play in the Premier League generate revenues from their participation in the Egypt Cup competition, and that those clubs sell their players to the clubs that play in the Premier League - so, with the league suspended, everything becomes static. Wahby also says the suspension of the league season has led the Egyptian national team to slip on the FIFA world football ranking to 40th position, lowering the country's chances of playing friendly international matches against big teams and marketing the team's matches. The Egyptian national team won the Africa Cup of Nations three consecutive times in 2006, 2008 and 2010, making its way to ninth place in the FIFA rankings, but has since failed to qualify for the same cup finals twice in a row. The EFA has also been hard hit by the season suspension. The association would have made LE104 million from the sale of matches to the state TV and satellite channels, but the suspension has caused it to only make LE38 million because the league only continued for 16 weeks. The losses are also exacerbated by the subsequent halting of the Egypt Cup. The EFA, meanwhile, has started collecting accumulating debts owed by satellite channels as screening fees, which have totaled LE29 million, of which state TV alone is to pay LE23 million. Wahby says these debts are guaranteed to be paid, adding that that it has been agreed with Al-Hayat satellite channel to pay LE4 million. Satellite channels, and more specifically sports channels, have been adversely affected by the suspended season, with some of them going out of business altogether. Others have switched to talk shows, which have high ratings in post-revolution Egypt. ""The situation differs from one channel to the other. Some other channels, such as Zoom Sport and Melody Sport, have shut down, and others are not fulfilling their financial commitments toward their staff,"" says Shalaby. The suspension affects a wide swath of people, he says. ""A janitor at an advertising company would be affected by the suspension of the league because there are some companies that only do football advertising, so how do you think it's going to be for those directly linked to football?"" says Shalaby. ""There are workers who get LE40 for every match played every week, and so the LE160 they made every month is no longer there."" Translated by Dina Zafer This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"132",2012-11-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egyptian-footballer-says-he-may-play-israeli-team","Mahdy Suleiman, an Egyptian goalkeeper, said he is likely to accept a formal offer to join the Israeli Hapoel Tel Aviv F.C. during the upcoming winter break, ""if it is the only chance to play football."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Suleiman is currently playing for Petrojet F.C, which competes in the suspended Egyptian Premier League. He previously played for prominent Egyptian football teams Ennpi and Arab Contractors. Suleiman told Sky News Arabia in a telephone interview, ""I received the formal offer through a Hungarian agent. I have not yet accepted it, but I might think of accepting if it is the only way for me."" He described agreeing to play in the Israeli league as a ""very serious risk."" ""A large number of Egyptian players contacted me as soon as they knew of the offer, so that I [could] ask the agent to find opportunities for them in the Israeli league, if possible,"" the 25-year-old goalkeeper added, without naming the players. Suleiman said that any player's wish to play in the Israeli league is justified by the suspension of football activity in Egypt, criticizing ""those responsible for resuming the activity in the country who do not think of the future of all the workers of the sports sector."" Suleiman did not reveal the financial terms of the offer he was sent, and neither did he reveal the number of years of the contract. Premier League football activity has been suspended in Egypt since the Port Said football violence, in which at least 72 Ahly fans, particularly members of the group Ultras Ahlawy, were killed after fans of the club Masry stormed the pitch at Port Said Stadium. Some workers in the football sector, including players, administrators or journalists, complain about financial difficulties as a result of the activity halt. However Ultras Ahlawy, supported by other members of the football sectors, members of the victims's families and many political activists and groups reject the resumption of Premier League matches."
"133",2012-11-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-play-tunisia-s-esperance-african-champions-league-final","Ahly will play against Tunisia's Esperance in the African Champions League final first-leg Sunday at Borg al-Arab stadium in Alexandria. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The two teams will play again in Tunisia on 17 November. MENA cited Ahly Club's administration as saying that tickets for the match have sold out even though Ahly's hardcore fans, Ultras Ahlawy, said on Facebook that they will not attend the match. Ultras Ahlawy rejects the resumption of the Egyptian football league, which had previously been postponed indefinitely, until those responsible for the death of 74 football fans at the Port Said Stadium in February are punished. The Port Said Criminal Court is reviewing a case in which 75 are charged with involvement in the massacre. The Confederation of African Football had obliged Ahly to allow spectators to attend Sunday's match. Ahly had played most of its African League games in empty stadiums according to security measures taken by the Interior Ministry."
"134",2012-11-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/lemons-and-raisins","Yassin and Ali, both of generation Tahrir, were embroiled in a heated argument ahead of the presidential election between presidential candidates Ahmed Shafiq, Hosni Mubarak's last prime minister, and the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""Shafiq will be impossible to depose. He will be the legitimacy of a free and fair election, the old regime on his side, and all backed by the military,"" pressed Ali. Yassin shook his head vigorously in dismay and rejection. ""What the fuck are you talking about!"" he barked back. ""If Morsy comes to power, the Brotherhood will infiltrate all state institutions, and with the power of religious language, they will win elections indefinitely!"" They bickered on until the day of reckoning came. Ali had convinced Yassin to vote for Morsy by assuring him that even if the Brotherhood wanted to reconstitute the old regime structure, it would be inconceivable and impossible given Egypt's newfound revolutionary fervor. Lemon People and civil groups Morsy won by a narrow margin, one afforded to him by scores of Yassins, now commonly known as ""Botoo' al-Lamoona,"" or the Lemon People. They are those revolutionaries who are described as having ""squeezed a lemon over themselves"" (as a coping mechanism) ahead of voting against their better judgment. One hundred days later, with the country's economic indicators still in rapid decline, with little palpable change from the pre-election transition, with electricity and water a luxury afforded mostly to the affluent, and with seemingly haphazard domestic and foreign policy tracks for the country, the Lemon People have become the accused. With every Brotherhood decision to shut down a television network, fire an editor-in-chief, criminalize strikes, physically assault opposition protesters, incite against liberal activists, pressure the judiciary into submission and steamroll non-Islamists in the drafting of the constitution, the Lemon People lament their decision, which handed the government over to the Brotherhood. There is no doubt that the country is in a far worse place now than it was at any point in its contemporary history, post-1967 war exempted. The combined political polarization and disenchantment has reached a crescendo, as every current feels the country is slipping. The non-Islamist parties and fronts, notoriously weak and disorganized, have shown signs of life since the presidential election, as notables such as Hamdeen Sabbahi and Mohamed ElBaradei remain influential on the political scene. Nevertheless, they lack the groundswell, the discipline, commitment and motivation to pose a serious enough threat to the Brotherhood unless the latter commits enough blunders to warrant the success of a haphazard alternative. It is fair to say that this is the lowest point thus far for the ""civil"" (the Egyptian nomenclature for liberal and secular, given the public stigma associated with both terms) political groups. In the coming months and years, their ability to mobilize both in protests and voting will be tested to the limits. With every meagerly attended and misnamed million-person march and every electoral loss, the Brotherhood will settle more comfortably and perennially into every branch of the state apparatus, thereby acculturating Egyptian public life into a version of the Brotherhood. In the absence of organized campaigning and canvassing in every governorate, municipality and neighborhood, their chances of competing against the Brotherhood and other Islamist political groups are far-fetched. Populist moment And while the struggle for Egypt's state should be a competition over policies that privilege alleviating the misery of the subjugated, the lexicon of power-hungry politicos is of symbolism and sloganism. How often and where the president prays is an issue of national concern and attention. Preachers aligned with the Brotherhood appear on television exulting Morsy, already proclaimed leader of Al-Ummah al-Arabiya wa al-Islamiya (Arab and Islamic Ummah), and calling on him to come down on his detractors, critics and adversaries with an iron fist. And, as if basking in the glow of preemptive heroism, Morsy manufactures a populist - dare one say Nasserist - moment, by ceremoniously driving in an open carriage along the track of Cairo stadium before 90,000 cheering members of his ruling Freedom and Justice Party on the anniversary of the October 1973 war. And if it weren't ironic enough that the very stadium that hosted this propagandistic extravaganza was the same ground where the revolutionary ultras football fans ritualistically shouted down the police state for years, the invited attendees of the celebration included none other than Aboud al-Zomor, one of the people charged in the assassination of former President Anwar Sadat - the very architect of this war being commemorated! Despite seeming to have free reign in the country since Morsy's ascent and the departure of the top military brass, the ruling party doesn't have it so easy. The Brotherhood, often accustomed to charitable social development projects targeting the poor, is unable to scale up its unsustainable initiatives to cover the country's growing impoverished class. With a scriptural and ritualized system of initiation and indoctrination that keeps its members loyal, agreeable, disciplined and motivated, the Brotherhood cannot manage a disparate and heterogeneous populace using the same tools without employing a strong-handed legal instrument and a ruthless police state. In the absence of any vision and the appointment of an inexperienced, so-called technocratic government, the Brotherhood regime has desperately stumbled back toward the tried and tested, albeit flawed, policies of the Mubarak era. Whether it's accepting World Bank and International Monetary Fund money without safeguards, maintaining strong and collaborative relations with an oppressive Israeli state at the expense of the Palestinians (despite the Brotherhood's hostile domestic rhetoric), failing to improve wages or create a conducive environment for tourism, attacking labor action, asphyxiating anti-government expression, reducing subsidies on basic necessities, maintaining chummy ties with the Americans and Saudis, or continuing the enmity with Iran, the Brotherhood is essentially a Mubarak regime with zebeebas - the Arabic word for raisin, used colloquially to describe a discoloration and scarred marking on the foreheads of those who pray frequently. Salafis The zebeeba front also includes Salafis, once the darlings of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces-led transition period and surprise placers in the parliamentary elections. They have also hit the wall as their parties and movements become increasingly disorganized, their rhetoric conflicting, and violations and contradictions exposed publicly. The one identifying feature that distinguishes them from their competition is their religious interpretations and their obsession with the imposition of Sharia. Today, there are at least 10 competing parties and visions that share this condition as a platform, in some instances supporting one another, and in other cases scandalizing one another. With the Brotherhood in power, the Salafis are caught in a bind - use their weight and popularity to serve as an opposition, or join ranks with the ruling party and reserve the role of runners-up. However, both scenarios are excruciatingly risky. A sinking Brotherhood ship is one the Salafis would be best advised to avoid. Alternatively, with no comprehensive plan of their own, the Salafis are desperate to benefit from the Brotherhood's plan. Islamists and liberals Whether hidden behind Gamal Mubarak's accentless English or Morsy's beard and zebeeba, the policies of the Brotherhood government are indistinguishably counter-revolutionary. But, in the post-Mubarak era, the zebeeba goes a long way. Today, signs of piousness and religiosity are emblems of the new regime. This is an administration whose rhetoric is adorned with Quranic verses, anecdotes from the Hadith and religious salutations accenting every expression. To emulate this style or at least adapt to its pervasiveness is to be in sync with the tones and vernacular of power today. But tone and vernacular alone don't feed, treat, send children to school, or pay the bills. In the coming period, and following the 12 October altercations between the two political camps in Tahrir, the prospects for both an empowered but weary Islamist camp and a debased but confident liberal front are in the balance. For either group to effectively prevail, they must first shake off the facade of their symbols. The Lemon People, no longer benefiting from their strategic votes, cannot afford to continue camouflaging their political identity in the name of the ""common good."" And for those who proudly don the raisin, it is their responsibility to represent far more than a trend, a party or dogma. With both groups having voted for the same president, and to whom he owes justification for his faltering, it is their honest and transparent political will that Egypt so direly needs between now and the next round at the ballot. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"135",2012-11-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/beyond-football-creative-transformation-egypt-s-ultras","Since their formation in 2005, the Egyptian ultras have been called everything from ""thugs"" to ""soccer hooligans."" They have been marked as ""anarchists,"" and, most recently, branded as ""protectors of the 25 January revolution."" But these stereotypical attempts to label the ultras simply limit this enigmatic group of young men. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ultras are a multi-faceted group which continues to experience a collective evolution from their pre-revolution days. They travel passionately through the realms of football fanaticism, activism, patriotism and collective consciousness. And, if you have noticed the markings on the walls, it is apparent that their most recent transformation has come in the form of art, seen through their graffiti and a unique, self-created genre of Egyptian pop-music. After spending several hours in and around Tahrir Square with Zamalek's ultras, the White Knights, over the past year, it became apparent that there is far more to this group than meets the eye (or the ear, for that matter). ""Under the Mubarak regime, the media and government would always pin us with these negative labels; calling us 'hooligans' and 'dangerous,'"" explains Karim, a Cairo native and White Knights member who only agreed to be interviewed if his real identity was not revealed. ""It's disheartening because there is so much more to us than that - some of us are musicians, we are painters, and if you can believe it, some are even poets."" I first met Karim last November in Tahrir Square, in the immediate aftermath of the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes, where scores of protesters had been killed and thousands injured during five days of street battles between government security forces and protesters. The White Knights, among thousands of other demonstrators, had staged a sit-in a few meters south of Tahrir Square - their shoddy white tents marked with the universal ultras' slogan ""ACAB"" - ""All cops are bastards."" Karim's face was wrapped in a keffiyeh to conceal his identity. But, as we started talking, he swiped off the scarf with a sudden movement, exposed his wide smile and said, with his eyes pointing toward the Interior Ministry, ""I can't take myself seriously like this - please don't take pictures of our faces or they will find us. ""You know, we're not so bad,"" he went on. ""Sure there are a few bad eggs, but we are a massive group - we have certain rules of operation in order to maintain our order: we use fair judgment, we defend, not offend, and, like knights, we rescue without judgment."" As night began to settle, it became increasingly apparent that Karim was a senior member of sorts - our conversation was repeatedly interrupted as younger White Knights approached him for instructions or to give him updates. When I asked him if that was the case he replied, ""There are no leaders among us - but there are organizational individuals who manage meetings and help guide the younger members. There is no hierarchy - organizers within the group are simply people with wisdom; as long as you have expertise in something, or a realistic idea, and, most importantly, a strong sense of humanity."" At the end of our conversation, he jumped up from the low stonewall he was perched upon and said, ""I want to show you all something - have you seen our graffiti?"" A few steps away from their camp, the White Knights had covered the walls of the Mugamma building with their signature graffiti tags, and images of police brutality. ""I have big plans for our graffiti - as I told you, there are many artists among us. In fact, you should come with us sometime when we go to make graffiti, then you will get a true taste of the White Knights."" A year of art This past month, Karim and I sat down again, nearly one year after the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes. Since that time, Karim claims that ""everything has changed, yet nothing has really changed - for us, the biggest challenge has been trying to stay united without our common ground of football."" In February, 74 Ahly fans were killed during clashes that arose after a game in Port Said, which prompted a halt in the Egyptian Premier League's football season over this past year. ""You have to understand something, most of us are between the ages of 12 to 27 - we have been completely discarded by society and our government for our whole lives. The football stadium has been the only place we could really express ourselves and our frustrations. It's the only place we've felt a sense of belonging,"" he stresses. Karim goes on to mention that without football and the protests, the White Knights had a massive void to fill in terms of identity and expression. Thus they began focusing on creative endeavors. ""While we have always done some mediocre graffiti promoting our team, in the past year we created a series of graffiti campaigns - if we can't express in the stadium, then we will along the walls,"" explains Karim. Prior to the 25 January revolution, the White Knights' graffiti, tags, and Arabic writing could mostly be found splattered on the walls outside their sporting club in Mohandiseen - but since then, they have expanded their work through Cairo and other governorates. In the past year, the White Knights launched a series of socio-political graffiti campaigns addressing a range of topics, including clashes with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and a ""Free Palestine"" and ""Free Syria"" campaign. ""We have come to realize the strength of our organization, and while football and our beloved Zamalek team always comes first, in times without football we can still spread our identity or our opinions through art,"" says Karim. ""Expressing our collective identity and our group's unity is really all we have."" While much of the White Knights graffiti is still primitive with regard to the artistic techniques and aesthetic, there has been noticeable progress over the past year. Karim explains that when their graffiti first began popping up around 2009, it was by individual members going out on their own to mark walls. But, since the suspension of football, Karim has taken a more hands-on approach, helping to organize efficient graffiti tactics to produce a more cohesive, White Knights output. ""We have a very democratic approach to everything we do. If someone has an idea for a graffiti campaign, we call a round-table meeting with a few of our artists and members to discuss and vote on it - everyone is free to submit ideas and everything is a collaboration,"" he explains. Ultra music According to Karim, the White Knights graffiti initiatives are only the beginning of their foray into creative production. Earlier this year, the White Knights successfully released their first self-produced music CD featuring 11 tracks - the CD was distributed guerilla-style to nearly 30,000 Zamalek fans. ""It only made sense to start channeling energies into music - the approach is similar to the graffiti - it seems that we really do have a lot to say,"" explains Karim as he blares one of the tracks titled ""Shams El Horreya"" (The Sun of Freedom). The track opens with a violin, played in an oriental register reminiscent of most Arabic folk music - but, within moments, a three-count percussion beat kicks in, followed by chant-like vocals singing lyrics like: ""Sing for freedom, it is the most beautiful song/The sun of freedom just gave birth, and it is impossible to kill/I'm a knight who lives for steadfastness and resistance."" In other songs, like ""If they ask me, let us choose,"" the White Knights fuse together Latin beats and traditional oriental sounds giving the track a full and festive energy. ""We are very interested in Latin culture - they seem similar to us, in regard to their emphasis on family and football, plus their music is great and fits well with our sounds,"" Karim says. ""But really, it would be our dream to do something with Mohamed Mounir or some of the shaabi DJs like Ortega or DJ Haha,"" he adds. The combination of poignant and patriotic lyrics, sung in chant-like unison by nearly 30 members, in addition to the stadium-style stomping heard in the percussion, is utterly fascinating. While there are still many musical kinks that need to be worked out, the White Knights may very well be on their way to establishing an entirely new genre of Egyptian-made music. In the past year alone, the White Knights have created over 90 graffiti pieces throughout Egypt and a CD, and plan for an even greater outpouring of creative energy. And while their works cover a range of topics, one theme consistently reigns throughout: their utmost loyalty toward their country and their football club. To hear more music by the Zamalek White Knights, visit their Youtube page here. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"136",2012-11-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-commemorate-mohamed-mahmoud-clashes-tahrir","Hundreds of political activists belonging to different revolutionary movements and coalitions performed prayers in Tahrir Square Tuesday for the victims of last November's Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Activists had planned a march from Cairo University to Tahrir Square on Tuesday evening. Ultras Ahlawy members who attended the event chanted slogans against the former ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces and the Muslim Brotherhood. Many activists and politicians hold the SCAF responsible for the deadly Mohamed Mahmoud clashes. The SCAF took power during the transition period following the ouster of former President Hosni Mubarak. The march marks the first anniversary of the bloody events that took place in Mohamed Mahmoud Street near Tahrir Square after security forces used excessive force on 19 November 2011 to break up a sit-in of protesters who were injured or whose relatives were killed during the revolution. The incident provoked many citizens to go to Tahrir Square, where clashes continued with security forces for several days, during which 45 people died and hundreds were injured. The trial of suspects is ongoing. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"137",2012-11-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/imbaba-clinic-kindness-holds-underfunded-health-system-together","The doctors are on strike, but the patients haven't noticed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In Tanash primary care unit, in Warraq, north of Imbaba, doctors come into work to treat patients, but don't demand the tickets, for which patients pay a LE1.5 charge. The aim is to put pressure on the Health Ministry. But they gave up on talking about it inside the premises. In the ticket room near the entrance door, the patients, are told, ""Go in without a ticket."" ""Is it certain?"" they ask, then enter, unfazed. No one even utters the word ""strike."" Doctors have been on strike for more than six weeks, demanding improved conditions and a dramatic increase in the health budget. So far, the Health Ministry has refused to negotiate, and disputes within the Doctors Syndicate have weakened the strike. Egypt spends about 5.6 percent of its budget on health, according to World Health Organization statistics. More than half of the nations surveyed by the WHO spend more than double that share, and 22 nations spend triple. The lack of funding takes its toll on staff and patients. ""The patients tell us they cannot do anything to make the government put more money in it. They do not really understand our strike. But they know it's not against them, it's against the Health Ministry,"" says one of the doctors, while examining one of the many children that came in last Tuesday for a free vaccination. He writes the prescription on a scrap of paper. ""Normally, I prescribe the medication on the ticket, and they can get the drugs for free from our in-house pharmacy. But now they have to buy it from outside. It might cost them several dozen pounds,"" he explains. Sparrows fly in the waiting room, over the patients' heads. The patients are mainly women with children or elderly people, standing or sitting on the floor. Only a few have a chair. A donkey brays outside. ""I feel guilty making them pay. They're poor,"" says the doctor. His colleague says he tells patients with young children to go back and pay for a ticket; they then get their prescription for free. The doctor discharges his patient to begin another consultation that lasts under five minutes, while waiting patients loll on the doorframe. Some people do not even make it in line. They show up in the reception, ask their question to whoever is in there - be it nurses or doctors having a break - and leave comforted as soon as they are told there is nothing to worry about. In the reception room, there are shelves half full of blue files. They are supposed to have information about every family in the area. After their consultation, the patients should come and say what they have so that the family files can be updated with the history of family diseases. But the files have been on the shelves for two years, and the care unit is still waiting for instructions to implement the process. They aren't even sure which details to take down. Other issues leave the staff perplexed. The walls and floors were covered in marble stone during the last refurbishment, which cost LE15 million, they say. But the pharmacy keeps running out of drugs and receives only the cheapest medication, the dentist keeps running out of anaesthetic, and there are not many machines. The doctors remember some of their most frustrating moments: when they ran out of syringes, for example. Or, when a patient came in with a wound that needs stitches, but for which there was no suitably sized needle. The patient's relatives had to be sent to buy this basic equipment from their own pocket. In such cases, if the relatives cannot afford it, they have to go to another hospital. ""We can't give the patients all the drugs they need to complete the treatment,"" says the pharmacist. ""We don't have enough. So usually we give them pills to start the treatment, and they have to buy the rest from a private pharmacy."" She says they receive a delivery of drugs every three months, but it is never enough. She also complains about the quality and variety of the drugs. ""We have the equivalent of what would be just one shelf of a private pharmacy,"" she says. ""That's what we're asking with our strike,"" one doctor says. ""Where does the money go? Doctors and nurses don't get the equipment they need. They're never sent on training once they finish their studies."" The head of the unit has his private clinic just across the street. He comes to the unit only in the afternoons, staff members say. But the animating spirit of the clinic seems to be Hala. The 37-year-old energetic woman is affectionately nicknamed the ""omda,"" or village chief, by the unit staff. They say she does everything, working as a secretary, pharmacist and nurse. Hala expertly dispatches the patients and is in charge of the tickets. Her voice is firm but friendly. She says she has had a contract only for the last year and a half. Before that, for seven years, she worked without a contract. She has a high school education and lives just four minutes away from the unit, amid the shabby housing, dirt roads and banana trees. Her husband did not want her to work. But she adds, smiling, ""Now my husband is OK with it. He knows it makes me happy. He changed his mind. I like working, I like the people here."" ""We're like a family here, in the unit. And in the area, everybody knows us,"" the pharmacist declares. When the ""omda's"" younger daughter finishes school, she comes in, chats with the nurses and hugs them. ""There are no Christian and Muslim issues in the unit,"" she ascertains. The nurses sport pale pink veils and uniforms with well-worn cloth. One wears an immaculate white niqab. The two young doctors happen to be Copts. Both are 25 and are still students. They are doing their first six-month training as general practitioners, while waiting for their specialty course to open. All doctors of the unit are supposed to be in every day, but with the low pay - LE800 per month - and their studies, they cannot afford it. So they agreed to divide the days between them. Officials from the district do, however, show up unexpectedly from time to time, and report who is not there. Hala says the doctors usually turn up at 9:30 or 10 am, especially the gynecologist or the dentist. But she is there at 8:30. Between 8:30 am and 2 pm, the primary care unit receives most of its visitors. There are usually 50 cases a day for the doctors, sometimes up to a hundred, and less for the dentist. Patients can also have some basic tests done for LE5, or ask for contraceptives for LE1 in the other rooms upstairs. An accountant and a secretary who registers births in the afternoons both work in the care unit. The head of the care unit is the only one to operate the ultrasound, for pregnancy check-ups. The care unit is a three-story building. On the second floor, dusty rooms never get used. One of them is used as a conference room for the women of the area, perhaps twice a year. Another one is supposed to be a meeting room for the doctors and nurses. The staff members never have time to use the kitchen next door, nor to use the restrooms or changing rooms, which are also covered in dust. In the afternoon, treatments are more expensive than in the morning. A consultation at the family planning clinic, for example, costs LE3 after 2 pm, but just LE1 in the morning. After 2 pm, the crowd in the hall has disappeared. But the young doctors say they often ignore the price rise and charge the lower fee. The end of their shift is usually when the head of the clinic arrives, in the middle of the afternoon, unless an emergency case comes up. Then, they stay until the emergency has been dealt with. During the afternoon, an old man comes in slowly, leaning on his cane. His soft smile shows almost no teeth. He carries a bag of candies - in the area, they call this type of candy ""arouah,"" or spirits - and insists the young doctors take some. He chats good-heartedly, about politics, weather and health, while they check his blood pressure. He comes in every afternoon, they say. He is almost always fine. An hour later, he is still inside the care unit, in the ticket room, chatting with the workers. This piece appears in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"138",2012-11-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egyptian-football-association-pushing-league-resume","The Egyptian Football Association googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); has presented Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin with several proposals to resume Premier League matches, which Gamal Eddin instructed ministry officials to review. During a meeting Thursday between association members, ministers and others, it was agreed that stadiums would be prepared to begin hosting games. Meeting attendees also agreed on the importance of resuming football matches and ensuring that stadiums meet the conditions set by the public prosecution to guarantee the safety of fans. Another meeting is planned before the end of the month to follow up on what has been accomplished. Premier League matches were suspended following the February massacre of 74 football fans after a match between Cairo-based Ahly and Port Said's Masry at the Port Said Stadium. The Ultras Ahlawy have protested against the league resuming before the perpetrators of the violence are brought to justice. Edited translation from MENA"
"139",2012-11-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-police-fire-teargas-birdshots-mohamed-mahmoud-protesters","Fighting broke out on Monday evening during a mass demonstration to commemorate last year's clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud Street googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , as police fired birdshots and teargas at demonstrators. At least one protester had difficulty breathing because of the teargas, while stones thrown by security officers caused other injuries. Protesters climbed a wall erected by the Interior Ministry earlier this year on Youssef al-Guindy Street and broke some stones off the wall while chanting slogans against the Interior Ministry and demanding the collapse of the regime. Eyewitnesses said that the protesters hurled rocks and Molotov cocktails and police forces responded by throwing rocks as well. The state-run MENA news agency reported that seven have been injured so far on Youssef al-Guindy Street, included four police officers, while state-run Al-Ahram newspaper reported that dozens were injured and were transferred to Tahrir Square for first aid. Thousands of protesters filled the street, Al-Ahram added, as security forces attempted to cordon a wider area around the Interior Ministry to prevent protesters from reaching it. Earlier Monday, demonstrators chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsy, such as ""Down with Morsy Mubarak"" and ""Down with the Supreme Guide's Rule."" In the afternoon state-run Al-Ahram newspaper had reported that large numbers of demonstrators withdrew from Mohamed Mahmoud Street, fearing violent clashes with the police. They said they went there to commemorate the event and not fight with the police. Members of the Ultras told Al-Ahram that some demonstrators were attempting to create instability. The march marks the first anniversary of the bloody events that took place in Mohamed Mahmoud Street near Tahrir Square after security forces used excessive force on 19 November 2011 to break up a sit-in of protesters who were injured or whose relatives were killed during the revolution. The incident provoked many citizens to go to Tahrir Square, where clashes continued with security forces for several days, during which 45 people died and hundreds were injured. Fifty political groups announced their participation in protests commemorating the clashes. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"140",2012-11-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-police-stops-attacks-fjp-headquarters","Dozens of activists attempted to storm the headquarters of the Freedom and Justice Party in Port Said and Port Fouad, but were stopped by security forces. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A demonstration had been organized from the Rahma Mosque to mark the one-year anniversary of the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes in Cairo. The protesters then headed to the FJP offices. A number of demonstrators, including football fans Ultras Masry, lit fireworks and threw stones at the Port Said Police Department. This followed a march organized by the April 6 Youth Movement to condemn the ongoing clashes in Mohammed Mahmoud Street that began on Monday after protesters gathered there to mark the one-year anniversary of clashes. Arafa Abou Salima, media spokesperson of the party in Port Said, said that the party had filed a lawsuit a few weeks ago after the headquarters faced similar attempts of breaking and entering, in addition to anti-FJP graffiti on its walls. Edited translation from MENA"
"141",2012-11-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/premier-league-resume-mid-december","The Board of Directors of the Egyptian Football Association decided on Thursday to resume football activities and resume the Premier League on 15 December, after a meeting with heads and representatives of the clubs participating in the league. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The meeting was attended by representatives of 15 clubs including Ahly, Zamalek, Military Production, Arab Contractors, Enppi and Ismailia. According to the Football Association's website, the attendees agreed to start the league no later than mid-December, and to notify the relevant authorities including the ministries of interior, defense and sport of the precise date along with the timetable of the games and the stadiums where they will take place. The Premier League was suspended in February after 72 Ahly fans, mostly members of hardcore football fans Ultras Ahlawy, were killed following a match between Ahly and the Port Said-based team Masry. The league was postponed more than once due to Ultras Ahlawy protests against resuming football activities before anyone has been brought to justice for the Port Said killings. Some workers in the sport sector demonstrated demanding the resumption of football activities, while others supported the demands of Ultras."
"142",2012-11-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-third-fjp-headquarters-set-ablaze-midst-ongoing-brotherhood-revolutionary-clashes","A third Freedom and Justice Party headquarters was stormed on Friday afternoon by anti-Brotherhood protesters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After burning another headquarters near Leader Ibrahim Square in Alexandria, protesters set another FJP office in the al-Ibrahimeya district ablaze. Alexandria security head Abdel Meguid Lotfy said four Central Security Force teams were sent to the FJP's main headquarters in the Semoha district to secure it. Amr al-Demerdash, the media coordinator for the Kefaya movement, was injured in the clashes between revolutionary forces and Brotherhood members outside Leader Ibrahim Mosque earlier on Friday. He is reportedly undergoing cosmetic surgery for injuries he sustained to his face. The Muslim Brotherhood in Alexandria responded to the situation by issuing a statement claiming that no Brotherhood members were involved in the clashes, because they had all gone to Cairo to rally outside of the presidential palace. The Leader Ibrahim Mosque's speakers are playing Quranic verses and mosque leaders are urging the two groups to stop the violence. Also on Friday afternoon hundreds of protesters attacked the FJP party headquarters in Port Said. Members of revolutionary groups, leftist political parties and the Ultras chanted hostile slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsy as they threw rocks at the headquarters. They chanted slogans including, ""Sell, sell the revolution oh Badei (the Brotherhood supreme guide)"" and ""Down with the supreme guide rule,"" as they blocked traffic in both directions in the street in front of the headquarters. This latest altercation in Port Said came on the heels of quarrels between opponents and supporters of Morsy that escalated into violent clashes in Alexandria earlier on Friday afternoon. Eyewitnesses told Al-Masry Al-Youm that 15 were injured in the clashes as both sides hurled stones at each other, and at least five cars were smashed in the course of the violence. The confrontations led to a brief halt in traffic on the Alexandria Corniche. Al-Jazeera Mubasher Misr reported that anti-Morsy supporters stormed the office of Freedom and Justice Party at the area and set it ablaze. The confrontations began when Muslim Brotherhood members and revolutionary activists engaged in a shouting match after the Friday prayer in front of the mosque. As the anti-Morsy marches encountered pro-Morsy marches organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, they began verbally sparring, leading to the clashes. Thursday night, presidential spokesperson Yasser Ali announced the constitutional declaration, saying it was an attempt to end governmental corruption. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm, additional reporting by Abdelrahman Youssef"
"143",2012-11-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/clashes-erupt-front-high-court-between-declaration-supporters-opponents","Clashes erupted outside the High Court between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Morsy's new constitutional declaration while the Judges Club held an emergency meeting inside. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Some supporters of the declaration shot off fireworks at the gates of the court, and police fired teargas at protesters after they attempted to storm the building. The clashes began when protesters in favor of the constitutional declarations arrived at the court building, where opponents had gathered. Supporters started chanting ""the people demand the execution of Abdel Maguid,"" in reference to former Prosecutor General Mahmoud Abdel Meguid, who was attending the meeting inside. Eyewitnesses said that people in civilian clothes threw teargas canisters at the protesters. ""We were standing before the court to support the general assembly [of the Judges Club] and were surprised to see a large number of people approaching us,"" said one eyewitness. ""We thought they are from the Ultras [hardcore football fan groups] or other groups to support us. We welcomed them and applauded for them, but we were surprised when they began attacking us with weapons and threw tear gas bombs at us."" The unnamed eyewitness stressed that security forces assigned to protect the building had withdrawn a few minutes before the attack, and when she asked them why, they said they were going to protect the inside of the building. After the attack, the Central Security Forces went to 26 July Street, where clashes were ongoing, to separate rival demonstrators. The two groups initially each believed that the other group was comprised of Brotherhood supporters. When both groups realized that the other group was protesting the Brotherhood, they began to march again to the High Court gates at the corner of 26 July and Ramses Streets. The Major General supervising the Central Security Forces, who refused to be named, told Egypt Independent that the teargas canisters were not thrown by the police, but by civilians who tried to assault protesters and storm the court. They were carrying different types of weapons, including shotguns, teargas and automatic weapons. Member of the Shayfinkom (We See You) movement Dalia Sami, who was present inside the court gates, said that the attackers were likely Brotherhood members, saying that they are the only group objecting to the meeting inside the court. Many other demonstrators accused the Muslim Brotherhood attacking protesters, but none of the eyewitnesses saw slogans of the group or its Freedom and Justice Party amid the banners and signs, nor did anyone see any prominent members from the group. Sami confirmed that security forces were present in the court's external yard during the attack. The Major General stressed that none of the attackers was arrested, and they were not able to identify them. He added that one witness claimed ""bearded men"" attacked the protesters."
"144",2012-11-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/around-300-injured-mahalla-clashes","A fire broke out in a gas station in Al-Shoan Square in Mahalla on Tuesday evening, as Mahalla Club Ultras and Islamist youth threw Molotov cocktails at one another, resulting in about 300 injuries. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Saad Mekky, director of the Mahalla Public Hospital, said 15 wounded victims arrived at the hospital with different injuries including bruises and abrasions. The Freedom and Justice Party's media spokesperson in Mahalla, Mamdouh Mounir, said 200 Muslim Brotherhood members were injured, alleging that anti-Brotherhood protesters had prevented ambulances from reaching the victims. Violent clashes erupted Tuesday night between members of revolutionary groups and the FJP members in the labor activist stronghold of Mahalla. Eyewitnesses said that clashes in the city, located in the Gharbiya Governorate in the Nile Delta, began when protesters against President Mohamed Morsy's new constitutional declaration hurled stones and Molotov cocktails at Brotherhood and FJP offices in the city. Dozens were injured when fighting escalated, with both sides using sticks and bladed weapons. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"145",2012-11-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/teargas-hits-tahrir-conflicting-reports-injuries-nationwide-emerge","Teargas canisters landed in Tahrir Square as fighting raged around the perimeter between police and protesters, according to AFP, as conflicting reports of the number of casualties begin to come in from the Health Ministry. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Health Ministry released a statement Wednesday that 116 people were injured nationwide during protests Tuesday, including 77 in clashes in the Delta city of Mahalla and 25 in Tahrir Square. However, a source from the ministry reportedly told state-run news agency MENA that 36 protesters were injured in Port Said alone as clashes flared between Brotherhood members and the group's opponents. Tuesday's injuries came as thousands in Tahrir and around the country protested against President Mohamed Morsy's recent constitutional declaration, issued Thursday, granting himself sweeping powers beyond judicial review and protecting the embattled Constituent Assembly and Shura Council from dissolution. Earlier reports had put the number of injured in Mahalla as high as 300. Morsy supporters and opponents threw Molotov cocktails and stones at each other, and the Freedom and Justice Party's media spokesperson in Mahalla, Mamdouh Mounir, claimed that 200 Muslim Brotherhood members were injured there. Mounir further alleged that anti-Brotherhood protesters had prevented ambulances from reaching injured group members. In Port Said, Morsy opponents and Brotherhood members pelted each other with stones. The Health Ministry source also told MENA that some sustained gunshot wounds, while eyewitnesses said that masked gunmen fired live rounds and birdshot at protesters and that three football fans from the Ultras Green Eagles group, supporting the local team Al-Masry, were injured near the Brotherhood's headquarters. In Cairo, AFP reported that ongoing clashes off of Tahrir spilled into the square Wednesday morning. Teargas canisters fell into the crowd, with television images showing protesters running for cover and clouds of teargas spreading over tents erected for a sit-in. Clashes between protesters and the police in the streets surrounding the square have entered their ninth day, stemming from a commemoration march last year to mark the one-year anniversary of the Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes in the same area."
"146",2012-12-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-four-reported-dead-presidential-palace-clashes","Members of the Muslim Brotherhood started to pull out of the area surrounding the presidential palace late Wednesday night, state-run newspaper Al-Ahram reported. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Clashes had spread earlier to more streets in Heliopolis as security forces tried to restore calm to the area surrounding the presidential palace, after at least four people reportedly died in clashes between protesters against the new constitution and Brotherhood supporters. ONTV presenter Yousri Fouda reported that Mohamed Essam and Karam Gergis had died in the clashes, saying this was confirmed by the Popular Current. Earlier Wednesday, Amr Zaky of the Freedom and Justice Party said that a young Muslim Brotherhood member died in the clashes, and Amer al-Wekil, general coordinator of Egypt's Alliance of Revolutionaries, told the Middle East News Agency that a woman died as well. Wekil urged the president, the Interior Ministry and the Armed Forces to intervene to break up the clashes and save the country from discord. Mahmoud Gozlan, the spokesperson for the Muslim Brotherhood, called on all protesters to withdraw from the area surrounding the presidential palace and pledge to go back there, AFP reported. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that clashes erupted between pro- and anti-Morsy protesters on Khalifa al-Maamon Street. Protesters used Molotov cocktails, birdshots and stones against each other. The newspaper also reported that security forces dispersed protesters at Roxy Square. Prime Minister Hesham Qandil called for calm and the Interior Ministry dispatched security personnel to break up the clashes. Qandil asked protesters outside the presidential palace in Heliopolis to evacuate the area surrounding the presidential palace immediately, so calm could be restored. Qandil demanded that protesters give a chance for the ongoing efforts to launch a national dialogue to end the current political standoff. Protesters had gathered at the palace on Tuesday to protest Morsy's constitutional declaration, which gave him sweeping powers. On Wednesday, a sit-in that had stayed behind was overrun by supporters of the president, according to the website of the state-owned daily Al-Ahram. The Interior Ministry sent 3,000 security recruits to the presidential palace late Wednesday night to break up clashes between supporters and opponents President Morsy. The forces used tear gas grenades to disperse the protests. A security officer, speaking on condition of anonymity to Al-Masry Al-Youm, said the original instructions were not to deal with the demonstrators unless they attacked the presidential palace, but after the clashes erupted, new instructions came from the ministry to disperse the fight with tear gas. The officer added that he saw bladed weapons and shotguns, but could not arrest those wielding the weapons, so as not to increase the heated atmosphere. The Interior Ministry had said in a statement earlier Wednesday that the Central Security Forces were trying to establish a cordon between the protesters and the presidential palace, but clashes were ongoing in the area. Deputy head of the Freedom and Justice Party Essam al-Erian said the events ""are not clashes between supporters and opponents, but rather skirmishes between the guardians of legitimacy and the revolution against the counterrevolutionary attempts to topple legitimacy."" ""There are thugs who want to depose the elected president,"" Erian said, demanding that citizens ""besiege those thugs and expose the third party, and those firing live ammunition."" Eyewitnesses told Al-Masry Al-Youm that security forces assaulted anti-Morsy protesters and arrested dozens of them on Wednesday evening. Numerous protesters are suffering from head injuries as a result of stone throwing, eyewitnesses said. Health Ministry spokesperson Ahmed Omar said that the injuries varied between cuts, bruises and suspected fractures, and that the patients would be released as soon as they are stable. Marghany Street, the main front line, was the scene of a warzone, with fighting spilling over onto Khalifa al-Maamon. Eyewitnesses there said Morsy supporters outnumbered opponents. The two sides were fighting with no security intervention, though the area had some military police posts, which were empty at the time. Eyewitnesses have reported use of pellets and birdshots, as well as consistent sounds of gunshots. Some residents in the area attempted to flee into their houses, but they feared fires would start. State-owned Al-Ahram newspaper reported that the clashes started when Morsy's supporters threw Molotov cocktails at members of the ultras, and targeted them with birdshots. The state mouthpiece added that the ultras responded by throwing stones and fireworks. Security forces and ambulances were almost absent from the area, the paper added. Privately-owned TV channel Al-Nahar, in live reports from the scene, said that Morsy supporters boxed opposition protesters in from two sides, leading to scuffles. The clashes came after both the Popular Current, led by former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi, and the Muslim Brotherhood called for rival demonstrations outside the presidential palace Wednesday, raising the specter of clashes between both sides. Anti-Morsy protesters had begun a sit-in the night before after holding a mass demonstration. However, the Muslim Brotherhood Guidance Bureau announced on Wednesday that its members would also start a sit-in in front of the presidential palace until the constitutional referendum is successfully held. The Brotherhood demonstrators planned to rally there to support Morsy, and his decision to put the constitution for a referendum, according to a statement, which also called for a ""general mobilization"" among youth in support of the sit-in. Erian said Wednesday, ""Egyptian people will flood to squares in all governorates, especially at the presidential palace, to protect legitimacy."" Earlier on Tuesday, the website of state-run Al-Ahram newspaper quoted a Jama'a al-Islamiya source as saying that various Islamist factions will gather at the palace to support Morsy. The Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, the Salafi-oriented Nour Party and Jama'a al-Islamiya's Construction and Development Party are among the groups that will participate, according to Al-Ahram. The Brotherhood's earlier call for protests, with anti-Morsy protesters already staging a sit-in outside the palace, drew condemnations and warnings from opposing political parties. Former presidential candidate Amr Moussa, who is also chairman of the Congress Party, denounced the Brotherhood's call for protests. ""Clashes with other protesters over differences in opinion will further heat up the situation,"" Moussa tweeted on Wednesday. In a statement posted on the group's Facebook page, Brotherhood spokesperson Mahmoud Ghozlan said that the calls for demonstrations were meant to ""protect the legitimacy after the brute infringements conducted on Tuesday by a group that thought they could shake legitimacy or impose their opinion by force."""
"147",2012-12-07,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-25-injured-clashes-outside-morsy-home-sharqiya","Around 25 protesters were injured in clashes with security forces and Muslim Brotherhood members at Mohamed Morsy's family house in Sharqiya on Friday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Three thousands protesters clashed with security forces, which later were joined by around 200 Brotherhood members. The protesters hurled stones, Molotov cocktails, and fireworks at the security forces, who shot tear gas at them and chased them through the streets, brutally beating those they caught. Five were severely injured and transferred to Zagazig Hospital. Al-Masry Al-Youm said that security forces and Muslim Brotherhood members together detained some of the protesters, but did not report how many. The protesters included ultras and members of the Tagammu and Nasserist parties. Similar clashes took place in the area on Thursday when hundreds protested outside the house in response to Wednesday's attack on opposition protesters outside the presidential palace. Ten protesters were arrested on Thursday, and an estimated 30 were injured. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"148",2012-12-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-violence-verdict-be-issued-26-january","The Port Said Criminal Court decided on Wednesday to schedule a session on 26 January to sentence 73 defendants accused of involvement in the Port Said football massacre on 1 February 2012. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The defendants, including nine top officials in the Port Said Security Directorate, face charges of killing and inciting the killing of 74 football fans, many of whom were members of the Ultras Ahlawy, following a football game in Port Said between Cairo's Ahly and home team Masry. The court, headed by Judge Sobhy Abdel Meguid and advisers Tareq Gad Metwally and Mohamed Abdel Karim, decided to ban media discussion of the case starting Friday. A verbal altercation occurred between families of the defendants and the victims inside the courtroom Wednesday. The two sides exchanged insults which nearly escalated into physical clashes during the defense's argument. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"149",2012-12-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/premier-league-football-play-resume-30-december","The Egyptian Football Association announced on Sunday it would resume Premier League play on 30 December, after postponing matches for constitutional referendum voting. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The association had originally said it was committed to beginning the Premier League on 18 December, but had to change its plan following President Mohamed Morsy's deciding to hold the referendum on 15 and 22 December. The Sunday statement said the first and second rounds of play, which would have been held on those days, have been postponed, and that play would begin with the third round on 30 December. ""The association has obtained written approval from the Defense Ministry to hold games in Armed Forces stadiums without an audience,"" Hassan Farid, vice president of the association, said in a press conference Sunday. The Premier League was suspended in February after 72 fans of Egypt's leading Ahly Club, mostly members of the hardcore supporter group known as the Ultras Ahlawy, were killed in a fight following a match between Ahly and the Port Said-based team Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"150",2012-12-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/al-warsha-s-revolution-testimonies-invite-us-reflect","""Don't believe everything you hear, even what I am telling you,"" one of the narrators says. It is a classic storyteller move - reminding the listener to always doubt a little. This is after all a story told only from one perspective. And the narrator is not omniscient. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""Zawaya - testimonies from the revolution"" put together by independent theater troupe Al-Warsha, and showing again this weekend, is made up of five narratives. While these stories are mostly anchored in the 18 days, they do not hark back to the hope or unity of that moment. They are not reminiscing stories. Rather, they are invitations to reflect. For director Hassan al-Geretly, it is about ""meditating on the stories."" Recorded long after the 18 days, some of them over several months, Geretly worked with writer Shadi Atef on the five testimonies. In between each narrative, there is oud playing and a song that sings of the revolution. ""The idealism of the 18 days remains a kind of reference,"" says Geretly. ""But there is ambiguity, not simple celebration."" Indeed, most of what focuses on those 18 days is charged with strong and difficult emotions. In the final narrative, the mother of Ahmed, a 17-year-old who was martyred, says she does not want the person who shot her son, or the officer in charge that day, to be held responsible. Rather, it was the man who gave the order, Interior Minister Habib al-Adly. This continued naming of the responsible in public places has a resounding power and points to an ongoing struggle against the devaluation of human life by security services that started before 25 January and continues well beyond it. The stories we neither listen to nor tell While there are narratives from the mother of a martyr and a member of Ultras Ahlawy, there is also the narrative of the army officer and the paid thug. At its most basic, ""Zawaya"" is a reminder that there are different ways of being involved, being shaped, remembering and telling the revolution. ""It is about reality being multiple,"" Geretly says. ""There are multiple points of view, and these are the stories that we tend to neither listen to nor tell."" That's why it's called ""Zawaya"" - angles. ""People have their reasons even if we don't agree,"" Geretly says simply. He explains that in this, he always thinks of playwright Anton Chekov for whom ""each character has its own logic."" Indeed, while none of the ""Zawaya"" narratives are privileged over others, it is clear where the commitment of the production lies. By chance, at a meeting with friends Atef, who wrote much of the performance, met an army officer, and spoke with him for a few hours. He wrote out a narrative and got in touch with him. After reading the text the officer requested a few changes, for instance the altering of details that might make him identifiable - ""This is my salary,"" he had explained to Atef. The process of collecting the other narratives took place over several meetings. In the case of the Ultras member, he was a friend of Atef. What he witnessed and experienced at Port Said had devastated him - the person next to him had been killed - and most meetings, Atef says, involved tears. He had wanted not a single word of his narrative changed. The challenge was, in a sense, to balance concerns of art with the fact of the narratives' historicity. ""We are living through historical times, and these are historical documents,"" Atef says. When he was writing and editing, he sought to make sure the different aspects of the personality were present, and to maintain, and even bring out, the ""internal music"" of these narratives. But in terms of heavily interfering, ""I would have felt I was exploiting them. Humanly, it was not possible to do that."" The ""thug"" narrative is in fact an amalgamation of six different stories, and the name given to the character who speaks the narrative is that of one killed in a personal feud in the early days of the revolution. Atef then took the stories of the remaining five, and blended them together. One of them worked with the actor, Atef instructing the actor to pay attention to how he spoke and to his manner. From a working-class neighborhood, Atef knew the men. Each spoke, linking seemingly disparate things together, and there was something chaotic about it, he says. What was interesting though, Atef felt, was them asserting their presence. They talked about the 18 days, and all the major events since, asserting their role in them - this, and the chaotic way of thinking, are reflected in the final text. In the narrative, the ""criminal"" asserts that he was in Tahrir Square for 11 days, and the remaining days part of a popular committee in the neighborhood. Atef thinks the one who told him this wanted to assert that he was in the square throughout, but knowing that Atef had seen him in the neighborhood, could not. In the narrative, the narrator talks about seeing people take money to chant in favor of Mubarak and attack protesters. Atef knows, however, that actually he did not see them; he was one of them. The form of storytelling has a strong and yet ambiguous relationship to ""truth,"" history and art. The character asserts again and again that he is reformed - he no longer steals or breaks the law. But he also locates the source of his wisdom in his criminal street experience. This tension, Atef said, was present in the case of all five. What comes across most in the narrative is this effort to assert himself as someone knowledgeable, as someone whose knowledge and experience cannot be discounted by society, and as a participant. The army officer lives and works in Suez where, Atef explains, violations were committed less by the military than by the police in the period following Mubarak's fall when the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces was managing the country. Repeatedly throughout his narrative, he describes the then-ruling military council as ""treasonous"" and ""treacherous."" Atef explains that the officer wanted to distance himself from the actions of the military council. He would even come home to find his wife watching television, increasingly critical of the SCAF. And so, he attempts to make himself clean from their crimes. It was a sensitive moment, Atef says, when it was pointed out to the officer that some people from within the army did take a position, referring to the 8 April officers who remain imprisoned since 2011. The officer's response made it into the final text: those officers were stupid, because ""being right is not enough, you also need wisdom and good sense."" In this way, the officer distances himself from the military council and their crimes, as well as providing himself with a justification for not naming them as crimes. And he protects his job: ""Don't believe everything you hear, even what I am telling you,"" he says toward the end of his narrative. A comment not just on storytelling, here he implies that even he would not swear by the truth of his own narrative - you cannot hold him to his word. Popular memory In a sense, these stories are repositories of popular memory. In the narrative about the events of Port Said in February 2012, which left over 70 Ultras Ahlawy dead, we hear not just the anger and the horror. We hear also about the calmness, the disbelief, the numbness, and the details of the moment. This is also what storytelling offers, an attention to detail, a sort of return to the lived experience. The narrative ends with blaming security services for the massacre, as many revolutionaries do. But he also blames the Masry Ultras, as the Ultras Ahlawy do. But the latter tends to be elided in many revolutionary narratives that do not themselves come from the Ultras. These narratives of popular memory thus pull against the streamlining and enveloping of stories to fit with the concerns of a larger narrative. In the account of a woman visiting a hospital on 29 January 2011 in Alexandria, the narrator makes sure to remember and articulate the names of the dead that she saw that day. This belaboring of the names, as she looks to the side grasping for the full name, is a reminder: we must remember. A woman with large calm eyes tugs at Alia's sleeve, beckoning her to come. The woman had already told her that her son was dead, but as she takes her to him, she tries to wake him as if he were sleeping. Eventually, Alia says to her, ""Your son has died a martyr."" She then doubts herself, as she is not sure if this is a revolution for him to be a martyr. And in this sentence, she points to the significance of revolution narratives. For the meaning of the death of a son derives not only from the details of his life, but also the broader thing of which they are a part: revolution. People make meaning and struggle to come to terms with the loss they have experienced over the past two years, in part by relating their loss to a larger story, the story of a revolution that looks forward to bread, freedom and social justice. The Ultras member came to the performance last week. His narrative was first. Emotionally overwhelmed and moved by the audience's reactions, he left before the end of the performance. He later said to Atef that initially he hadn't understood why his narrative had been collected, but now he did: ""so that people do not forget."" Performances of ""Zawaya - testimonies from the revolution"" will be held 27-30 December at 8 pm at Al-Warsha Theater Group Premises, Apartment 8, 17 Sherif Street, downtown, Cairo."
"151",2013-01-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-security-forces-separate-port-said-students-ultras","The Interior Ministry has announced that it has managed to separate students and ultras after clashes near the Port Said University dorms. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police have also surrounded the dorms to avoid further clashes between the Al-Masry Club's ""Green Eagles"" ultras and students supporting Al-Ahly club, which erupted after Ahly supporters sprayed graffiti insulting Al-Masry supporters. Hundreds of people suffered injuries during the clashes, which drew in bystanders and saw all sides hurling stones and Molotov cocktails at each other. Student supporters of the Ahly Club took to the roof of the dorms and pelted passers-by with stones and Molotovs while raising red T-shirts with the number 22 written on them, in a reference to Ahly Club player Mohamed Abu Treika. Dozens of people were transferred to Port Fouad Public Hospital, and police fired tear gas canisters at bystanders and inside dormitories. One canister was thrown inside the Canal Company's building for navigational constructions on the Suez Canal's eastern side, affecting hundreds of employees. Central security forces and police troops eventually moved back to areas around the dormitories after withdrawal. Unconfirmed news reports said that local university students detained four people, including two Al-Masry Club ultras and two Port Said security personnel Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"152",2013-01-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-mobilize-sentencing-football-violence-trial","Hardcore football fan group Ultras Ahlawy is mobilizing supporters to rally for the court sentencing of defendants accused of killing more than 70 fans at a Port Said football match last year. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Seventy-five defendants were charged over their alleged involvement in the rampage that followed a premiere league match in the Port Said Stadium between the Ahly and Masry teams on 1 February. The ultras said in a Facebook post that mobilizing a demonstration outside the court on 26 January, when the verdict is expected, will take time. In several cities, the group is showing video screenings of the violence that followed the fateful match, and graffiti - some reading ""retribution or chaos"" - can also be seen in many neighborhoods calling for people to show up on the day of the trial. ""Glory for the martyrs,"" reads the title of a statement the group is distributing to the public. The statement describes the Port Said events as a massacre in which ""young men were killed, their only fault chanting against a corrupt regime."" Less than two months before the match, ultra Mohamed Mostafa was killed during protests outside the cabinet building, after which the group became more vocal with political chants against the then-ruling military council. The group claims this was one of the reasons behind the attack on Ahly fans. ""The Port Said massacre has never been about hooliganism as the media portrayed it, but all evidence shows it was a conspiracy carried out by several parties, police, armed forces and Port Said fans,"" the statement read. The group also announced yesterday a Tahrir Square vigil planned for 18 January ahead of the trial date. Families of the victims will attend, the group statement said, calling on anyone who believes in their cause to join them. Port Said Criminal Court began considering the case on 17 April, convening at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns."
"153",2013-01-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-protest-port-said-victims","Dozens of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); protested in front of the Helwan metro station on Friday to demand justice for the 72 Ahly fans killed in the Port Said Stadium massacre last February. Protesters raised banners that read: ""Finding the perpetrators is not the end, behind each killer lies a mastermind,"" and ""26 January is comeuppance [day]."" They also distributed a statement demanding the support of the Egyptian people on 26 January outside the Court of New Cairo, when the verdict in the trial of the accused killers of the Ahly fans is due to be delivered. ""We are waiting for a fair ruling that cures the hearts of the people and makes us believe that justice is possible in Egypt,"" the statement said. More than 72 Ahly fans were murdered in a match between Ahly Club football team and Al-Masry Club team in Port Said after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacke their rivals. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"154",2013-01-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-preparations-elections-and-revolution-anniversary","Daily papers Sunday run news relating to the preparations for the upcoming parliamentary elections, the issuing of historic court verdicts pertaining to the ousted Hosni Mubarak regime and the Shura Council, along with plans for the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Topping the news is the Court of Cassation's verdict today regarding the appeal filed by Mubarak and former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly against the life sentence issued in June by the Cairo Felonies Court. According to the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper, the Court of Cassation is due to rule today on whether Mubarak and Adly may appeal their 25-year prison sentences in light of the killings of protesters during the 2011 uprising. This court is also to issue its verdict as to whether it will accept another appeal to the verdicts issued against Mubarak - and his sons Alaa and Gamal, along with escaped business tycoon Hussein Salem and six senior police chiefs who had served under Adly - in regard to the exports of gas to Israel, abuse of authority for personal gains, and the killings of protesters during the 2011 uprising. Al-Ahram mentions that South Cairo Criminal Court is still looking into the corruption case filed against Alaa and Gamal Mubarak regarding the sale of Watany Bank and profiteering from this sale, until February 9. In other court-related news, the independent Al-Tahrir newspaper runs a headline reading, ""Revolutionary forces call for mobilization to protect the Supreme Constitutional Court during its verdict session regarding the Shura Council,"" the upper, consultative house of Parliament, which has recently been granted legislative powers by the new Constitution. A subhead in Al-Tahrir explains, ""Constitutional court to determine fate of Shura Council Tuesday,"" when it is set to rule on the constitutionality of the election of this parliamentary body. According to ""a legal expert"" quoted in the paper, there is a large possibility that the court will rule against the Shura Council, as it did with the People's Assembly (the lower, legislative house of Parliament) in June, especially given that they were both elected according to the same flawed regulations. The independent Al-Watan newspaper runs a headline reading, ""Revolutionaries plan to protect constitutional court."" The paper adds that revolutionary (opposition) forces will embark on ""marches to the court tomorrow"" and will also form ""human cordons around the court."" The article explains that revolutionary forces will participate in these actions after Islamists and loyalists of the now-ruling regime had camped outside this court late last year, and allegedly kept judges from entering the court. If the Shura Council is not dissolved by the Supreme Constitutional Court Tuesday, then it will begin finalizing the parliamentary elections law this week. The independent Youm7 newspaper reports on the top echelons of army generals and their ""refusal to allow those fleeing from military service (conscription) to nominate themselves to Parliament"" for at least 10 years from the date of pardon for this crime. Youm7 mentions that top generals insisted that this regulation be added to the parliamentary elections law being prepared by the Shura Council. ""Today, the Shura Council discusses the parliamentary elections law,"" reads a front-page headline in the Muslim Brotherhood's mouthpiece newspaper, Freedom and Justice, named after its political party. Meanwhile, a group of Coptic Christian politicians have recently been calling for a 10 percent quota in the next Parliament to be set aside for Copts. Al-Watan reports that these calls have been made to boost this minority's political representation and to keep Copts from being marginalized. Calls for this sort of so-called positive discrimination have been made to allocate a seat or two from each electoral circuit for Christian candidates, as this religious group is said to constitute around 10 percent of the population, but is not accordingly represented in Parliament, the politicians say. In other related news, the liberal opposition Al-Wafd newspaper writes that ""11 conditions to guarantee free and fair parliamentary elections"" were stipulated by the opposition coalition known as the National Salvation Front. These conditions include: complete judicial supervision, with a judge for each ballot box; voting over the course of two consecutive days; allowing each candidate's representatives to inspect vote counting and tallying in polling stations; and allowing civil society groups, NGOS, lawyers and media to enter and report on the voting process. Further conditions include: stamping ballots with official stamps; criminalizing the use of houses of worship for electoral campaigning; granting women slots (one per every three male candidates) on parties' electoral rosters; and streamlining the process of complaints and grievances regarding electoral violations through the electoral commission, among other demands. Al-Tahrir newspaper mentions that, other than these 11 demands, the National Salvation Front is ""calling for the establishment of a new government"" - a neutral and representative government - ""upon the issuing of the new parliamentary elections law."" The independent Al-Shorouk newspaper mentions these same 11 demands, and adds that the front is calling for ""protests in all of Egypt's city squares on 25 January"" to commemorate the second anniversary of the revolution. Al-Watan runs a headline reading that President Mohamed ""Morsy's regime prepares for January storms."" According to this paper, Morsy has called on the Interior Ministry to beef up security - especially around the presidential palace, Tahrir Square, the Cabinet, Parliament and embassies - and to be on high alert on 25 and 26 January, in case of scuffles or instigated violence. Al-Watan mentions that the Muslim Brotherhood and other pro-Morsy Islamists will commemorate the 25 January revolution outside the Raba'a al-Adawiya Mosque in Nasr City to avoid confrontations with anti-Morsy protesters camped in Tahrir Square and the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace in Heliopolis. The article also mentions that the Brotherhood chose this protest spot ""as it is close to the presidential palace,"" whereby they can march on the palace to protect it from destructive protesters, if need be. Al-Watan also reports that Morsy will deliver his presidential address on 25 January from the nearby Nasr City Conference Hall. This paper also mentions that the hardcore football fans known as the ultras for Ahly football team will organize protest marches Friday to Tahrir Square under the title ""Friday of the Massacre,"" to commemorate the deaths of at at least 72 football fans at Port Said Stadium in February. A court verdict regarding this deadly football violence is scheduled for 26 January. Al-Watan reports that there is a likelihood of violence and scuffles between the Ultras Ahlawy and the Port Said Masry Club ultras, the two groups involved in the February violence, regardless of whether a verdict of acquittal or indictment is issued for those accused of being responsible for the deaths. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"155",2013-01-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/making-city-home-redefining-public-art-between-state-businesses-and-people","Artist Omneia Naguib wants to ""occupy the sky"" by moving the familiar language of the street - imprints of political posters and common graffiti motifs - onto the grandiose billboard spaces typically reserved for those with power and money. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters are placing eye patches, a symbol of their injuries, on the Qasr al-Nil lion statues, and pedestrians seek shadow underneath them or shower in a fountain in one of Cairo's roundabouts. The domineering vision of the state and private corporations of what constitutes public art has opened up since the January revolution began. Activists, residents and artists alike are all negotiating public space and art to send out their messages, connect more closely with their communities or simply feel at home. Here, a group of our staff writers and contributors present you with some of the narratives of these people, their successes and failures, and how they are gradually re-appropriating their city. Informality brings on a new urban order By Omar Nagati and Laura Cugusi On the first anniversary of the 25 January revolution, thousands of protesters carried the Martyrs Obelisk, a massive construction to commemorate those killed in clashes with police and military forces, from Shubra all the way to Tahrir Square. This act can be seen as a ritual of bestowing sacred meaning to ""ground zero,"" and replacing the Square's representations of former political and aesthetic orders. The January upheaval was a revolt against decades of the state's steady de-legitimization and repression of modes of expression that have been emerging in working-class neighborhoods and ""informally"" reshaping popular culture and space boundaries. Public space became a site of contestation between formal yet decaying orders, and new approaches to expression and spatial organization that are still in the making. Adding anti-state stickers on state-made lampposts, covering nude sculptures with blankets and deeming them inappropriate, resting in the arms of a statue, or picking a sculpture as a landmark for street vending are all manifestations of this alternative urban order, as are the proliferation of street art and new means of artistic expression. Public art in Egyptian cities has been often conceived from the position of state actors to propagate a nationalist message and create an ""aesthetically pleasing"" environment. But non-state actors, such as protesters, residents and artists, have a different vision, which even extends to the way they interact with existing monuments. Downtown streets, which are seemingly awash in a sea of chaos, are also being reconstituted spatially and aesthetically through the small but cumulative acts of peddlers and street vendors, each redefining their domain from ""inside out"" as the city as whole is restructured. A short history of public art Mostafa al-Razzaz, artist and former assistant dean of the Helwan University Faculty of Art Education, says the history of public art in Egypt falls in three main phases: the colonial movement at the turn of the 20th century; Arab nationalism and state-sponsored art through the 1950s and 1960s; and the neo-liberal shift and regional cultural influences brought about by migration to the Gulf, from the 1970s onward. Khedive Ismail's modernization plan included the construction of European-inspired boulevards radiating out of squares, a symbolic break with the ramshackle old center of the city. In a public statement, he proclaimed: ""My country is no longer in Africa; we are now part of Europe. It is therefore natural for us to abandon our former ways and to adopt a new system adapted to our social conditions."" Modern public art such as statues, fountains and decorative street furniture started to appear in the early 1900s, influenced by European and American cities' beautification projects. After the 1952 revolution, President Gamal Abdel Nasser sought to reshape the country's post-colonial identity. Through socialist-style architecture, modern and industrial interior design, new infrastructure and landmarks that appeared in squares, road junctions and near strategic sites, the look of the city changed irreversibly. Another shift occurred with the privatization era that started with former President Anwar Sadat. In the process, the unfolding public art reflected intersections of new forms of nationalism, capitalism and religion. ""Many Egyptian engineers migrated to the Gulf and when they returned, they imported a new aesthetic sense inspired by Saudi Arabia's public design style, which often chose to reproduce inanimate objects in large scale, also to avoid representing the human figure,"" Hafez Shawky, professor at the Helwan University Faculty of Fine Arts, explains. Representing human figures is forbidden in radical Islam. Moreover, the economic shift over the past three decades transformed public space into a source of revenue for corporate businesses and harnessed public art as an advertising-generating tool. Whether it is a fountain with spouting dolphins or penguins, a nationalist hero, or a miniature of an ancient temple, what matters in advertisers' monuments are the corporate logos' scale, proportion and strategic location. The monuments' designs remain almost irrelevant to the commercial messages they convey and their environments. Allowing commercial agents to take over public space can also be seen as ""informal,"" as it lies in a tangle of bribes and contractors' deals with governmental authorities that tend to close an eye on legal restrictions. Hence, public art became instrumentalized to impose an urban configuration informed by neo-liberal economic policies and corruption, where appropriation of public space through the power of capital became the message - a statement of power. A future for the people While the process of informalizing city structures could be traced back centuries, the popular revolt ushered new manifestations of how city streets, public spaces and symbols are re-appropriated. At the entrance of Misr University in 6th of October City, one is greeted by a large artificial rock formation reminiscent of Mount Rushmore. Of the four sculpted figures, Hosni Mubarak surmounts the hilltop; the other three - Nobel Prize laureates Sadat, writer Naguib Mahfouz and scientist Ahmed Zewail - occupy a less prominent status. In 2011, Mubarak's nose and face were smashed and covered with sprayed insults. The act of vandalism, while not as dramatic as the toppling of Saddam Hussein's statue in Baghdad, is still highly symbolic. The victorious, papier-mache human fist in Tahrir and the speakers protesters attached to the Talaat Harb Square statue to amplify the chants of protesters who gathered in the square are also emblematic. Such phenomena show people's need to create tangible symbols that express positive values, a sense of belonging and unity - ones that can become a legacy for future generations. They show how, at a historical moment of transition, a redefinition of the role of culture as a function of a transformed and a transforming vision of the present and of the future unfold. A Japanese deity in Fustat By Helen Stuhr-Rommereim After three years studying in Japan, artist Rania Fouad felt she needed to find a way to reconnect with her city. To her that meant intentionally working with an inaccessible image like Jizo, a deity of Japanese mythology. She painted it on a tree in the Cairo neighborhood of Fustat, employing traditional Japanese methods of painting - gilding, mixing paints with dye and glue - and, over four long days, created a small, intricate image of an unfamiliar god. Fouad chose to employ such a time-consuming process because she wanted to force herself to be present in an unfamiliar neighborhood. She knew the figure she was painting, a god that is outside both Christian and Muslim theology, would be potentially problematic for many people. ""I thought there would be a lot of misinterpretations, but this is the state that I wanted to express,"" she says. She spent her time talking to children on the street, explaining what she was doing, and experiencing little stories while standing. The time spent on the street was more important than the image. Reconsidering communications By Helen Stuhr-Rommereim Artist and freelance photographer Enas Abu al-Komsan created an image she hoped would encourage acceptance and understanding between divergent populations in Egypt. She, however, worked in a didactic mode, painting two images: one of a secular young man holding the hand of a veiled woman, the other of an unveiled girl in a skirt holding hands with a young, bearded man in a galabeya. Komsan placed her images in Maadi, Zamalek, and in Tahrir Square. After one day they had all been destroyed. ""I was disappointed,"" says Komsan, ""I felt that people in Egypt do not understand art."" But the destruction of her few posters shows that a handful of people in Egypt did not understand or simply disagreed with her art. The posters were large and imposing, and she placed them in only a small number of locations at a moment when presidential elections and the verdict of Mubarak's trial were stoking tensions in the city. The burden is on the artist to understand her audience, and find a way to actually communicate. Now, Komsan is considering various adjustments to size and image that could help her speak more clearly. Lions look within By Jenifer Evans The four bronze lions guarding Qasr al-Nil Bridge, huge but easy to climb, have long been a prime location to pose for photos. Putting an eye-patch on one of them was a simple DIY gesture that turned the lions and their bridge into pro-revolutionary monuments. Eye wounds were one of the most common injuries of the uprising and subsequent protests. The soft white patch symbolized the state's weakness, angering those in power who could not protect public monuments, even in the most prominent of locations. Other statues - like those of Talaat Harb and Om Kalthoum - also got eye-patches, but the small bandage on Henri Alfred Jacquemart's sad but dignified lion most poignantly symbolized the state's destruction of the nation's pride, its mutilation and killing of heroes. Compared to 6th of October or Gamaa Bridges, with their cafes and vendors, pre-2011 Qasr al-Nil was one of the more strait-laced of Cairo's bridges, a short narrow touristy one near a number of official buildings. It was just used for getting from A to B, or for romantic strolls. But, it has been reclaimed as a more flexible and free space since the uprising, in which it played an important role. The vendors that sold refreshments and flags to protesters never left. Motorbikes mount the pavements, and policemen rush up, slightly too late to stop boys diving off the bridge. If you were president By Helen Stuhr-Rommereim From the beginning of developing his project, artist Amado Alfadni knew he needed to find an unimposing visual language, because he hoped that people would respond and interact directly with the poster he was creating. He went through a long series of designs for his ultimately very simple poster: a mostly blank sheet of paper that poses the question ""If you were president, what would you do?"" After looking at a few designs made by friends, Alfadni says, ""I wondered, how would people in my neighborhood [Abbasseya] react to that? Or how would it look in an ally in old Cairo?"" In the end, he chose something with minimal design elements, with text in hand-written calligraphy, that would blend in with the kinds of handmade signs and posters found in neighborhoods like Abbasseya. Alfadni was looking for a direct conduit between himself and a wide swath of the public, and he was largely successful because as he designed and distributed his posters, he kept in mind the nature of the neighborhoods he was working in. He tried to be a part of their distinct visual environments. Walls are no barriers By Jenifer Evans When the construction of eight walls across various streets in downtown Cairo began in November, ending speculation about army trucks mysteriously carrying around huge cement blocks, there was a surprising lack of outrage. Even though this desperate attempt to control public space compounded traffic problems, forced businesses to close and required people to take massive detours, the people seemed to grudgingly accept the inconvenience. After all, they were much more solid than the short-lived wall built outside the Israeli Embassy earlier that year. But if people are used to bizarre decisions from above, they are also used to turning a humiliation into a creative opportunity. They quickly drew and wrote over the walls. Some climbed up and stood atop them. Others formed a ""Drawing Through Walls"" project to reopen the streets by visually removing the walls, painting trompe l'oeil scenes on them. The Ultras Ahlawy painted a revolutionary mural on a previously insignificant corner that had suddenly filled with traffic, and therefore audience members, due to the detours. People wrote articles and drew cartoons that used the walls to symbolize the military's failure. A Gizean waterfall By Mai Elwakil On a sunny, humid July day, the octagon-shaped fountain in the small Kit Kat roundabout was flowing with water as usual. The traffic policemen at the opposite checkpoint were on duty and pedestrians gathered by the nearby Nile-view Cinderella cafeteria. Everything seemed to be proceeding as usual. President Mohamed Morsy's election campaign posters still lined the fountain's beige porcelain exterior, though the edges were scraped off by the intense sun rays. Suddenly, a group of children showed up for a swim. Some dived into the fountain in their swim trunks. Others, wearing their shorts, simply splashed one another with the fresh water, which offered a perfect refuge from the scorching heat. Many residents of the working-class Giza neighborhood of Imbaba could not afford to take a trip to the beach this summer. A few passers-by objected to the spontaneous act, reminiscent of the famous fountain scene from the 2002 adaptation of ""Scent of a Woman,"" starring comedian Adel Imam. But the children were not bothered, and many families were happy that their children could enjoy the cool water in the fountain, once built by the state for purely decorative purposes. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"156",2013-01-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-thousands-ultras-arrive-tahrir","Thousands of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); members marching from Shubra arrived in Tahrir Square late on Friday afternoon, followed shortly thereafter by a march from the Ahly Club, arriving via the Qasr al-Nil Bridge entrance. Marches from Al-Fatah Mosque and Ramses Square are also currently headed to the square. Ultras from Cairo and across the governorates planned the mass rally to demand justice for the martyrs of the Port Said Stadium massacre that occurred almost a year ago. The protesters chanted against the Interior Ministry, accusing its leaders of responsibility for the Port Said Stadium massacre, and raised banners demanding justice for its victims. Several passersby and travelers heading to Ramses Station showed solidarity with the protesters, some even chanting with them. A fourth march of thousands of Ultras arrived in Tahrir from Sayeda Zeinab earlier in the afternoon, raising the flag of the Ultras Ahlawy and and banners demanding punishment for the murderers of the victims in Port Said. ""If your son was the victim, you would not have ignored the case,"" the protesters chanted, along with other slogans and songs against the police. Other banners read: ""You who is asking why we came here, do you know why [they] died?"" A stage was set up in the square. Protesters played Quranic verses, followed by Ultras Ahlawy songs. A number of protesters distributed a statement calling on people to mobilize outside the court on 26 January, the day a verdict is scheduled to be issued in the case. The Ultras announced their planned rally in a statement on Thursday, saying that the protest would be a ""rehearsal for the day of decisiveness."" They planned to meet outside the Ahly Al-Jazeera Club and then march together to the square at 3 pm, the statement continued. Ultras from other governorates would head immediately to Tahrir. Group leader Mohamed Tareq denied rumors that the Ultras had made a back room deal with the Muslim Brotherhood and Freedom and Justice Party. ""This is not the case; some Brotherhood figures have decided to show solidarity and promised to stand by our side,"" Tareq told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Several revolutionary movements, including the Popular Current and the April 6 Party, said they would also participate in the protest. Tahrir remained calm as of Friday morning prior to the marches' arrival, amid stricter security measures by protesters at entrances to the square, which were closed by popular committees. By late morning there were over 100 tents in the middle of the square, belonging to independent protesters and members of Constitution Party and Wafd Party. Dozens of banners were hung up demanding justice for the victims. More than 72 Ahly fans were murdered in a match between the Ahly Club football team and Al-Masry Club team in Port Said on 1 February 2012 after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacked their rivals. Seventy-five defendants have been charged with responsibility for the rampage. The Port Said Criminal Court began hearings in the case on 17 April, convening at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"158",2013-01-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-minister-port-said-defendants-will-not-attend-verdict","Negotiations have been taking place with the Port Said court panel to issue the verdict in the Port Said football violence case on 26 January without any defendants in attendance to prevent a riot. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim said that the court had also made an agreement not to transfer the suspects in the case from Port Said to Cairo. Seventy three defendants, including nine officials from the Port Said Security Directorate, are involved in the case, also dubbed the ""Port Said massacre"" by some media outlets. Following a football match between the visiting Ahly Club and Al-Masry Club last February, a large crowd stormed the pitch and attacked Ahly fans, resulting in 72 deaths. The court has also reported decided to ban media from publishing news on the case. Protests took place in Port Said Saturday with protesters demanding that defendants not be transferred to Cairo. The protests included former members of Parliament. In Cairo's Tahrir Square, Ultras Ahlawy members protested Friday demanding retribution for victims of the violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"159",2013-01-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-league-resume-play-might-not-have-audience","Stadiums might be empty when premier league football matches resume on 2 February, as the league awaits the issuing of a new draft law on hooliganism, said Egyptian Football Association googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); head Gamal Allam. ""The law on hooliganism will only see the light after all the fan clubs have expressed their opinion,"" Allam told the Shura Council's Youth and Sports Committee on Monday, reported state-run news agency MENA. ""We cannot raise the level of football and sports in Egypt without changing the system in which we operate,"" he continued. Association member Mohamed Hafez said that Egypt is significantly behind FIFA when it comes to regulations. It's key to change the system governing sports in the country and give more attention to building sports infrastructure in underserved governorates, he added. The Ultras Ahlawy refused to attend the Shura Council meeting to give their opinion on the hooliganism bill, while the Ultras groups supporting Zamalek, Ismailia and other teams rejected the draft law submitted by the government. They claimed it was incompatible with the rights and freedoms of soccer fans. The Premier League was suspended in February after 72 Ahly fans were killed following a match between Ahly and the Port Said-based team Masry. The league's activities have been halted more than once due to Ultras Ahlawy protests against resuming play before anyone has been brought to justice for the Port Said killings. The court is scheduled to issue a verdict in the case on Saturday 26 January. Over 70 defendants, including nine police officers, face charges of killing and inciting the killing of Ahly fans. Edited translation from MENA"
"160",2013-01-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-alexandria-suez-ahead-port-said-verdict","Hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); staged protests on Monday outside the Alexandria Security Directorate, a few days before the scheduled verdict in the case of the Port Said Stadium massacre that left 74 dead and hundreds injured. ""We are giving the authorities a final warning,"" said Mohamed Ali, the group leader. ""We know what to do if the trial is manipulated."" Similar protests were also organized Monday evening in front of the Suez Governorate headquarters, after dozens of Ultras marched the streets of the city. They demanded revenge for the Port Said martyrs. Security forces intensified their presence around the building. In Port Said, thousands of the rival Al-Masry Ultras besieged the city's prison, threatening to start a sit-in to prevent authorities from transferring the defendants to Cairo to hear the verdict. Public prosecution spokesperson Hassan Yassin told Al-Masry Al-Youm that Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah has given new evidence in the case to Port Said Criminal Court, which is overseeing the trial ""It's up to the court to accept the new evidence,"" Yassin said, adding that the evidence in question is based on a report from the fact-finding committee formed to investigate the violent clashes that took place after the 25 January revolution. More than 72 Ahly fans were murdered in a match between Ahly Club football team and Al-Masry Club team in Port Said on 1 February 2012, after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacked their rivals. Seventy-five defendants were charged over their alleged involvement in the rampage. Port Said Criminal Court began hearing the case on 17 April, convening at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns. The court is expected to issue its verdict in the case on Saturday 26 January. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"161",2013-01-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/public-prosecution-claims-have-new-evidence-port-said-case","The Public Prosecution has said that it has new evidence regarding the Port Said football violence, which it is forwarding to the Port Said Criminal Court Tuesday, according to prosecution spokesperson Hassan Yassin. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); However, a judicial source has said that the court will ultimately decide whether or not to accept the new evidence. The court is trying 73 suspects for murder in the aftermath of last year's violence in Port Said after a Premiere League match between Al-Ahly and Al-Masry, in which 72 people, almost all Ahly supporters, were killed Meanwhile, thousands of Al-Masry fans besieged the Port Said stadium in protest of authorities' plans to transfer the defendants to Cairo for the verdict. The move was announced in order to prevent possible rioting after the verdict was read. ""If there is insistence to transfer the defendants to Cairo, you should expect a big massacre and victims on both sides,"" said one member of Ultras Green Eagles, a group of hardcore Al-Masry fans. ""We have written our wills and will fight for the rights of our comrades."" However, Mohsen Rady, Port Said's security chief, stressed that the Interior Minister's assistant for public security told him the ministry remains adamantly against transferring the defendants to Cairo, as agreed with the Justice Ministry. The head of Port Said's Lawyers Syndicate, Safwat Abdel Halim, said 46 lawyers are awaiting security measures to be adopted for their safety against threats by Ahly fans. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"162",2013-01-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-stage-rally-outside-alexandria-court","Hundreds of the Ultras fans and supporters staged a rally outside the Alexandria Court complex in solidarity with 40s arrested after clashes that broke out on Sunday following the refusal of the Alexandria Court to issue a verdict at this time in the case of policemen accused of killing protesters during the revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters shouted slogans demanding release of those arrested, marching from the court to the tomb of the unknown soldier in the Manshiya area. Security was tightened around the court and reinforced with central security troops and vehicles. The prosecution's office in Alexandria ordered the detention of 31 of the defendants for four days, pending investigation into clashes between the security forces and protesters on Sunday outside the Alexandria Criminal Court. The defendants are charged with destroying and burning two police cars, injuring two conscripts and hurling stones at security. The remaining nine were arrested on charges of storming the courtroom. Clashes erupted before Alexandria's First Instance Court on Sunday among security and demonstrators, who were protesting in solidarity with families of the revolution's injured, as security prevented them from attending the session."
"163",2013-01-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/prosecutors-claim-new-defendants-port-said-case","The request to enter new evidence and charge additional defendants in the Port Said football violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); case after closing arguments is not politically motivated, a Public Prosecution deputy has said. The Port Said Criminal Court has heard the trial of 75 defendants accused in the deaths of 72 people following an Ahly-Masry football match last year and was expected to issue a verdict Saturday. The trial has been held at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns. Tamer Seoudi, first attorney general in the prosecutor general's technical office, said in a statement Wednesday that the prosecution request asking the court's permission to take the stand again is not intended to preempt protests planned for 25 and 26 January. The Ultras Ahlawy football fan club has staged sit-ins around Cairo calling for a swift verdict and is mobilizing its members to attend the ruling Saturday. Seoudi added that the prosecution has nothing to do with political developments. Seoudi said Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah has had less than two weeks to review a report from the fact-finding committee tasked with investigating the football violence. The report implicated new suspects, including former officials, businessmen and some security authorities, prompting the prosecution to ask to reopen arguments in the trial, Seoudi said in a statement. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"164",2013-01-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/stock-market-gains-us123-million-week","The stock market googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); rose this week by US$123 million amid a weak performance as investors fear consequences of the upcoming 25 January revolution anniversary and football fans' protest at the stock exchange headquarters. The main index, EGX 30, rose by 0.4 percent, gaining 28 points to reach 5,689 points. The capital market gained LE900 million, reaching LE381.6 billion. Mohsen Adel, managing director of Pioneers investment funds company, said the ultras' protest Wednesday increased pressure on the stock market and caused investors to be more cautious. The Ultras Ahlawy, a hardcore football fan group, protested outside the exchange headquarters ahead of a verdict scheduled Saturday in a case against defendants accused of involvement in football match riots last February in which 72 Ahly team fans were killed. Adel said the stock market wasn't only affected by the ultras' protests, but also by the liquidity shortage and fears of consequences of the revolution's second anniversary. ""We were negatively affected by Moody's credit rating putting Egypt on review, as well as consequences of deal by Dutch company to buy local shares of Orascom Construction Industries,"" he added. Orascom said Friday that OCI NV is a Dutch company that follows it, and that it would buy the shares for LE280 each or grant shareholders' shares of the Dutch company, in case the selling of the shares was refused. Edited translation from MENA"
"165",2013-01-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-and-security-forces-clash-sharqiya","Dozens of hardcore football fans known as ultras blocked the railway in Zagazig in Sharqiya Governorate Wednesday evening, demanding retribution for the Port Said football violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); last year, with ensuing clashes continuing into the night. Victims' families joined the Ultras Ahlawy. Security forces tried to open the road by force, and the two sides threw stones at each other. Sharqiya security forces imposed a security cordon around the Zagazig train station in Oraby Square. The ultras' protest comes days before a court is set to give a verdict in the court case over the football violence. Seventy-two Ahly team fans were killed and hundreds were injured on 1 February when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. At Wednesday's protest, demonstrators used fireworks that fell on street vendors around the station, leading to clashes between the protesters and vendors. The parking lot adjacent to the station was emptied, leading to a traffic jam and transportation shortage. Security forces are trying to negotiate with ultras leaders to keep them away from the station and allow trains to pass. Port Said Criminal Court has set Saturday for the sentencing in the case, in which more than 70 defendants, including nine police officers, face charges for killing or inciting the killing of ultras members. Some have speculated that the court may adjourn the case due to new evidence announced by the prosecutor general. Ultras Ahlawy, in a statement published on their Facebook page, described this as an attempt to postpone the case and hinder the ultras' cause. The Zagazig protests coincided with Ultras Ahlawy demonstrations in Cairo and other cities around the country Wednesday. In Cairo, protesters blocked traffic and a metro train. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"166",2013-01-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-protest-second-consecutive-day-0","Hundreds of Zamalek's White Knights ultras protested for the second day at the Alexandria court complex googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Wednesday, demanding the release of a fellow group member who is being held pending investigations over the burning of a court building. The ultras, a group of hardcore football fans, chanted slogans, demanding freedom for their fellow ultra, Omar Hesham, and the release of other suspects pending investigations. The protesters accused the media, judiciary and Interior Ministry of corruption, and called for a march to Mansheya Square in Alexandria. The Borg al-Arab Appeals Court will review the cases of Wednesday whether to release or renew the detention of 40 suspects arrested Sunday over the burning and damage of Alexandria Criminal Court. They are accused of rioting after a judge Sunday recused from reviewing a case on the killing of protesters during the 25 January revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"167",2013-01-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-ultras-protest-downtown-cairo-block-metro","Days before a court is set to rule in the case over last year's football violence, Ultras Ahlawy protested at several landmarks in Cairo, starting at the stock exchange building and heading to Tahrir Square by mid-afternoon after blocking a metro train. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Dozens of the ultras - hardcore football fans who have played a significant role in revolutionary protests - blocked the Marg-Helwan metro line Wednesday afternoon by ""sleeping"" on the metro tracks, state news agency MENA reported. The ultras lit flares at the Saad Zaghloul metro station and chanted against the Interior Ministry, calling for retribution for their fellow members who were killed during violence at a football match in Port Said in February. The nearby Tahrir metro station became overcrowded with passengers, who asked officials to intervene. But security responded by saying that they were outnumbered by the protesters. Metro administration used loudspeakers to ask passengers to leave the station to prevent friction between the two sides. Abdallah Fawzy, chairperson of the metro company, said that trains would be diverted due to the protest. Earlier in the day, the ultras had protested outside the stock exchange headquarters in downtown Cairo. Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah referred a report to the Public Prosecution, accusing some Ultras Ahlawy members of besieging the building. The report, filed by Khaled al-Nashar, deputy stock exchange chairperson, said that besieging the stock exchange headquarters hampers the operation of a vital establishment and threatens national security and traders' safety, potentially impacting the economy, MENA said. But the stock exchange chairperson, Mohamed Omran, had said the exchange would not suspend trading because of the sit-in. A criminal court is expected to issue a verdict in the case Saturday for 75 defendants charged with involvement in the rampage that left 72 dead following a match between Ahly and Masry football teams on 1 February. The Ultras Ahlawy had held several protests outside government buildings and is encouraging people to attend the court ruling at the Police Academy in Cairo. Omran had said he was surprised the football fans had chosen to protest in front of an establishment as vital as the stock market, adding that he trusts they will keep their protest peaceful. Stock market officials have recently undertaken several measures to address similar situations, including implementing new tools that allow employees to work from other locations, Omran said in statements to the press. The sit-in, however, could prevent some administrative work if employees are unable to enter the building, the chairman added. Omran said he had contacted the relevant authorities to monitor the situation. Edited translation from MENA"
"168",2013-01-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/wednesday-s-papers-new-port-said-evidence-old-regime-prison-diaries","As the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution approaches, headlines about protest martyrs and the Port Said massacre take front and center in most newspapers this morning. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Al-Shorouk leads with ""An arms-smuggling mafia is behind Port Said Massacre."" Ahead of the anticipated trial verdict Saturday, prosecutor Mohamed Rashwan reportedly claims that new evidence proves the sad events of Port Said were planned by a fireworks- and arms-smuggling mafia. The weapons used during the attack were hidden in a location close to the stadium, in collusion with police officers who have been charged in the case, he alleges. Rashwan also asserts that the dissolved National Democratic Party had nothing to do with the killing of 72 people following the Port Said football match last year. The attorney stated that the police officer in charge of securing the eastern side of the stadium has also been added to the list of officers facing charges because investigations alleged he left his post at half-time. State-run Al-Akhbar leads with a presidential decree stipulating that ""the Port Said martyrs are counted among the martyrs and the injured of the revolution."" A judicial source said yesterday that a fact-finding committee tasked with looking into the case did not uncover any new evidence in its recent report. The government-owned newspaper also writes that the families of those killed, as well as the Al-Ahly Board of Directors, thanked President Mohamed Morsy for his declaration. Mohie al-Bagoury, the father of one of the victims killed in Port Said, said the decision, although late, has comforted bereft families and provided definite proof that the killings were premeditated and the victims were not merely the fatalities of some unfortunate event. However, an Ultras Ahlawy member, declining to give his name, said that the ultras group was confused over the timing of the release of new evidence in Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah's report, issued five days before the final verdict and presented after final arguments had already been heard. The source said the group would consult with legal experts to assess the impact of that information. Party paper Freedom and Justice writes ""the court will decide whether to accept or refuse the new evidence,"" quoting Public Prosecution technical director Hassan Yassin as saying they are waiting for a reply. Zakaria Abdel Aziz, head of the Judges for Egypt movement, said that the court has the right to accept or refuse the Public Prosecution's new evidence. Member of the government's fact-finding committee Mohsen Bahnassy said that the evidence, which accuses new suspects, could potentially affect the verdict. Independent newspaper Al-Shorouk leads the final episode in a series about what former officials are doing behind bars. ""For each convict, a paid servant,"" reads the headline. In his final interview with the paper, Mohamed Hamdoun, deputy head of the prison sector, said that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly is always alone and spends his time walking and reading the Quran. The same applies to Alaa Mubarak, who rarely talks to anyone except his brother Gamal Mubarak, as both spend most of their time inside the prison mosque. Hamdoun said that many elderly prisoners from the former regime have appointed servants among their younger fellow prisoners; the servant performs various chores in return for a few pounds put in the prison's safety deposits. Hamdoun added that no strong relationships tie the prisoners together and most of them spend their time alone, especially Zakariya Azmy, Ahmed Ezz and Fathy Sorour, who reportedly visits the dental clinic fairly often. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"169",2013-01-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/25-january-one-anniversary-two-commemorations","While still both recognizing the ongoing struggle for bread, freedom and social justice, the Muslim Brotherhood and its political party on one side and the opposition on the other will mark the second anniversary of the 25 January in two very different ways. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As the Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party launch a service campaign to commemorate the anniversary, opposition groups are calling for nationwide protests against the ""Brotherhoodization"" of the state, among other demands. In a news conference Tuesday, the Brotherhood and the FJP launched a campaign titled ""Together We Build Egypt,"" which entails offering free healthcare services, renovating around 2,000 schools and attempting to alleviate economic burdens by setting up markets that will sell goods at wholesale prices. Campaign official Mostafa Ghoneim called on ""all sons and daughters of Egypt, who were together as one in the revolution, to start building Egypt - working together again - so this homeland may take its rightful place among the countries of the world, and to provide a great model of civilization building."" He also urged businessmen and civil institutions to participate in the campaign. On the other hand, opposition groups have called for nationwide protests to mark the revolution's second anniversary, reiterating demands for bread, freedom and social justice, as well as fighting the ""Brotherhoodization"" of the state. At a news conference last week at the Journalists Syndicate, 16 political groups said they would participate, including the Dostour Party, the Popular Current, the Kefaya movement, the April 6 Youth Movement Democratic Front and the Free Egyptians Party. The National Salvation Front also announced plans to participate, listing a set of demands including the drafting a constitution that guarantees a democratic system for a civil state, retribution for the revolution's injured and martyrs, as well as the achievement of economic development by better managing national wealth and natural resources. They call for realizing the concept of ""citizenship"" and eradicating discrimination based on gender, religion, color or race, and achieving equality by respecting women's rights as well as guaranteeing free and fair elections. In a statement earlier this week, the NSF said that two years in, the Muslim Brotherhood's mistakes and limitations have accumulated, leading to the deterioration of the economy and amplifying people's sufferings, and affected national and internal security and curtailed freedom. Said Sadek, commentator and political sociology professor at the American University in Cairo, forecasts that Friday will be a ""cocktail of reactions."" With the Muslim Brotherhood's campaign and the opposition planning on taking to the streets, and others planning on just staying put, Sadek explains that it remains unclear which side will prevail. ""The day can pass peacefully or it can turn violent, but we still don't know because revolutions are unpredictable,"" he explains. ""It is still not over in Egypt, it's like an earthquake with an aftershock."" Under tyranny, ""you know what to expect, but with revolutions, it is hard to tell,"" he adds. Only days before the verdicts in the Port Said football violence and 25 January, President Mohamed Morsy issued a decree to consider the massacre's victims among the revolution's martyred and injured. Sadek says this was a strategic decision in attempt to absorb the ultras' anger before the verdict and the anniversary. Ultras organized a roving protest around Cairo Wednesday and threatened to escalate if justice is not served. According to Ikhwanweb, the Brotherhood's English-language website, Ghoneim explained that the campaign extends until 22 February and will be followed by similar initiatives. ""We have focused our efforts on three major projects, including healthcare for a large number of citizens. They begin with providing service to approximately 1 million patients during the first month,"" Ghoneim said at the news conference. ""In the first phase, we are also targeting maintenance, restoration and beautification of about 2,000 schools ... . There is also a project entitled 'Easing the burden on Egyptian households,' which focuses on setting up big flea markets with the help of various charitable organizations and major malls, selling goods at wholesale prices,"" he said. Sadek says the Muslim Brotherhood is playing the stability card with their campaign, juxtaposing that with the protests scheduled for Friday to improve its image. ""They want a split screen on the TVs, one side showing protests and the other showing them offering services only to say 'see, we want stability and development and they want chaos',"" Sadek says. He explains that Islamism depends largely on social, political and economic conservatism, making its main base the countryside and squatter settlements. ""This is what their campaign revolves around development, because they target these people,"" he says. ""Why did they choose to launch this campaign now? Why not a month ago?"" The Brotherhood, however, says it recognizes that the revolution has a long way ahead, with the campaign paving the way. ""Two years in, some of the revolution's objectives have been achieved, but there is still a lot yet to be achieved. The Brotherhood and the FJP, together with patriotic groups and movements are endeavoring to accomplish all these goals,"" Mahmoud Hussein, secretary general of the Muslim Brotherhood, said at the news conference. Ammar Fayed, Brotherhood member and political researcher, agrees, but says the group is avoiding confrontation at all costs on 25 January. ""The anniversary of the revolution calls for taking to the streets since its objectives are not yet fully achieved; however, the Muslim Brotherhood is choosing not to do that to avoid any kind of confrontation with opposition forces,"" he explains. Fayed says the group has no problem with the scheduled protests on Friday, and that if it weren't for the congestion and the risk of altercations, the Brotherhood would have been in the squares too. He says that while the group respects the right to protest, he dismisses calls for bringing down Morsy. ""Morsy was elected by a legitimate vote. If we call for ousting anyone we don't like, we will reach a vicious cycle,"" he says. ""If Morsy leaves, another president will come and others will object to him too."" He maintains, however, that even though there might be streets presence in the form of medical convoys, for example, they will avoid any places where protests are held. One thing is certain though, Sadek says, no matter what happens, 25 January 2013 will ring in a turbulent year for Egypt on the economic, social and political levels. ""Even if Friday passes peacefully, Egypt won't live happily ever after,"" he said."
"170",2013-01-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/25-january-protests-start-thursday-night-continue-friday-across-nation","Activists and political forces are planning a series of marches for the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution, to kick off after Friday prayers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Under the slogan, ""The revolution continues until its goals are met,"" the marches will start across Cairo and Giza and head towards Tahrir Square and the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace. Mass demonstrations are also planned across the governorates. The Constitution Party, the Socialist People's Alliance, the Egyptian Democratic Party, the Adl Party, the Free Egyptians Party, the Tagammu Party, the Wafd Party, the Karama Party, the Democratic Labor Party and the Egyptian Communist Party have all announced that they would participate in Friday's marches. Activist groups and revolutionary parties planning to participate include the April 6 Youth Movement, the Popular Current, the National Association for Change, Kefaya, the Free Front for Peaceful Change, the Second Revolution of Anger, the Union of Revolutionary Youth, the Maspero Youth Union and the Revolutionary Forces Alliance. In East Cairo, marches will assemble at Nour Mosque in Abbasseya and Sa'a Square in Nasser City, and then head to the presidential palace. The Constitution Party is planning two marches; one that will head to the palace from Matariya and Ain Shams University, and another from Maraghy Mosque in Helwan that will head to Tahrir. The Egyptian Social Democratic Party plans to lead marches to Tahrir from Al-Azhar Mosque, Shubra Zawya al-Hamra, the Virgin Church and Mostafa Mahmoud Mosque in Mohandiseen. In Haram, the Second Revolution of Anger plans to demonstrate in front of the Giza Governorate building, in addition to participating in other marches around Cario. The Socialist Popular Alliance Party is planning a protest called ""Down with the state of the Brotherhood"" that would march from Imbaba to Tahrir. They plan to carry banners with statements against the economic policies of the dissolved National Democratic Party, which the SPAP says are still practiced by the Muslim Brotherhood, leading to worsened poverty in the country. The party established a control room for its freedoms and legal support committee to help demonstrators, if subjected to any legal violation. Marches in Cairo may start as early as Thursday night. The Second Revolution of Anger plans to team up with the Ultras Thawragi for a protest called ""The Last Rehearsal,"" or ""The call to overthrow the regime,"" said a statement issued by the movement. The groups plan to start at Mohamed Mahmoud Street, march through downtown and then return to Tahrir to begin a sit-in on the morning of 25 January. In Alexandria, two marched will start at the Two Saints Church and the East City Mosque, and head to Al-Qaed Ibrahim Square. In Kafr El-Sheikh, the Constitution Party, Kefaya and April 6 are planning a march starting at the Stadium Mosque, while the Popular Current and Karama Party are planning a march to start at Sidi Talha Mosque. Other mass demonstrations are planned to take place in Maqzoub Square in Assiut, in front of Rahma Mosque in Port Said and in front of Fath Mosque in Zagazig. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"171",2013-01-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/green-eagle-ultras-storm-suez-canal-port-threaten-shut-down-waterway","The ""Green Eagle"" Ultras in Port Said who support the Masry Club stormed the tourism gate of the city's main port on the Suez Canal googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); on Thursday. The group shot off fireworks, chanted and sang demanding ""a just verdict in the case of the Port Said Stadium massacre."" They marched on the port for half an hour before exiting from Gate 1. ""This is a message that we can break into the port and disable the Suez Canal, the most important world waterway, not just the subway,"" a group member told Al-Masry Al-Youm. He was referring to the Ultras Ahlawy protests in Cairo on Wednesday. Ultras Ahlawy members had besieged the stock market building, marched through the metro system's tunnels and blocked the 6 October Bridge, a vital thoroughfare in Cairo, to demand retribution for the victims of Port Said massacre. Seventy-two Ahly team fans were killed and hundreds were injured on 1 February 2012 when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. Port Said Criminal Court has set Saturday 26 January for the sentencing in the case, in which more than 70 defendants, including nine police officers, face charges for killing or inciting the killing of Ultras members. Some have speculated that the court may adjourn the case due to new evidence announced by the prosecutor general. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"172",2013-01-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursday-s-papers-25-january-starts-early","Days ahead of the 25 January revolution's second anniversary googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , Thursday's papers report on ultras' protests yesterday as a preview of the larger demonstrations expected Friday to commemorate the start of the revolution. The football fans group staged day-long protests demanding justice for their fallen comrades who died when chaos broke out during a football match in Port Said last year. State newspaper Al-Ahram reports on the ultras' protests with criticism of the group for cutting off roads and for the state for not stopping them. The paper leads with the headline, ""The ultras paralyze Cairo traffic and trains in the absence of the state."" Demanding a final verdict in the Port Said Stadium violence case, the ultras surrounded the stock market building and blocked a metro line and the 6th of October Bridge. Considering the ultras' protest the first signs of the rage that will be displayed on the revolution anniversary Friday, the papers lay out the plans of the opposition and the Muslim Brotherhood for the day. Privately owned newspaper Al-Shorouk reports that a Muslim Brotherhood source said the ruling group plans to have gatherings close to the places of protest Friday, ready to intervene in case the protests turn violent. The paper also reports that while opposition forces plan to stage large protests demanding the dismissal of the Cabinet and the dismantlement of the Islamist-dominated Shura Council, Islamists plan to demonstrate in commemoration of the revolution, warning of an Islamic revolution to counter attempts to overthrow the current legitimacy. Islamic columnist Fahmy al-Howeidy writes in Al-Shorouk, ""Let the Muslim Brotherhood stay home."" In his column, Howeidy asks the Brotherhood not to demonstrate in the streets Friday to avoid chances for clashes with opposition groups that could turn violent. In what it calls a special and historic issue, opposition newspaper Al-Tahrir dedicates its issue to proving the Brotherhood has sold out the revolution. The paper starts with a list, stating, ""How the Muslim Brotherhood betrayed the revolution in four steps."" The paper says the Brotherhood first negotiated with the past regime prior to its downfall, then won elections at the expense of revolutionaries. The third step, according to the paper, was killing terrorizing and killing revolutionaries, then finally capitalizing on the blood of the martyrs to win more elections. The paper then, assuming that its views are shared by the masses, announces, ""Why everyone discovered the lies of the Brotherhood."" The paper's answer was that the Brotherhood insisted to continuously tell naive and obvious lies that gave them away. In contrast, the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party highlights the positive ahead of the revolution's anniversary. The paper headlines its front page, ""Egypt is changing."" Throughout the issue, the paper lists all the aspects in which Egypt has enhanced, in its view. In politics, the paper states that the number of parties has doubled. In economy, it mentions increased pensions and wages that prove the economic policies have been serving citizens. The paper states that Egypt has reclaimed its leading regional and international role. And in media, the paper says the government has allowed unlimited criticism of itself. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"173",2013-01-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-saturday-decisive-many","Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); called on ""whoever still believes that blood is not cheap"" to gather at 8 am Saturday outside the Police Academy, where the trial of those accused of killing 72 members of the football fan group is scheduled to be held. The group said in a statement on its Facebook page that ""26 January will be a decisive day in the lives of many people, and might be the last day in others' lives."" ""Being late is not allowed, as this day for sure no excuses can be acceptable,"" the statement said. ""It has been nearly a year since the most atrocious massacre in the history of sport occurred, a massacre planned by the military council dogs, and carried out by the thugs of the Interior [Ministry] in conjunction with a stupid and murdering audience,"" the statement added, referring to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which ruled the country at the time of the events last year. The violence broke out last year on 1 February at a match between Ahly and Masry football teams when Masry fans stormed the pitch after their team's victory and attacked Ahly fans. But many, including Ultras Ahlawy, have at least in part blamed security forces for the violence. ""Marches, sit-ins and protests have not stopped, and the tears of mothers have not yet dried up, after they have lost the most precious and irreplaceable thing they owned,"" the statement said. The ultras implied in their statement that the 72 members of its group died because ""they changed against a regime that did not give value to blood."" Ultras played an instrumental role during the 25 January revolution, as well as protests during the transition period. Ultras Ahlawy said other group members were ready to lose their lives. ""[Saturday] may be the last day in the life of other people, people who are pursuing their rights even if it costs them their lives."" It said those who ""masterminded"" the attacks ""have no choice but death,"" and concluded with a call to join their protests: ""Come down, mobilize and participate, and the rights cannot be lost. Glory to martyrs."" The statement comes after Ultras Ahlawy escalated their demonstrations Wednesday, blocking a metro train and the 6th of October Bridge, and protesting outside the stock exchange. A court is scheduled to issue a verdict in the case Saturday. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"174",2013-01-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/clashes-erupt-alexandria-protests-0","Two districts in Alexandria googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); were overrun by violent clashes Friday, between protesters decrying President Mohamed Morsy, the Interior Ministry and the ""Brotherhoodization of the state,"" and security forces and local residents. Injuries in the coastal city were among the hundreds reported nationwide. The day began with thousands marching from east Alexandria to downtown. The Muslim Brotherhood did not participate in the demonstrations, instead organizing charitable activities throughout the city. Calm prevailed in most neighborhoods. In the morning, protesters blocked the corniche and the metro lines in front of Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque. The roads reopened again after they left. After Friday prayers at the mosque, where controversial Sheikh Ahmed al-Mahalawy was absent this week, two more marches headed to the local council. Prominent political activists and several ultras youth participated, and were joined later by thousands more. Protesters clashed with security forces outside the council building for several hours, hurling rocks and Molotov cocktails as security personnel responded with tear gas. Some protesters headed to the court in the Manshiya district, chanting, ""Go means leave, and don't say no,"" ""The people want to bring down the regime,"" ""The Interior Ministry remains the same: thugs, thugs,"" and ""Down with the rule of the supreme guide."" In Manshiya, residents and shop owners clashed with protesters. Security officers closed the police station with iron chains and shot tear gas at the protesters, who retreated temporarily only to return in even larger numbers. Security forces outside the criminal court fired gunshots into the air to disperse protesters who they said were attempting to storm the court. Both groups threw rocks at each other, injuring many, until Central Security Forces separated the two sides. Protesters then joined their counterparts at the local council. Shop owners in the area closed their establishments. The activists who had planned the council protest denied they had anything to do with the attempts to storm the court. Masked youth dominated the scene both around the court and the council. It was unclear if they wore the masks to hide their identities or to avoid inhaling tear gas. In the afternoon a massive march kicked off from Sharq al-Madina Mosque headed to downtown. They chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Interior Ministry and Morsy. They raised images of the martyrs of the revolution and demanded justice for their deaths. The Black Bloc protesters besieged an apartment building in the Al-Qaed Ibrahim area where TV channel crews had set up their cameras. They demanded the Al-Jazeera Channel crew leave, accusing them of bias and distorting the truth. Residents in the building safely got the crew out of the building two hours later. The Health Ministry reported several injuries from the clashes, ranging from respiratory damage due to tear gas, to cuts. They denied reports of injuries from birdshot or live ammunition. No deaths were reported. The protests in front of the local council continued into late Friday evening, with the number of demonstrators steadily increasing. Anas al-Qady, the Muslim Brotherhood's Alexandria spokesperson, said in a statement: ""We organized today 63 charity fairs, 49 medical convoys, eight festivals for youth employemnt providing 6,000 jobs, 23 campaigns for paving streets ... and 16 campaigns for gardening, painting sidewalks and walls."" He added that about 130,000 Alexandria residents would benefit from these campaigns. ""This is the difference between the Muslim Brotherhood's commemoration of the revolution, and other forces which claim to be civilian, but [commemorated] the revolution by burning and spreading violence and chaos,"" the statement said. He accused the opposition of ""political bankruptcy and attempting to stage a coup against legitimacy."""
"175",2013-01-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-trial-verdict-prove-decisive-both-sides","googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Promises of ""retribution or chaos"" are sprayed in graffiti on the walls of central Cairo and its metro stations, signed by the Ultras Ahlawy ahead of 26 January, when a decisive verdict in the Port Said massacre is due. In February 2012, members of the Ahly football fan club were attacked by fans of Port Said's Masry club and, some say, a group of unknown assailants, after the Egyptian National League game between the two teams. Out of all the violent incidents that took place during the country's transitional military rule after President Hosni Mubarak stepped down, the Port Said massacre brought the highest death toll. Since then, most football activities in Egypt have been suspended and in recent days, ultras members have escalated protests demanding retribution. The verdict is expected just a day after the second anniversary of the 25 January uprising. On Friday, the day-long protests commemorating the revolution with marches denouncing the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm and President Mohamed Morsy turned violent at night in cities across the country. At least eight deaths were reported in the city of Suez, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm, and more than 380 injuries were reported nationwide - most in the same city. Despite heightened security, Saturday is likely to be another violent day, and rumors have abounded of a possible delay in the court verdict as an attempt to quell the mounting anger. The Public Prosecution's request this week to reopen arguments and enter new evidence has also fueled speculation. During several protests Ultras Ahlawy protests and on the club's Facebook page, members have pledged that if the verdict does not bring ""retribution for the mothers of the martyrs,"" then authorities should expect the ""anger of the ultras and ensuing chaos that will pervade the country."" On Wednesday, within the span of about four hours, hundreds of ultras organized a roving protest around central Cairo. They began with a sit-in in front of the old stock exchange building, then blocked a central metro line, and later, they halted traffic on the 6th of October Bridge. The group said in a statement on its Facebook page that ""26 January will be a decisive day in the lives of many people."" The violence broke out last year on 1 February at a match between Ahly and Masry football teams when Masry fans stormed the pitch after their team's victory and attacked rival fans. But many, including the Ultras Ahlawy, have at least in part blamed security forces for the violence. Ultras played an instrumental role during the 25 January revolution, as well as in mobilizing protests during the transition period. Legal complications From a legal perspective, the case itself is quite complicated, and no matter the outcome, one of both camps will likely be furious. The fate of the 73 defendants facing trial is surrounded by mystery and confusion for the different parties involved: the families of the victims, the people of Port Said and the defense team of the accused. The former group will not accept a verdict short of across the board convictions, while defense attorneys are fighting for acquittals, arguing that the assault on Ahly's fans was carried out by infiltrators from outside the city. Indicators point to a possible delay in the ruling to head off the protest momentum of the ultras and other revolutionary movements, but also for legal reasons, namely the absence of the accused from the courtroom. The interior minister said earlier this week that the court had agreed the defendants would not be transferred from Port Said to Cairo for the verdict in order to prevent violence from breaking out. The judge could also say 'extraordinary circumstances' call for a postponement. On Monday - with five days before the sentencing date - the prosecutor general presented a memorandum requesting that the court consider new evidence, allow arguments to be reopened and add six defendants to the case based on the recent report of a government fact-finding committee. The court now faces several possible scenarios: accept the prosecution's request, in which case the proceedings on both sides would be reopened, or refer the entire case back to the prosecutor general to conduct investigations anew. Another possibility is for the court to reject this new evidence and to issue the verdict according to the proceedings thus far. ""This is a major event,"" saws lawyer and former parliamentarian Mohamed Anwar al-Sadat. ""There are political and economic pressures on the country and on the ruling regime. A political maneuver with the aim of avoiding the possibility of angering the people is inevitable."" He says that while the prosecutor's request is legally permissible, ""the question now is the value of this evidence. It is feared that the introduction of evidence is only motivated by a desire to pressure a postponement in the verdict. I was part of [an earlier] fact-finding committee formed by the People's Assembly [which has since been dissolved] and we did not prove the involvement of any other parties in the case."" The prosecution's new evidence came to light after a report submitted in December by a fact-finding committee formed by Morsy last July to investigate violent incidents and protester deaths that took place between 25 January 2011 and 30 June 2012 - the period from the start of the uprising until Morsy was sworn into office. Although members of the committee described the prosecutor general's evidence as weak in statements to the media, they also doubted that their conclusions could be used merely for the purpose of easing political pressure on the regime. Ahmed Ragheb, director of the Hisham Mubarak Law Center and member of the fact-finding committee, told Al-Watan, a privately owned newspaper, ""I feel that the decision of the prosecutor general to send the committee's complete report to the court was out of a desire to force the court to repeat the procedures of hearing the case, fearing the reaction that might ensue after the sentence."" Taqadom al-Khateeb, a political activist and also member of the committee, says the new evidence may change the outcome. Khateeb tells Egypt Independent: ""If there is political will from the side of President Morsy's regime to reopen investigations in the case, I expect new names and facts to be revealed."" He refused to disclose the identities of the new defendants or to reveal the content of the new evidence, but according to media reports, defendants include former members of the disbanded National Democratic Party. Port Said Inspector Khalid Mohamed al-Namnam is among nine high-ranking security personnel who top the list of defendants, namely Essam Samak, the head of Port Said's Security Directorate at the time of the tragedy. Those following the case from the start see things differently. Safwat Abdel Hameed, head of the Port Said branch of the Lawyers Syndicate and member of the defense team for the accused, says the evidence in the case has been weak from the start and is insufficient to incriminate the Port Said residents. Abdel Hameed says, ""Forensic reports prove that most of the victims died as a result of suffocation as they scrambled to find an exit. This means that there was no intention of murder on part of Masry fans, and that the charge of premeditated murder leveled against them has to be changed to an accusation that has to do with rioting and disturbances or something of the sort."" ""It could not be proven that there was an agreement among the defendants to carry out the crime that happened on the spur of the moment,"" Abdel Hameed says. He expects many defendants to be acquitted and a few to receive sentences that range from 10 to 15 years, that is, if there's sufficient proof to tie their attack on protesters to the deaths. ""The arrest of the defendants took place days after the match in a random manner and depending on the initial investigations of the police. I don't know why they would include this evidence now, only days before the verdict. The report of the fact-finding committee has been ready for around a month; this is just an attempt by the prosecutor general to postpone the verdict in order to avoid a crisis on the streets of Cairo or Port Said. ""It could have been presented by the persecution in the shape of an appeal on Saturday's ruling,"" he says. Manal Mostafa, member of the defense team for the victims, rejects this view. ""One week before the game, there were threats by Masry fans that Ahly fans coming from Cairo will meet their death,"" she says. ""How can you perceive that there was no intention of murder?"" She adds that police are also complicit as evidenced by two points. The first is the failure of Central Security Forces to deter Masry fans from going down to the pitch and cross to the Ahly side. The second, and more important, she says, is the conduct of one of the officers. ""Mohamed Saad, among the defendants, closed the emergency exit door located behind the seats of Ahly fans before the end of the game for no apparent reason. This act facilitated and accelerated the mission of the assailants and ended the victims' hopes of reaching the emergency exit,"" she says. The Port Said Criminal Court accepted the request of the Interior Ministry not to transfer the defendants from the Port Said prison where they are currently being held, to Cairo where the trial proceedings have been ongoing at the Police Academy since April, coinciding with the tail end of the Hosni Mubarak trial at the same venue. Families of the defendants are continuing their sit-in in front of this Port Said prison, setting up 40 tents there to guarantee that the ministry does not rescind on its decision to keep the defendants away from Cairo. Ali Spicy, member of the Ultras Green Eagles, supporters of Masry Club, says, ""The Port Saidis are not people who commit acts like this. They don't kill anyone. I am sure there are people who infiltrated the crowds. ""I was present during the game and I left only a short while before it ended. My colleagues told me that there were strangers sitting among us and that they were the ones who went down to the field to beat up Ahly fans."" He adds that any verdict other than an acquittal would result in a request by residents of the governorate for a symbolic secession from Egypt. Ali Mohsen, father of martyr Omar Mohsen, says, ""Regardless of the identity of those who committed the murder, the result is that my son is dead and someone must have surely killed him. ""I have a feeling that this case will not end this way. If I don't get my son's rights, I will accuse those who were in charge of the country at the time. I will accuse Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi as one of those responsible. I feel that this case is bigger than just the 73 defendants and that something is still hidden. 26 January may just be the beginning of the case."""
"176",2013-01-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/two-families-remember-their-martyred-and-missing-sons","In the second anniversary of an uprising that erupted against poverty, injustice and oppression, demands for the rights of martyrs and those injured continue to resonate at protests. Their families are left to grieve, with no hope of retribution in sight. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Despite the myriad of changes on the political and social fronts, for many of these families, it's more of the same and little can be done to alleviate their profound sense of loss. Meanwhile, more acquittals are granted to police officers implicated in the killing of protesters and violations against revolutionaries, with no genuine mechanism of transitional justice on the horizon. Left behind are memories of lost family members, with the photos adorning the walls of their homes a stark and painful reminder of their loss. Egypt Independent spoke to two families, one whose son is a revolution martyr and another whose son has been missing since the events of 25 January 2011. Two years on, their sentiment is one of bitter anguish and a lingering pain from neglect and the absence of retribution. Hosni Mubarak's ouster, followed by an 18-month transition under military rule, led to Egypt's first elected civilian president in late June, with the passing of a highly divisive Constitution six months later. During this time, protests have continued and clashes have erupted between protesters and security forces, leading to more violence, deaths and disappearances. At the start of every one of these phases - a new ruler, a new Cabinet, a new Parliament - came a spark of hope that someone would be held accountable or some answers would finally be found. That hope is consistently and swiftly doused - a disappointment felt most by the families of those who have lost their lives in the process. 'Morsy deceived us' As Dr. Wafaa, mother of martyr Mohamed Mostafa, killed during the Cabinet clashes in December 2011, awaits justice for her son, she says she was deceived by President Mohamed Morsy. In a televised appearance in June, amid a fierce runoff between Morsy and presidential hopeful Ahmed Shafiq, Wafaa told Morsy in a phone-in to ""Akher Al-Nahar"" talk show that she would vote for him because she cannot vote for the killer of her son. Thousands listened to the aggrieved mother as she spoke to the Muslim Brotherhood's presidential candidate, who promised that justice would finally be served if elected. Her words and support to Morsy resonated with many ahead of the critical vote. ""Do not worry, Wafaa, the right of your son is my personal responsibility,"" said Morsy at the time. Months later, the broken hearted mother says she was deceived. ""We were trapped between the worst two options: Morsy or Shafiq, the Brotherhood or the old regime. But it was Mubarak's military regime who killed my son - I had to vote for Morsy,"" says Wafaa. ""We were deceived by the Brotherhood and we have become a split nation. Morsy is living in a world of his own, a world of his own people and his own tribe,"" she says nervously in a phone call from Saudi Arabia, where she is currently performing the Umrah pilgrimage. Photos of martyr Mohamed Mostafa are prevalent around the six-story building in Cairo's Nasr City, and when asked for directions, shop owners in the surrounding streets are quick to point out the martyr's house. Graffiti of the 19-year-old engineering student, shot during clashes between protesters and military forces in front of the Cabinet building in December 2011, cover the walls by the stairs leading to his apartment. On the door hangs a photo of him. Inside, pictures of a young and hopeful Mohamed are everywhere you look. ""Mohamed was shot on 21 December. I was always checking on him during the clashes. He was shot with a pellet in his arm and leg [and died a day later],"" Mohamed's sister, Mayada, says, while standing in his room, surrounded by his clothes and small mementos. ""These are photos of him in a swimming competition,"" she says, flipping through one of numerous photo albums of her martyred brother. ""These were his friends, and this photo was the last one before he died - with a new haircut."" The family is convinced that the brutal killing of 74 Ahlawy ultras - groups of hardcore football fans who were instrumental during revolutionary protests - in early 2012 at the Port Said Stadium is related to Mohamed's death. ""Mohamed was an ultras member. After his death, the ultras community was moved by the tragedy and, for the first time, chanted against military rule at one of the matches before the massacre in Port Said happened,"" Mayada says. ""I'm sure this massacre was a warning to get the ultras to stop intervening in politics,"" she adds. At the football match in January 2012, Ultras Ahlawy entered the stadium and formed a big picture of Mohamed's face, a poignant moment for the millions watching. ""The game was aired live on national TV, and it might be the first time many Egyptians heard chants against military rule,"" she says. Her mother, Wafaa, says the only choice for Egyptians is to continue the revolution, and adds that making people more politically and socially aware is a prerequisite for any measure of success. ""Those who vote for the Brotherhood and are deceived by their propaganda need to be aware of their true face and know that they are no different from Mubarak and the military,"" she says. ""I have given the most precious thing I have: my son. What else can I give?"" she asks. For family members, it is the mundane and simple details that tear at their hearts. ""Here are new shoes he bought so he could wear them in the cold weather,"" Mayada says, recounting his plans to visit the US. ""These are clothes he'd just picked up from the cleaners."" ""When I look at pictures, I touch the photo and I feel as if I'm touching his skin. I can feel him around me,"" Mayada says, clutching the photo album close to her chest, her eyes watery with unshed tears. ""We seem strong in front of people and the media, but God knows how we spend our nights."" Tales of the lost On 28 January 2011, Mohamed Seddiq, 27 at the time, left home for Friday prayers at the nearby mosque, just like millions of Egyptians do every week. But this was no normal Friday. Seddiq knew something extraordinary was going to happen on that day. He had already decided to go the protests, subseuently dubbed the ""Friday of Anger,"" and planned on actively taking part in the uprising. But when Mubarak stepped down on 11 February, and as millions celebrated in the streets, the mood was very different for Seddiq's family. ""On 11 February, the same day of Mubarak's ouster, he called to tell me he'd been arrested. I've heard nothing from him ever since,"" says Sabah, a mother who has not known the whereabouts or fate of her son for the last two years. ""He was going to Friday prayers like everyone else. I knew he was going to take part in the protests, but I never imagined it would be this serious,"" Sabah tells Egypt Independent. His mobile phone was switched off throughout the 18 days of the uprising and she only heard from him on that landmark day in Egypt's history. Months later, in one of her tireless attempts to call his phone in the hope that he would answer, someone did pick up. But it was not her son's voice. In an angry tone, the voice on the phone said he was a soldier at al-Gabal al-Ahmar Prison. ""We will teach you not to revolt ever again,"" Sabah says the man told her threateningly. She met Morsy two days before the runoff and was promised an investigation into the cases of all missing revolutionaries. ""Nothing has happened since. I only managed to find out from police that my son received a three-year prison sentence - but for what and where? I don't know,"" she says. A campaign called Hanla2ihom, Arabic for ""We will find them,"" has been launched to look into the cases of those missing, whose total number is unknown. Campaign members say those who went missing may have been tried in front of military courts with their cases unregistered. Rights activists say most civilians who faced military trials were randomly arrested by army and police forces and received long prison sentences while their families were never notified. A list of 1,200 missing civilians was sent to former Prime Minister Essam Sharaf for investigation but this inquisition never materialized. What's more, the list of missing persons has never been updated, even though more disappearances were reported during the Mohamed Mahmoud and Cabinet clashes in November and December 2011. Families complain about the lack of transparency and cooperation from security forces. While they toured prisons around the country, they still have no access to their children. Rights activists say forced disappearances are a violation more severe than murder. As time drags on, families of the missing wait in anticipation for their return, amid a mix of hope, fear and pain."
"177",2013-01-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-least-nine-deaths-reported-armed-forces-deployed-suez","At least eight deaths were reported in the Suez Governorate late Friday, as well as one death in Ismailia, according to medical and security sources in the area, after protests there turned violent on the day marking the 25 January 2011 uprising, where the first martyr also fell in Suez. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Reports say armed forces have been deployed in Suez to secure strategic institutions. Armed Personnel Carriers and army vehicles were sighted in the governorate. Sources told Al-Masry Al-Youm that six protesters and two security forces have been killed in the clashes. Officials also said 280 people have been injured in the city, according to Reuters. There are also reports of a death in Ismailia, raising the death toll to nine in two governorates. The Health Ministry has reported only seven deaths, and more than 450 injuries in separate governorates. There were calls for major protests in Upper Egypt, Nile Delta and the North Coast, including the governorates of Aswan, Qena, the Red Sea, Assiut, Minya, Gharbiya, Kafr al-Sheikh, Damietta, Daqahlia, Suez and Alexandria. By mid-afternoon, protests quickly turned violent in cities across the nation. Numerous injuries have been reported nationwide and clashes are ongoing in Suez, Alexandria and in Cairo's Tahrir Square. Hundreds of protesters stormed the front gate of the Kafr al-Sheikh Governorate headquarters on Friday evening. They demanded that the head of the governorate's security directorate hand over the building completely, or they would escalate their actions. The protesters said a revolutionary committee would take control of the directorate. They also demanded that Kafr al-Sheikh Governor Saad al-Husseiny, the FJP's former MP of the dissolved Parliament, step down, and chanted anti-Brotherhood slogans. Meanwhile in Suez Governorate, 12 police officers were injured in the ongoing clashes between protesters and security forces, said Suez Security Directorate head Major General Adel Refaat. Clashes continue to escalate in the area on Friday evening, as police forces fire barrages of tear gas canisters and protesters set fire to car tires. Earlier in the day thousands flocked to Arbaeen Square after Friday prayers, chanting slogans against the Brotherhood. Heightened security measures were implemented around government institutions there. The protests quickly turned violent when hundreds of demonstrators allegedly tried to storm the governorate headquarters in the afternoon, pelting security forces with rocks. Police responded by firing tear gas canisters into the crowd. Hit-and-run operations between the two sides continued throughout the day outside the municipal building and in the surrounding streets. Demonstrators chanted, ""Bread, freedom, the president lost legitimacy,"" and held banners reading: ""Two years since the revolution, and Egypt still needs another revolution,"" ""The Brotherhood gave up the cause,"" and ""The revolution continues."" Dozens stormed the FJP office in Damanhur, capital of Beheira Governorate in the Delta. Protesters smashed the contents of the office and tore down its banner, then hurled stones at the Central Security Forces to prevent them from approaching. Hundreds of protesters also clashed with security forces near President Mohamed Morsy's home in Sharqiya on Friday afternoon. Protesters hurled Molotov cocktails and rocks at the police, who responded with tear gas. Violence also broke out in Ismailia when hundreds stormed the FJP's headquarters in Ismailia City. They reportedly destroyed the office's entrance, then ripped apart the furniture and computers and threw them into the street. Security forces fired tear gas to disperse the protesters, causing some to be hospitalized for suffocation. In Beni Suef Governorate, protesters blocked the railways, causing a complete halt of train traffic between Cairo and Aswan. Similar incidents occurred in Gharbiya Governorate, in the cities of Mahalla and Kafr al-Zayat. After Friday prayers in North Sinai's Arish City, hundreds gathered in front of Al-Refaei Mosque to demand the fall of the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide. Protesters chanted against President Mohamed Morsy and the Brotherhood, proclaiming that the revolution would continue until the goals of the revolution are achieved. They condemned the government's alleged ""begging and resorting to Qatar."" Islamist forces began to clash with the protesters, until bystanders intervened and convinced the Brotherhood supporters to leave the mosque. Protests also transformed into violent confrontations in Alexandria Governorate by Friday afternoon. Ambulances have transferred dozens of injured protesters to hospitals from the area surrounding the Kom al-Dikka municipality building. Security forces have been engaged in violent combat with protesters there, who were allegedly trying to storm the municipal building. Reported injuries include suffocation from heavy clouds of tear gas fired by the Central Security Forces and wounds resulting from stone throwing battles. There are also reports of birdshot injuries. Attacks and retreats between police and protesters continue in the streets surrounding the building. Also in Alexandria Governorate, in Manshiya, hundreds of protesters reportedly besieged the court complex. Al-Ahram reported that gun shots were heard inside the complex. Security forces have been stationed around the area. Protesters also allegedly tried to storm the Manshiya Police Station, Al-Ahram said. They hurled stones while police, trapped on the building's roof, fired gunshots into the air. Earlier this afternoon in Alexandria, masked protesters stopped the trams as they prepared to set the stage for a mass demonstration. The protesters identified themselves as the ""Ultras Freedom Eagles,"" and said this was just the first of many escalating actions they would take today. There were about 10 of the protesters, each wearing black masks. They used traffic control barricades to block the tram lines. Another group of masked protesters dressed in black also blocked the corniche in Alexandria, forcing traffic to reroute. A similar group calling itself the Black Bloc made its first appearance in Cairo on Thursday. They appeared in black outfits and masks, and clashed with police forces at Qasr al-Aini Street. The group stated that it would target the police if they used violence against protesters. A number of political forces announced an open-ended sit-in in Al-Khaledien Garden in front of the Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque in Alexandria to demand the fall of the regime, and denounce what they called the Brotherhoodization of state. The Congress Party, Tagammu Party and other political movements are participating. Protesters set up two tents, claiming that there numbers would increase after prayers. They stressed they would not break up their sit-in before their demands are met. Dozens gathered outside the mosque to check the ID cards of those coming to join the sit-in. An ambulance was present, but as of Friday morning there were no police in the area. Sources close to Sheikh Ahmed al-Mahalawy, the mosque's imam, said Mahalawy would not deliver Friday sermon because he is recovering from mouth surgery. Furthermore, the source said, Mahalawy had wanted to deliver the sermon, but some advised him not to in order to prevent clashes. A number of activists and political forces in Alexandria announced on Facebook they would stage several protests and marches, including a march from Sharq al-Madina Mosque opposite the Two Saints Church, and a march from Bakous district. Elsewhere, three different marches from different areas in Ismailia arrived at the central Mamar Square this afternoon. Protesters chanted, ""Down with the supreme guide's rule"" and ""people want to topple the regime."" In Mansoura, the capital of Daqahlia Governorate, six marches kicked off after Friday prayers. Hundreds of protesters chanted against the regime and demanded immediate policy reform, particularly concerning the economy. The Dostour, Strong Egypt, Nasr and Popular Current parties led four marches, while the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists led the other two, chanting ""one hand."" The atmosphere became tense when one march passed a Muslim Brotherhood-sponsored fair handing out food to celebrate the revolution. ""We are here today to celebrate the anniversary of the revolution, and make it clear to the government that things are still as they were before the revolution,"" said Ayman al-Diasty, chief of the April 6's media committee. All six marches converged at the Martyrs' Square in the center of Mansoura by 4:30 pm, joining almost 3,000 protesters who were already in place. Dr. Mohamed Ghoniem, a well-known surgeon and founder of the Ghoniem Nephrology Center, refused to give a speech, saying: ""We're all here today as equals, and we all know the purpose of our presence."" The surrounding protesters cheered and chanted, ""The people want to bring down the regime."" However, protesters in the square did engage in a debate about their actual goal - whether it was the complete fall of the regime, or just the dissolution of the Cabinet, which could be replaced with a technocratic one. ""The liberals still don't have a candidate for the presidential post,"" said Mohamed Adel, an activist. He claimed that even if the Brotherhood did step down from power, they would end up being reelected, as the majority of the people weren't informed about other options. Protester Nada Tarek discussed the results of the presidential election, saying ""Hamdeen Sabbahi and [Abdel Moneim] Abouel Fotouh both got a lot of votes. I'm not saying that we have to elect one of them, but I'm trying to clarify that when the people have the choice now that they know how the Brotherhood acts when in charge, they will make sure to take the right decision."" The debate was interrupted by more chants as protesters prepared to divide into two groups to march through Mansoura again. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"178",2013-01-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-prosecutor-general-forms-team-investigate-violence-sabotage-friday-demos","Two years ago today, Egyptians took to the streets to protest the oppressive regime of former President Hosni Mubarak, demanding bread, freedom and social justice. When protests began on 25 January 2011, there was no intention to topple Mubarak, but the demands quickly grew larger, snowballing over the 18 days of the revolution. The protests were organized over Facebook by youth with no political affiliations. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Today, Egyptians are taking to the streets again with the same demands. No one can predict the outcome of today's protests, which will likely continue into tomorrow as the Ultras Ahlawy protest the verdict in the Port Said massacre trial due to be issued Saturday. Protests were initially called for by the National Salvation Front, headed up by Nobel laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, a prominent reform advocate and founder of the Constitution Party. The call to protest targeted the Muslim Brotherhood's domination of politics. Opposition groups accuse the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party of replacing the now dissolved National Democratic Party - the former ruling party of the Mubarak regime. After a day filled with clashes, attacks and the alleged storming of government buildings across the nation, Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah ordered investigations into reported acts of violence and sabotage. Hassan Yassin, official spokesperson for the prosecution, said that a team of 15 prosecutors has been formed to investigate all reports submitted to the authorities. Violent clashes erupted Friday evening on Mohamed Mahmoud Street after protesters hurled Molotov cocktails near the Interior Ministry, setting fire to part of a building adjacent to the ministry. Security forces intensified their barrage of tear gas in an attempt to disperse the protesters. At the same time, dozens of protesters blocked the Corniche in front of Maspero, the state television building. Traffic was halted as protesters chanted slogans demanding the media, judiciary and Interior Ministry be purged of corruption. The presence of security forces around the building intensified in anticipation of potential violence. They fired tear gas to disperse the crowds. Several news outlets also reported that protesters blocked the metro system and were standing on the tracks, halting trains at Saad Zaghloul, Sadat and Gamal Abdel Nasser. Despite calls for peaceful protest, violence has punctuated the demonstrations throughout the day. Mohamed Sultan, head of Ambulance Authority, said Friday evening that at least 110 people were injured in today's clashes across the country. Magdy Abdel Atif, editor of the Muslim Brotherhood's Ikhwan Online website, alleged an unidentified group stormed the website's headquarters in downtown Cairo on Friday evening. He claimed the attackers were ""paid terrorists"" who smashed all the computers and technical equipment in the office. The website team moved to another location to continue working. Abdel Atif accused the Interior Ministry of negligence in their failure to protect the headquarters, although it was the object of a similar attack two days ago. Earlier in the afternoon, unidentified assailants allegedly stationed on the roof of that same building where Ikwhan Online's office is located attacked the march from Shubra to Tahrir as it approached the square. The assailants threw Molotov cocktails and stones down at the protesters. Some demonstrators were allegedly armed and responded with gunfire, while others reportedly retaliated by setting merchandise being sold by street vendors in the area ablaze, then preventing security forces from extinguishing the fire. Two protesters were reportedly injured in the altercations. Minor clashes broke out on Friday morning between protesters and security forces at the intersection of Sheikh Rehan Street and Qasr al-Aini Street, state-run news agency MENA reported. Protesters hurled stones at security forces behind the concrete wall at Sheikh Rehan Street. Others tried to intervene to stop the clashes. The clashes refueled in the afternoon. Eyewitnesses told Egypt Independent that police forces fired tear gas canisters at protesters from behind the wall on Qasr al-Aini Street, which the Armed Forces rebuilt on Thursday evening after protesters nearly succeeded in tearing it down. ""[Tear gas] canisters fly just over our heads; it's very strong,"" said 28-year-old protester Alaa Eddin Mostafa. Kareem Abu Zaid, a 28-year-old teacher who joined the protests in Tahrir from a remote village in Minya, told Egypt Independent that ""the revolution has been hijacked. We want to complete the revolution's goals."" ""The situation is getting tougher under the Brotherhood's rule - unemployment is on the rise, and jobs are harder to find,"" he continued. The Health Ministry announced that at least four have been injured in the Sheikh Rehan clashes, while the Interior Ministry reported that at least six police officers were injured at the scene. The stage for violence had been set when protesters clashed with security forces at the Qasr al-Aini entrance to Tahrir throughout the day on Thursday, injuring at least eight as the demonstrators tried to tear down the wall. Aside from the clashes, major marches kicked off across Cairo and headed to Tahrir after Friday prayers early this afternoon. They began to arrive in the square around 4 pm. Thousands coming from Al-Nour Mosque in Abbasseya poured into Tahrir chanting against the Brotherhood. Protesters told Al-Masry Al-Youm that they decided to participate because nothing had changed since the Brotherhood took the helm of the country. In Mohandiseen, thousands of protesters met at Mostafa Mahmoud Mosque and began marching downtown. They chanted, ""Down with the supreme guide's rule,"" ""Shave your beard, show your disgrace, your face will look like Mubarak's."" Other chants accused the Brotherhood of selling Sinai. National Salvation Front members Mohamed ElBaradei, Amr Hamzawy, Hamdeen Sabbahi, director Khaled Youssef and Yousry Nasrallah led the march. Sabbahi made a quick exit with his entourage, witnesses reported. Wael Ghoneim was also present. During the march, ElBaradei told Al-Masry Al-Youm that Morsy must listen to protesters' demands, or leave office. There has been no positive progress since Morsy assumed power six months ago, ElBaradei said, which is why today is an occasion for protests and not celebrations. During the same march, Sabbahi said that the people want real social justice, warning that the state must understand that demand or suffer the consequences. Sabbahi said that sacking the current prosecutor general is one of the protesters' main demands, as well as the dissolution of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's Cabinet. The next demand could be bringing down the regime, he added. Morsy has to carry out serious reforms before it is too late, including achieving justice for the martyrs of the revolution, drafting a new constitution and holding parliamentary elections under a neutral Cabinet, Sabbahi continued. Several protesters in the march held flags for Sabbahi's Popular Current party, while others carried posters with pictures of iconic Egyptian women and the El-Setat logo, a symbol of women's rights. Writer Mohamed al-Adl, a participant in the march, said that the protests are peaceful and are intended to bring down the regime. Morsy lost legitimacy after the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace sit-in was broken up by force, Adl argued. Workers' rights lawyer and former presidential candidate Khaled Ali, who joined the march from Imbaba to Tahrir, echoed Adl's contention that Morsy lost face when he allowed blood to be shed in the clashes at the presidential palace. The revolution was meant to bring down an oppressive regime and build a new democratic state that would guarantee social justice - but Morsy has not achieved that, Ali said. He called for the end of the new Brotherhood regime, saying: ""Morsy ... kept Mubarak's regime as it is, and has just substituted him with some Muslim Brotherhood members."" In addition to the Mohandiseen and Imbaba marches, three different demonstrations left from Sayeda Zeinab Mosque, Fatah Mosque in Ramses Square and Shubra Square. Protesters carried photographs of revolutionary martyrs. Strong Egypt party head Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh joined the march from Istiqama Mosque in Giza to Tahrir after rumors circulated that he wouldn't participate. He gave a short speech to his supporters, and then left briefly due to fatigue. ""No party will succeed in dominating the Egyptian state; Egypt is bigger than any faction,"" he said, adding that those who took to the streets in January 2011 must protest today to see the demands of the revolution through. The march from Istiqama Mosque had splintered into factions, with one group heading to the square while the other waited at the mosque for Abouel Fotouh to arrive. The split came after some members of the Strong Egypt Party objected to other protesters' calls for bringing down the regime and Morsy's removal. Other protesters were angered when Abouel Fotouh was late for the march and decided to leave without him. Doaa Abdel Hady, a member of the Strong Egypt Party's media committee, said Abouel Fotouh was late because he suffered back pain. Some party members decided to go ahead with the march and wait for him in Tahrir. After a period of calm on Thursday night, protesters began gathering in the iconic square early Friday morning, demonstrating first in front of the Mugamma. They chanted, ""The people want to bring down the regime,"" ""I am not an infidel; I am not an atheist,"" ""Down with the supreme guide rule,"" ""We either bring their rights or die like them,"" ""Oh president of the republic, where are your revolutionary promises?"" and ""Oh our homeland, revolt, we do not want a constitutional declaration."" Participants demanded retribution for the martyrs, retrials for those accused of responsibility for their deaths, purging the Interior Ministry of corruption, dismissing Qandil's Cabinet, dismissing Abdallah, redrafting the new Constitution, setting minimum and maximum wages and imposing price controls. Some protesters demanded the fall of the regime. Political forces that announced participation in Friday's protests included the Constitution Party, Free Egyptians Party, Wafd Party, the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, April 6 Youth Movement, the Revolutionary Socialists, the National Association for Change, the Kefaya movement, the Youth for Freedom and Justice movement, the Maspero Youth Union and the Union of Revolutionary Youth. Protesters hung banners around the square emblazoned with their demands, such as: ""No to the prosecutor general,"" ""No to military trials,"" ""Minimum wage rate,"" ""Religion for God, homeland for all,"" ""No to the Brotherhoodization of the state"" and ""Bread, freedom, social justice, human dignity."" Popular committees guarded entrances to the square, checking the IDs of all those entering Tahrir. Street vendors were present en masse, hoping to earn considerable profits by selling drinks and food to the expected large number of protesters. Islamist forces announced they would not take part in any protests Friday, including the Muslim Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party, Jama'a al-Islamiya and its Construction and Development Party, the Salafi Front and the Nour Party. The Muslim Brotherhood announced they would celebrate the revolution by planting a large number of trees. Edited translation from MENA"
"179",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/21-port-said-football-violence-defendants-sentenced-death","A Cairo court sentenced 21 of the defendants in the Port Said football violence case to death Saturday morning. The fate of the rest of the 75 defendants is to be determined in another hearing set for 9 March. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); However, the five senior policement accused in the case were not among the defendants sentenced to death. Shortly before the judge read out the sentence, the court's secretary called the names of the five senior security officers accused in the case, including the former head of the Port Said Security Directorate and four of his aides. However, the policemen's sentences will be announced on 9 March. The five policemen were present in the courtroom at the Police Academy in New Cairo despite earlier statements from sources within the prosecution saying that none of the defendants would show up. The courtroom was already filled with families of the victims, who chanted, ""God of the oppressed, give us justice,"" ""we only want justice"" and ""police are thugs."" A source from the Cairo security directorate told Al-Masry Al-Youm that there were strict measures to protect the defendants inside the courtroom, including the deployment of Central Security Forces personnel around the first benches of the court where the defendants' lawyers are sitting. Seventy five defendants are accused in the case of the 72 Ahly football fans whom were killed in the aftermath of a match with Port Said's Al-Masry club in February of last year. The fans of Ahly club, along with several other ultras groups, had threatened to ""spread chaos"" if a verdict was reached that they didn't consider fair. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"180",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/anger-and-joy-follow-port-said-football-massacre-verdict","Families of defendants sentenced to death in the Port Said football massacre case attempted to storm the area of the Port Said prison where their sons are incarcerated, Saturday morning, in protest of a Cairo court's ruling the same day. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A Cairo court had sentenced 21 defendants to death for the killings of 72 Ahly football fans in the aftermath of a match with Port Said's Al-Masry club in February 2012. The ruling for the rest of the 75 defendants is set for 9 March. Police fired tear gas to disperse the families of the defendants and ultras supporting Al-Masry who had gathered around the prison in Port Said. Families heard rumors that their sons were being taken away from the prison, but Ibrahim Soliman, the head of the Port Said prison, attempted to calm them and assured them that there were no plans to transfer them. Other defendants' families and ultras blocked the main Mohamed Ali Street leading to the Port Said Governorate headquarters, while another group blocked the gates of a major textile industrial complex that employs about 20,000 workers. The tension in Port Said contrasted sharply with the scene near the Ahly Club in Cairo, were ultras erupted in cheers following the verdict. Families of those killed in the violence expressed happiness with the ruling. ""I only got my son's rights today,"" said the mother of Islam Mohamed, who was one of those killed last February. Mohamed's mother, who had gathered alongside the Ultras Ahlawy in Cairo ahead of the verdict, thank the group for its support. ""If it wasn't for the ultras, we wouldn't get that ruling,"" she said. ""Today, the families of the martyrs can sleep comfortably,"" said the mother of Hamou Taha, another victim. ""Today is the wedding of my son."" However, some of the Ultras Ahlawy were not as excited, claiming that the verdict was merely an attempt to calm the political situation after a wave of protests against Muslim Brotherhood rule during the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"181",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/eagles-and-white-pinks-make-debut-ettehadiya","The dramatic entrance staged by a group of masked protesters on Friday at Ettehadiya Presidential Palace was quickly followed by a less than dignified exit after they were berated by women who'd been chanting in front of the palace since the morning. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); At around 5 pm on the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution, dozens marched towards the presidential palace in troop formation, covering their faces in black masks. As soon as they reached the gates, they were entangled in minor altercations with Central Security Forces, after which other protesters turned them away. ""Why don't they want us here? We're here to protect them,"" one of them told the other as they walked away from the crowd. This reporter, along with a few other curious protesters, followed the masked group, assuming they're the elusive Black Bloc we've been bracing ourselves for. ""We're not the Black Bloc, we're the Eagles,"" one of them told me, before he was interrupted by another member, ""Eagles! Let's go, we're saying too much."" It was clear the Eagles were working very hard to maintain an air of ambiguity. Along with the masks that concealed their identities, everything else remained a mystery. ""How many are you?"" I asked one of them. ""That's not important."" ""Are there others in Tahrir?"" ""That's not important."" Moving on then. As we walked, one of the Eagles ran into a friend and for a split second forgot he was in disguise and called out his name. ""I don't know who you are, your face is covered,"" his friend replied. ""Never mind then,"" he said, quickly turning away. The group of guys was joined by two girls, both showing their faces. When I inquired for the reason she told me, ""Because I'm not scared of anyone."" ""None of us are,"" one of the guys interrupted, ""We just want to keep our identities secret."" The Eagles disassociated themselves from the infamous Black Bloc, but said they're ""all one, all fighting for freedom."" They were also keen on making the distinction between them and the Green Eagles, the Al-Masry ultras' Port Said arm, ""because we don't want to upset the ultras."" Another masked Eagle, who said he was still a high school student, said they're not leaving until they enter the palace. ""Haven't you always wondered what it looks like from the inside?"" he joked with his friend. He also told me the Eagles were only formed today and that they're a group of friends who decided to take to the streets. Our conversation was interrupted again. ""Eagles! That's enough talking."" A few minutes later, another group of protesters tried to pull away the barbed wire sealing off the palace gates. Some bottle and rock-throwing later, the area surrounding the palace was overtaken by tear gas and disarray. The first round of tear gas succeeded in scaring most of the protesters away, allowing the masked Eagles to strategize and prepare for a series of brief battles with the CSF who were guarding the palace's gates on Ahram Street. The Eagles sporadically hurled Molotov cocktails and rocks at the CSF, who would retaliate with rounds of tear gas. Other protesters who were caught in the middle repeatedly gestured at the masked protesters to stop but to no avail. Somewhere in the middle, a group of around 15 boys who looked no more than 12-13 years old covered in white and pink paint marched into the area, chanting vulgar slogans. I was introduced to another obscure adolescent group: the White Pink. Bystanders told tales of White Pink's recruitment methods, claiming they were a branch of Zamalek's White Knights. ""They would see who can withstand tear gas for 45 minutes. If you don't pass out, you're in,"" one bystander told me. He then advised me to leave the area because ""things are going to get serious."" To his disappointment, the teenagers hurled a few rocks at CSF, chanted more crude slogans, then left and were probably home before bedtime. Clashes continued between CSF and the Eagles, as they came at them from side streets chucking rocks and Molotov cocktails - one of which set a tree on fire. The clashes at the presidential palace on Friday were confusing and bewildering for the CSF and the protesters alike. What started off with tens chanting peacefully against the Muslim Brotherhood ended in brief altercations with CSF soldiers, who seemed disoriented and at one point changed their formation over three times in a span of five minutes, not knowing from where to expect the next attack"
"182",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/no-police-officers-sentenced-death-saturday-port-said-ruling","None of the 21 people sentenced to death for their involvement in the Port Said football violence were police officers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Nine senior police officers accused in the case will hear their verdict on 9 March, including former head of Port Said Security Directorate Major General Essam Samak, his deputy, General Mahmoud Fathy, and security officials General Bakr Hisham, General Abdel Aziz Fahmy, Colonel Mohamed Saad and General Mohsen Sheta. Six of the convicts who were found guilty are fugitives. The Ultras Ahlawy posted on their Facebook page names of the 21 defendants involved in the Port Said violence whose death sentences are awaiting approval from the grand mufti. The names are: -- Mohamed Refaat al-Danf, 44, accused of smashing a victim's head -- Mohamed Rashad Qoota, 21, known as al-Shaytan, accused of robbery and intimidating fans. -- Mohamed al-Sayed Mostafa, 21, known as Manadeelo, accused of murder with a knife. -- Al-Sayed Mohamed Khalaf, known as Haseeba, accused of using attacking fans with firearms. -- Mohamed Adel Shehata, 21, known as Hommos, accused of giving signal to attack the Ahly Ultras and coordinating with Port Said security leaders. -- Ahmed Fathy Mazrou, 33, known as al-Mo'a, accused of murder -- Hesham al-Badry Moheyeddin, 26, known as al-Falastiny, accused of murder using a blunt object -- Mohamed Mahmoud al-Boghdadi (know as Mando), 25, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a knife -- Fouad Ahmed al-Tabeey, (know as Fox), 21, accused of armed robbery and attacking Ahly fans. The day before the match, he told media host Medhat Shalbi in a phone interview that ""they [Ahly fans] will not get out from Port Said."" -- Mohamed Sahbban Hussein, 30, accused of killing with a knife -- Nasser Samir Abdel Mawgood, 18, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Hassan Mohamed al-Magdy, 18, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Mohamed Hussein Atiya, 18, accused of throwing large stones at Ahly fans -- Ahmed Redda Mohamed, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Ahmed Abdel Rahman al-Nagdy, 28, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Tarek Abdallah Ali, a fugitive convict, accused of hurling large stones at Ahly fans and attacking victim Ahmed Fathy -- Abdel Azeem Ghareeb Abdu, a fugitive convict, accused of being the person responsible for providing the knives used in the attacks, and five witnesses say that he is responsible for killing Ahmed Wagiuh -- Mohsen Mohamed al-Sherif, a fugitive convict, accused of hurling large stones at Ahly fans. -- Wael Youssef Abdel Kader, a fugitive convict, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Mohamed Dessouki Mohamed, a fugitive convict. -- Mohamed Ali Saleh, a fugitive convict, accused of asphyxiating several victims"
"183",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-storm-police-station-suez-free-prisoners","Protesters have stormed a police station on Saturday in Suez following fierce clashes with security forces, and freed prisoners there. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); They also took the weapons that were left behind by policemen who fled the station as it was being stormed. The clashes had started earlier, as protesters threw molotov cocktails at the police station, while security forces threw tear gas canisters to disperse them. Fire has caught a nearby building, according to the account of an eyewitness, as well as that of Khaled Bahgat, the head of the Civil Defense Authority. Suez has been the site of bloody clashes since Friday with the commemoration of the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution which also kicked off in the same city. Nine were killed in the clashes and tens were injured. The clashes followed the funerals of the victims The Armed Forces started deploying in the city to stop violent confrontations. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that the military took over the Suez security directorate from police forces on Saturday evening. The violent protests in Suez were one of several to shake cities along the Suez Canal. In the nearby Port Said, 30 people died in deadly clashes following angry protesters' attempt to storm a prison where 21 defendants were sentenced to death by a Cairo court on Saturday, in the case of the football ultras' massacre of last February. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"184",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/security-forces-protesters-clash-near-interior-ministry","Clashes have erupted between protesters and security forces near the Interior Ministry in downtown Cairo. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters hurled stones at troops on Nubar and Youssef al-Guindy streets, and security forces fired tear gas in response, while two armored vehicles followed protesters on Nubar Street to disperse demonstrators at the Interior Ministry. The clashes mainly took place on Sheikh Rehan and Youssef al-Guindy streets. Several policemen went to the top of an old building to fire tear gas and hurl stones at protesters. Meanwhile, dozens of protesters stood on top of the concrete wall separating Tahrir Square and Sheikh Rehan Square to hurl stones at policemen. Other protesters threw Molotov cocktails at buildings near the ministry headquarters, setting one building on fire. Hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy fans also gathered at the American University in Cairo downtown campus to celebrate the ruling issued against defendants convicted of involvement in the Port Said football violence in February, in which 72 Ahly fans died."
"185",2013-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-gather-club-ahead-port-said-case-hearing","Hundreds of Ahly football fans gathered around the premises of the club in Cairo on Saturday morning to head to the court where a hearing and possibly a verdict on the Port Said massacre are expected. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The massacre took place in February 2012, when a game between Ahly and Port Said's Masry club ended with a tragic massacre of the former club's fans by unknown assailants, killing 72 of them. The deaths included children. At the site of the hearing at the Police Academy in New Cairo, police forces have just allowed families of the massacre's victims to enter the courtroom, as well as journalists without their cameras. Barbed wires were set around the academy by he security to avoid clashes. Public Prosecutor Talaat Abdallah had announced last week that new evidence in the case emerged and demanded the addition of six more defendants to the case who are now over 70 people. The move was considered an attempt to delay the verdict in the midst of rising anger and violence in the streets. Mohamed Nagy, deputy minister of interior for the prisons' sector, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the defendants in the case won't be transferred from the Port Said prison where they are incarcerated to the courtroom in New Cairo. He added that several security measures were taken to protect them in prison. Several groups of Ultras have been threatening of chaos last week if the verdict is deemed unfair. Continued protests by different groups of Ultras in Cairo, Alexandria and other cities spread throughout the week. Roads and bridges blocking, port storming and clashes with security forces were features of football fans' threats to escalate violence if a verdict is not acceptable. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"186",2013-01-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/military-denies-live-ammunition-used-against-port-said-protesters","Armed Forces Spokesperson Ahmed Mohamed Ali has denied reports that the Armed Forces used live ammunition against protesters in Port Said during violent riots Saturday that saw at least 30 people killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""The Armed Forces confirms that such information are false,"" Ali posted on Facebook. ""The Armed Forces haven't used live ammunition against protesters, and none of the victims were killed by [them]."" ""The Armed Forces in Port Said are charged with controlling and securing national strategic establishments,"" he added. Ali also chastised the media for not relying solely on him for information related to the Armed Forces, saying that ""false information"" would ""smear the image of the [Armed] Forces and negatively affect personnel"" performing their national duties. The Armed Forces moved into Port Said to secure several institutions after violent clashes raged throughout the city between protesters and security forces, after a court sentenced 21 defendants in the Port Said football violence case to death. The defendants were accused of attacking and murdering Ahly Club fans after a match between the club and the local Port Said club Al-Masry. Masry fans and other attackers stormed the side of the stadium where Ahly fans were sitting, killing 72. Fans of both teams blame police for not intervening during the violence. Meanwhile, the Al-Masry Green Eagles ultras called on Port Said residents to rally in front of the Mariam Mosque after noon prayers to mourn the victims of Saturday's violence. In a statement on Facebook, the group also warned of another ""revolution"" in Port Said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"187",2013-01-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-between-retribution-and-turmoil","Both state-run and independent newspapers Sunday juxtaposed the celebrations and chaos that erupted in Cairo and Port Said respectively after the court ruling in the Port Said football case on their front pages. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); State-run daily Al-Ahram boasted a bold red headline, labeling the violence that engulfed Port Said after the verdict the city's ""new massacre."" Al-Ahram's main story leads with the number of deaths and injuries in Port Said, describing the ""enraged"" residents' attack on the Port Said prison, which led to clashes with Central Security Forces. The main story wraps up the main events of the previous day, reporting on President Mohamed Morsy's meeting with the National Defense Council, which is toying with the idea of declaring a state of emergency, the National Salvation Front's statement and demands, and celebrations by Ultras Ahlawy and the Port Said victims' families. State-owned daily Al-Gomhurriya's headline, however, reads ""Retribution,"" above a large picture of the ultras' celebrations splashed across its first page, striking a disproportionate balance with another small picture of the violence in Port Said. Al-Gomhurriya called Saturday's trial ""historic,"" giving the details of the verdict the main focus before shifting the attention to the number of deaths and injuries in Port Said. Other daily newspapers, such as state-owned Al-Akhbar and privately owned Al-Shorouk and Al-Tahrir, described Saturday's events in Port Said as a ""massacre"" and a ""war,"" all agreeing that the violence started after angry residents attempted to break into the Port Said prison. Al-Shorouk, however, subtly criticizes Morsy's meeting with the National Defense Council, saying it failed to come up with any decisions to put an end to the ongoing bloodshed. ""The meeting only resulted in a statement that considers imposing a curfew and declaring a state of emergency, as well as calls for national dialogue,"" its story read. While state newspapers such as Al-Ahram, Al-Akhbar and Al-Gomhuriya report that the Armed Forces were called in to intervene and maintain order, other independent newspapers such as Al-Tahrir and Al-Shorouk are not as welcoming of the military intervention, portraying it as an imposition of control. Al-Gomhurriya reports that the armed forces sent medical planes to Port Said to transport critical cases for treatment in Cairo, adding that it is cooperating with police to maintain security and thwart any attempts to attack police stations other institutions. Privately owned Al-Tahrir, however, says the state ""bowed out,"" allowing the Armed Forces to take charge in the canal cities. ""The Armed Forces isolates Port Said and occupies roads leading to Ismailia,"" read one of its headlines. Al-Tahrir suggests that Morsy is ""suppressing"" and isolating Port Said by blocking all forms of transportation to the city, rejecting the state's justification of ensuring citizens' safety. The newspaper also claims that the Armed Forces are imposing martial law on Suez residents. All newspapers cover celebrations by Ultras Ahlawy and the victims' families extensively, seeing the verdict as retribution for the martyrs, with the exception of Al-Tahrir newspaper, which, in a small article, explores whether the verdict was politically motivated to appease the ultras. Privately owned Al-Dostour boasts a dramatic headline that reads, ""The Muslim Brotherhood is burning Egypt."" The newspaper suggests that the Muslim Brotherhood is sending a clear message to Egyptians, which warns them that protests come hand in hand with killing. It also accuses the Muslim Brotherhood of using Central Security Forces as militias to kill and injure protesters. In an article on its third page, Al-Dostour quotes sources on an allegedly ""angry phone call"" between Minister of Defense General Abdel Fatah Said al-Sisi and Morsy, during which Sisi urged the president to find solutions and put an end to the crisis rather than traveling to Addis Ababa, where he was scheduled to attend the African summit. Sisi allegedly said that while the Armed Forces are staying away from politics, they will not steer clear of the current events and are on alert for anyone seeking Egypt's destruction. For its part, the infamous Freedom and Justice Party's newspaper main headline reads ""Court Rules: Death Sentence,"" tackily illustrating a noose hanging off the last letter. The newspaper's headlines condemn the violence and called respecting the court's rulings, pointing fingers at ""elements who incite chaos."" An interesting small article buried in its sixth page reports that the fact-finding committee that was formed in 2011 by Parliament to investigate the Port Said football violence says that some rulings may have favored a few Interior Ministry officials. The committee's report, the newspaper says, proved the violence that occurred on 1 February of last year wasn't intentional, but was a result of negligence. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"188",2013-01-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/end-game-port-said-football-case-reveals-new-breadth-politics","PORT SAID - While wall graffiti in Cairo is fixated on the dead, those of Port Said googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); are fixated on the would-be dead. The faces of Homos, Outa and other defendants from among the ultras of the Port Said football massacre are stencilled on the walls of the city at its entrance, with the writing, ""Justice for those incarcerated."" Twenty-one of the case's 75 defendants were sentenced to death in Cairo Saturday, accused of killing 72 football fans in the aftermath of a February 2012 game between Port Said's Masry club and Cairo's Ahly. With the Port Said battle moving from a football pitch, to a courtroom, to the street that witnessed deadly clashes, claiming 37 lives by press time, the issue has clearly become more than just football. ""It was a phone call that sent him to the noose,"" Um Fouad, mother of one of the sentenced defendants, said through tears. Standing at the corner of a street where crowds are still erupting in anger and witnessing more deaths, she screamed at a loss she thought was inconceivable: ""His dad has died. He was the only person in my life."" According to his mother and his friend Mohamed Farouq, Fouad al-Tabei, a Masry ultra, gave a phone interview to football TV host Medhat Shalaby. In the interview, Fouad said, ""'When [Ahly supporters] come to Port Said, if they try to mess with us, we will screw with them. If not, they are our guests and we carry them over our heads.' He was convicted for this phone call,"" Farouq said. Next to him, Abu Homos, father of another sentenced Masry ultra, shrugged. ""'General' Medhat Shalaby said [Homos'] name on TV. He made them stars on TV, only for the prosecution to add their names to the case later,"" he said, shortly before comforting his wife, whose voice had become inaudible due to nonstop screaming and crying. ""Why is my son being killed? Because he went to support his team?"" she said tearfully, as best as Egypt Independent could gather from her broken voice. Unlike Tabei and Mohamed Homos, Mohamed Shaaban is not a football supporter. He is a taxi driver who was arrested from his house at 3 am following the day of the match he didn't attend, ""just for a question, the police told us. But the question turned into a death sentence,"" his mother said. ""He was a polite man, didn't talk or bother anyone, never entered a police station,"" she added, struggling to combat the image of the killer that was cast upon her son, twice - once when he was arrested from his bedroom, and then when he was given the death sentence. Whether their accounts of their sons' innocence are true is hard to corroborate. But now the matter transcends the 21 death sentences. ""It is beyond the case now. Port Said is dying,"" said Abu Homos, who called it Cairo's attempt to flex its muscles on the city. ""I tell [President] Mohamed Morsy, the [Muslim] Brothers, the Armed Forces and the police, from the 750,000 people of Port Said, let us bury our dead."" Since Saturday's verdict, clashes between protesters and security forces in Port Said have been incessant. It started when the families of convicted defendants gathered around the prison where their sons were incarcerated after hearing that they would be transferred away. As families walked in the funeral the following day to mourn the death of 28 civilians in Saturday's clashes, fighting erupted again and claimed seven lives, bringing the total to 37. And it goes on. Abdel Rahman Ferh, head of the Port Said public hospitals, said most of Saturday's deaths were caused by live bullets and birdshot. He added that injuries from live bullets have not been uncommon in Port Said, with the proliferation of arms in the last few months, especially following the Libyan revolution. And the state, from what many say, has been, at best, unresponsive. Today, the country's leadership is perceived with much more bitterness. The people of Port Said say that Cairo's political antagonizing of their city predates the tragic football match case. For one, policemen accused of killing protesters during the revolution were found innocent. For the families of convicted defendants, this is an inconsistency. ""Could Morsy afford to have his heart ache over his children just because he wants to keep his chair?"" said Shaaban's mother, whose other son, Youssef, is among the rest of the defendants who are awaiting their verdicts on 9 March. Ali Hassan, a leader in the Green Eagles Masry ultras group, which has more than 2,000 members, also saw Brotherhood politics in the matter. ""[A few hundred] thousand votes in Port Said are sacrificed for the sake of the 18 million of Cairo,"" he said. In the presidential elections' first round, Port Said voted for leftist candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi, and Morsy only came third. In the second round, it voted for Morsy's rival, Ahmed Shafiq. ""Morsy should know when he speaks to his clan that Port Said is not part of this clan, and that the grandchildren of the [tripartite] aggression today are being beaten by Egyptians,"" added Homos' bearded, elderly father. In the 1950s, Port Said rose against a renewed occupation after former President Gamal Abdel Nasser had announced the nationalization of the Suez Canal, which was then a power play in the context of US-Soviet rivalry. France, Britain and Israel coordinated an attack on Egypt, with Port Said as a central target. The attack and the resistance against it is the source of local national pride in Port Saidians' collective memory. It is with bitterness that many of them today recall how Cairo only knows how to make jokes about Port Said, rather than share their remembrance of their struggle against the foreign invasion. And if the history of national resistance is not enough to fend off the snobbery of the capital city, than the people of Port Said resort to the history of football. They recall how Masry Club was founded as an expression of nationalism following the 1919 anti-occupation movement led by Saad Zaghloul. At the time, many foreign local communities residing in Port Said around the Suez Canal formed football clubs. In reaction, Egyptian laborers working on the canal formed the club under the initiative of Moussa Effendi, who is said to be one of the first people to form a workers' union in a foreign freight company. Ahly, on the other hand, ""is the club of the government and capitalism,"" said Hassan. He spoke resentfully of Ahly's dubious transactions of players, whereby they would try to steal Port Said's best to strengthen their team. Ibrahim al-Masry, who shares the name of his club, illustrates the capital club's power play. He said he got several offers from Ahly to join, but refused them all. He explained how his club resents the hegemony of Ahly and the corruption in its ranks. ""Ahly doesn't feel for the small clubs like us because they are not oppressed like us,"" he said, adding that if one match is not fair to them, ""the whole world turns upside down."" In contemporary and revolutionary times, football has further become an expression of local politics in the face of failing regimes and states. Hassan explained how the Green Eagles, established in 2007, as well as the other two main Masry ultras groups in Port Said, are organized groups that have been engaging with society by fighting thuggery and participating in protests with social demands. He recounted how the Green Eagles made a Facebook call to fight a group of 800 armed men that have been threatening the city, a battle that was fought by them in front of a silent security apparatus weakened since the 25 January revolution. Similarly, the club and its fans base have been attracting a lot more youth in response to the recent events, although previously ""the media appeal of Ahly had been attracting the youth,"" Masry said. With an air of performativity, Masry declared, ""It's over. I am no longer Egyptian. I rid myself of my citizenship."" Following that line, an activist interjected in the conversation, saying, ""We will sell our cars and buy boats to cross the sea and get our stuff from Cyprus, and not from Cairo."" That line is also present among the mothers of the defendants. One of them, whose son has yet to see his fate in the second batch of verdicts, said amid the raging battles in Port Said's streets, ""We fought the French, the British and the Israelis. Now we're fighting Egypt, the Ahly state."" This piece appears in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"189",2013-01-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-clashes-continue-and-black-bloc-emerges","""Violence sweeps Suez Canal, Cairo and Alexandria"" headlines on the front page of state-owned Al-Akhbar newspaper read. Two people were shot dead and 312 were injured in Port Said on Sunday during the funerals of 33 people killed there when locals angered by a court decision rioted as anti-government protests spread around the country. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Armed Forces vowed to confront ""intimidation,"" and the spokesperson for the military denied allegations that the army shot any live ammunition against protestors, according to Al-Akhbar. Privately owned Al-Dostour says that the Navy is warning against attempts to attack the Suez Canal waterway, confirming that the Armed Forces are in control of the Suez Canal major cities in order to secure strategic and vital facilities there. Al-Gomhurriya's headline points to President Mohamed Morsy's ""consultations"" with other political powers to try and end the crisis. The violence has uncovered a deep split in the country, as opponents accuse Morsy of failing to deliver any serious economic solutions for the struggling economy and say he has not lived up to pledges to stand for all Egyptians. His backers say the opposition is seeking to topple Egypt's first freely elected leader. Closed sources to the president say that Morsy has refused to launch a wide arrest campaign to stop the violence, confirming that dialogue is the 'only real way to end the predicament', according to Al-Gomhurriya's front page. Meanwhile, state-owned Al-Ahram brings to light the confrontations that took place on Qasr al-Nil Bridge and Haram Street, as well as Molotov attacks on the Semiramis Intercontinental and Shepheard Hotels downtown. Youm7 reports that the American and the British embassies have suspended work at all departments, including visas, due to the violent incidents and security vacuum in the area surrounding Tahrir Square. Al-Shorouk's front page reviews yesterday's incidents in Port Said, Suez, Ismailia, Cairo and the Delta, highlighting the chaos, violence, and the confrontations between the police forces and the protestors that are spreading to other governorates across Egypt. According to the privately owned newspaper, the Ultras Ahlawy are promising retaliation to the Ministry of the Interior and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Leaders of the group confirm that they will continue their campaign ""Ehshed"" until justice is served and all of those involved in the Port Said massacre are convicted. Al-Shorouk Editor-in-Chief Emad Eddin Hussein writes in his opinion column about the Black Bloc group, which is also dubbed the ""Revolutionary Guards,"" saying that the group appeared as a reaction to the armed militias of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi political groups. ""We have to remember that the military parade conducted by Hazemoun and other Islamists were the direct motivation for other armed groups, such as the Black Bloc, to emerge,"" he writes. Privately owned Sawt al-Umma echoes such sentiments on its front page, with the headline ""Ultras and Black Bloc are revolutionary militia challenging Ikhwan division no. 27."" Meanwhile, Minister of Information Salah Abdel Maqsoud denies in Al-Akhbar that there are any armed extremist groups in Egypt, saying that there are no ""top secret"" reports from Prime Minister Hesham Qandil to Morsy about any well trained and well equipped armed extremist groups that have recently entered Egypt. In Cairo, newly appointed Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim was driven out of the funeral of one of the police officers, who died during Saturday's clashes in Port Said, according to Al-Ahram. Al-Dostour newspaper says that police officers at the funeral blame Ibrahim for the deaths of at least two policemen during Saturday's clashes, as he did not allow the police to carry weapons and only gave them tear gas. On the same page, the newspaper draws attention to Finance Minister Morsy Hegazy's refusal to reveal the new budget for the Interior Ministry budget or the financial allocation needed to arm the police forces. Al-Ahram points to the Shura Council demanding a riot act and discussing giving the military judicial powers in Suez Canal cities to establish security. Al-Shorouk and Al-Dostour also report that 28 January is the second anniversary of the ""Friday of Anger,"" and say that several groups will march to the Shura Council to conduct funeral prayers. On the economic side, the stock exchange lost LE2.7 billion yesterday after extensive sales, according to Al Ahram. The dollar exchange rate increased to 725 piasters over the past several days, as Al-Akhbar reports, which pushed the Central Bank to offer US$75 million at a forex auction to try to stop a rapid pound devaluation. Prices of the dollar were fixed at 662 piasters to buy at banks. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"190",2013-01-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-armed-men-attempt-storm-port-said-prison","Clashes renewed between protesters and police forces across several governorates throughout the day on Monday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Six armed men on motorbikes opened fire at soldiers securing the Port Said prison on Monday night, said military spokesperson Ahmed Mohamed Ali. The soldiers fired back at the attackers, who fled the scene. No casualties were reported. Protesters from several political movements took to the streets in Ismailia on Monday evening, resisting the state of emergency and 9 pm curfew President Mohamed Morsy imposed on Canal Zone cities yesterday. Participants in the march chanted slogans against Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood supreme guide. Also defying curfew, in Suez thousands of protesters staged demonstrations at 9 pm, chanting, ""The people want to overthrow the regime."" This evening in Kafr al-Sheikh, security forces fired tear gas onto protesters attempting to break into the municipality headquarters, halting the attempt. The demonstrators demanded the ouster of Governor Saad al-Husseini, a former MP from the Freedom and Justice Party, who escaped out the back door of the building. More than 3,000 protesters in Gharbiya attempted to storm the Tanta Court Complex and release 22 political activists who have been detained there for the past three days on charges of inciting riots. The protesters, including Ultras and members of other political forces, chanted slogans against the Interior Ministry and the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide. Police fired tear gas into the demonstration and clashed with the protesters, injuring five. The Gharbiya Coalition of Revolutionary Youth demanded that Morsy lift the state of emergency he imposed yesterday on Port Said, Suez and Ismailia. Earlier in the evening, Black Bloc protesters surrounded the Sharqiya security directorate, engaging in verbal altercations with the police as they blocked surrounding streets and lit tires on fire. They demanded that Morsy lift the state of emergency and release all protesters arrested during demonstrations marking the second anniversary of the revolution. They threatened to burn the security directorate if their demands weren't met. Also on Monday evening, an armored police vehicle randomly opened fire on protesters near the Al-Arab police department in Port Said Governorate. Medical sources said at least seven protesters were injured in the shooting. Demonstrators in Port Said called for two protests to begin at 9 pm, challenging the month-long curfew Morsy issued for the region yesterday. Earlier on Monday, a Port Said resident died after being shot in the back during the Al-Arab police department clashes. Doctors from an emergency hospital in Mounira said the 19-year-old victim, Mohamed al-Sayed Mostafa, had been transferred to their hospital from Port Said to undergo surgery, but passed away before getting to the operation room. Another 19-year-old protester in the clashes, Ahmed Nagy Ibrahim, was transferred to the same hospital after being shot in the chest. He underwent surgery and was transferred to the intensive care unit. Eyewitnesses reported that hundreds of protesters had gathered in front of the Al-Arab building by this afternoon, and gunfire was heard in the area. Protesters lit tires on fire at the intersection of Minya Street and Saad Zaghlol Street. Earlier in the day in Sharqiya, hundreds organized a march to commemorate the 28 January 2011, known as the Friday of Anger. They gathered around the Unknown Soldier memorial and chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood. The protesters then headed to Morsy's residence, but were stopped by police. Security Director Mohamed Kamal said peaceful protests are allowed, but assault on public property is not. In Alexandria, thousands of demonstrators blocked Abu Qir Road, the Corniche and the tramway, calling for Morsy to step down, the dissolution of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's government, justice for the martyrs of the revolution and the annulment of the Constitution. The Coalition of Police Officers in Alexandria said that protesters have the right to peaceful demonstration, but that it's the duty of the police to protect public property. The police would react firmly to any acts that break the law, the coalition said in a statement, adding that citizens must not allow violent infiltrators in demonstrations to drive a wedge between the people and the police. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"191",2013-01-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thousands-break-curfew-overnight-canal-governorates","Thousands of protesters took to the streets in Ismailia, Port Said and Suez Governorates after 9 pm Monday, in a direct challenge to President Mohamed Morsy's decision to impose a curfew there. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Morsy had imposed the 9 pm to 6 am curfew and declared a state of emergency in the three governorates after clashes killed at least 50 people, mainly in Port Said. About 3,000 protesters marched from Arbeen Square to Geish Street in Suez demanding that Morsy rescind the curfew. Satellite TV channel ONtv showed photos of protesters raising the flags of Egypt and Suez while chanting slogans against Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood, saying they would continue protesting until the downfall of Morsy's regime. Major General Osama Askar, commander of the second field army, said that the curfew was not imposed by the Armed Forces but was a demand from the citizens of Suez themselves. ""A curfew is not our purpose,"" he said, adding that the people of Suez were the ones demanding that political leaders arrest criminals. In Ismailia, ultras organized a football match during the early hours of the curfew in al-Mamar Square."
"192",2013-01-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/canal-cities-organize-nightly-football-matches-defy-curfew","In defiance of the state of emergency declared amid unrest in Suez Canal Zone cities, some activists are organizing football matches during curfew hours. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); President Mohamed Morsy declared a month-long state of emergency in canal cities on Sunday, including a 9 pm-6 am curfew, in response to protest violence that has claimed at least 53 lives in several governorates. Clashes in cities such as Cairo and Suez have stemmed from protests against the government and the Muslim Brotherhood on the 25 January revolution anniversary. In Port Said, demonstrators protested a court verdict sentencing 21 people to death over violence following a football match between Cairo's Ahly and Port Said's Masry teams last year The governors of Suez, Ismailia and Port Said reduced the curfew hours in their cities Wednesday, pushing them back to 1 am or 2 am. It was unclear whether the football matches would also be moved later to continue defying the curfew. ""The idea [for the football tournament] was welcomed by the sons of the three canal cities, who said it was a creative idea to resist authoritarianism ..."" said Hany Mahdy, one of the organizers in Port Said. Hundreds of fans and members of revolutionary groups recently attended a match in Ismailia, in which a team named ""Revolution"" beat a team called ""Shater"" 5-0. ""A number of military officers have expressed desire to participate in the games and offered to informally host the matches in Armed Forces stadiums, but the organizers [refused], stressing that the message must be clear in streets and squares,"" Mahdy told Al-Masry Al-Youm. He said teams made up of young players would travel between the three cities for matches and television stations would also be invited to broadcast the games. Port Said football fans are also preparing for the matches. ""If the Armed Forces expressed willingness to participate, they would be put on the schedule of matches,"" said Ali al-Saify, the leader of the Green Eagles, an ultras fan club affiliated with the official league team Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"193",2013-01-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursday-s-papers-everyone-s-invited-no-one-wants-talk","In Thursday's papers, a baffling dialogue dilemma unfolds in all its glory. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Many of the country's political forces see national talks, designed to bring a variety of polarizing figures together, as the only way to end ongoing violence that erupted last week. But to gain the upper hand, it seems leaders prefer to be the one issuing an invitation, versus actually accepting anyone else's request to talk. According to Al-Shorouk newspaper, a privately owned daily, the president's office refuses to meet with Dostour Party leader Mohamed ElBaradei, who called for talks on Wednesday that would include the National Salvation Front, the Freedom and Justice Party, Salafi leaders and the interior and defense ministers. The rejection comes just days after the NSF had issued its own refusal to attend talks set to be hosted by President Mohamed Morsy. The political posturing has left both sides essentially calling for a dialogue with their hands tied since no one has agreed to attend either proposed meeting. Al-Shorouk quotes sources in the president's office and the Muslim Brotherhood as saying that ElBaradei's plan to invite the defense minister puts the country at risk of returning to military rule. While ElBaradei and Morsy argue over competing national dialogues, others are forging some unlikely partnerships. Independent daily Al-Sabah runs the headline ""The Nour Party turning against the Brotherhood,"" reporting that party met with the National Salvation Front at the Wafd party headquarters. A Nour-led collective is echoing the NSF's earlier demands that the president sack the current Cabinet and form another coalition government that represents all political parties. It also calls on Morsy to end the curfew imposed on the canal governorates of Suez, Port Said and Ismailia. The paper reports that the Muslim Brotherhood is upset that it wasn't informed of the Nour initiative. Al-Shorouk spoke to analysts who claim the move is a political maneuver by the opposition to end the Nour Party alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood and could change the Islamic-secular polarization that has characterized past elections. ""Morsy's regime approaches Mubarak's ending,"" reads an Al-Wafd headline. The liberal party writes that the Salafis have abandoned the Brotherhood, which may signal an end to the group's time in power. The newspaper retraces Morsy's inability to gain control of political factions and protesters recently, arguing that the situation greatly resembles Mubarak's last days in office during the 25 January Revolution. To emphasize its point, Al-Wafd prints pictures of Mubarak and Morsy in identical poses, each raising his finger threateningly during separate speeches. While most of Egypt's print media focuses on protests, the Freedom and Justice party newspaper instead chooses to cover Morsy's ""successful"" meeting in Germany with Chancellor Angela Merkel. The newspaper reports that Germany plans to loan Egypt 354 million euros in aid. In a special report, independent daily Al-Watan runs an expose of the militias that have formed in Egypt during the most recent clashes. However, its sensationalist coverage fails to recognize that most of the groups profiled aren't actually militias. For example, the newspaper claims some obscure Christian groups have formed organized militias with the aim of inciting violence, despite the fact that these groups are no longer active in Egypt. The newspaper profiles the Ultras Ahlawy football fans as a militia, citing fireworks as their weapon of choice. Al-Watan also profiles a strange group called ""The People of Vendetta,"" claiming they are a real, organized force to be reckoned with after seeing people protesting in paper Guy Fox masks over the last few months. The report mentions a so-called armed militia ""The Brotherhood's Troop 95,"" which has previously appeared in other media reports amid much speculation. Lastly, the paper profiles the Black Bloc, which it describes as masked protesters that have appeared recently. According to Al-Watan, the group of masked protesters is responsible for several vandalism incidents and is mostly made up of young boys known as the ""the Facebook generation in black."" In more serious news, state-run daily Al-Ahram reports on the growing unrest among Central Security Forces. After several CSF personnel were killed or injured in the recent wave of violence, many are now demanding weapons to defend themselves and threatening to strike if these demands are not met. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"194",2013-02-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/school-postponed-week-port-said","Officials postponed the beginning of Port Said schools' winter semester for at least a week on Wednesday, according to state news agency MENA. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Port Said Governor Major General Ahmed Abdallah, students will only be able to return to the classroom once security in the city is restored. He added that school education departments should adapt curriculums to make up for any missed days. Exams were also postponed due to the violence that erupted in university dormitories between students and Ultras Ahlawy football fans. At least 58 people died in recent violence that erupted after a court handed down 21 death sentences to people involved in the Port Said stadium massacre last February. Demonstrators had also taken to the streets following the second anniversary of Egypt's uprising to protest Mohamed Morsy's goverment. Morsy responded by declaring a state of emergency and enforcing a curfew in the governorates of Suez, Port Said and Ismailia, although the curfew has since been shortened to three hours. Edited translation from MENA"
"195",2013-02-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-least-92-injured-gharbiya-clashes-says-ministry","Mass marches and demonstrations took place across the governorates on Friday, which political movements have called the ""Friday of Departure."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The demonstrations demand the safeguarding of the objectives of the revolution, the dissolution of the Cabinet, the formation of a national salvation government, the amendment of controversial articles in the Constitution and trials for those responsible for killing protesters over the past weeks. By Friday evening protests turned violent in some governorates. At least 92 were injured in ongoing clashes between protesters and security forces in Gharbiya as of Friday evening, reported Mohamed Sharshar, deputy health minister in Gharbiya. Protesters were injured during reported attempts to storm the Gharbiya Security Directorate headquarters in Tanta, the main police station in Kafr al-Zayat and the Mahalla City Council. ""38 were injured in Kafr al-Zayat, 35 in Tanta, and the rest in Mahalla,"" Sharshar told Al-Masry Al-Youm. A security source said that 12 alleged ""rioters"" were arrested in the attempts to storm the state institutions. Anonymous masked men fired Molotov cocktails at a company belonging to a Brotherhood leader in Gharbiya's Mahalla al-Kobra City on Friday evening after a day of anti-Brotherhood protests there. There were no reported injuries, but set the company's banners on fire. The company belonged to FJP leader Mahmoud al-Bara, said a source from the Freedom and Justice Party. He added that the fire did not reach the interior of the building. The source said the FJP suspects Black Bloc protesters of being behind the attack, and said they would press charges. Mohamed Sultan, head of the ambulance authority, said more than 150 were injured in protests nationwide. Thousands took to the streets in Port Said on Friday afternoon. Four marches were organized from Mariam Mosque in the Monakh neighborhood, Sharawy Mosque in Port Fouad, Abbasy Mosque in the Arab neighborhood and a march of ultras from the Port Said Stadium. The marches met at the intersection of Al-Ameen Street and Saad Zaghloul Street, sparking conflict between some participants. Some ultras members demanded that certain protesters from the other marches be excluded from their demonstration, accusing them of supporting the Ultras Ahlawy and participating in their protests in Cairo. The demonstrators split into two groups. A 6,000-person strong march made up of members of political forces chanted slogans against Morsy and the Brotherhood, while an ultras-only march followed. Violent clashes erupted in the Gharbiya city of Mahalla early Friday evening, reported the state-run news agency MENA. Protesters allegedly pulled the gates in front of the city council apart and hurled Molotov cocktails, reportedly attempting to storm the building. Police fired tear gas into the crowd. All traffic in the area was halted, and nearby shops were closed. Clashes also broke out in Tanta, Gharbiya's capital, as well as in Kafr al-Sheikh, capital of Kafr al-Sheikh Governorate. Protesters battled with security forces in front of the governorate capital buildings in both cities. Demonstrators hurled stones at security officers, who responded by firing tear gas. Thousands began taking to the streets in Gharbiya on Friday afternoon. Demonstrators demanded the sacking of the prosecutor general, the formation of a new Cabinet, and the ouster of the governor of Gharbiya. They chanted, ""Down with the supreme guide and the Brotherhood rule,"" ""No Brothers, no Salafis, we are the 25 youth,"" and ""Lying Brothers should be in jail."" Demonstrators held symbolic coffins to demand punishment for those responsible for the deaths of protesters, and denounced the torture of activist Mohamed al-Gendy who dwas killed in January. In Tanta, about 3,000 protesters staged a march after Friday prayers calling for President Mohamed Morsy to step down. Revolutionary forces gathered in Al-Shoan Square in Mahalla al-Kobra City to demand retribution for the martyrs of the revolution. In Sharqiya Governorate, hundreds of demonstrators marched through Zagazig City to protest against the Muslim Brotherhood and demand that the objectives of the revolution be met. The three marches headed to the governorate headquarters, and some protesters then went on to demonstrate in front of Morsy's home in Zagazig. The protesters chanted for justice for the protesters killed since 25 January, a new cabinet and a new constitution. Fearing potential attacks, Muslim Brotherhood members formed human chains to protect its 43 headquarters in Sharqiya. There was tightened security around all state institutions and the president's house. Ambulances were on standby near the protests. In Damietta, marches started after Friday prayers from different mosques and headed to Al-Sa'a Square. Protesters raised banners and chanted for the dissolution of the Cabinet, the dismissal of the prosecutor general and to put the interior minister on trial. In Fayoum, revolutionary forces and political parties staged a protest in Al-Thawra Square, and agreed to march through the city streets at 6 pm. In Monufiya, three marches from Shebin al-Kom City headed toward the governorate headquarters after Friday prayers. Members from around 150 political parties including the Tagammu Party, the Nasserist Party, the Wafd Party, the Ghad al-Thawra Party, the Popular Current, the April 6 Youth Movement, Kefaya and other groups participated. The protesters demanded President Mohamed Morsy's ouster and early presidential elections. They met in front of the Ansary, Abbasy and Abu Bakr al-Sedeeq mosques, marched through the main roads and met in front of the governorate building. Security was intensified in front of the governorate headquarters, the Shebin al-Kom Prison and courts and other state facilities. In Suez, the National Salvation Front and other revolutionary movements staged a protest in Arbaeen Square. They chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and demanded justice for the dozens of protesters killed in the wave of violence that started on 25 January. Protesters also chanted against the police, accusing them of murdering the protesters, and demanded the dismissal of several Suez officials. Wafd Party leader Ali Amin said protests in Suez would continue until the demands of the revolution were achieved. In Kafr al-Sheikh, hundreds of protesters from the Popular Current party, the Constitution Party, the Karama Party, the Kefaya movement and other political groups marched from Estad Mosque in Kafr al-Sheikh City. Demonstrators demanded the ouster of Governor Saad al-Husseiny, a former MP for the Freedom and Justice Party. The march went down the city's main streets until it arrived at the governorate's headquarters. Thousands marched from Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque in Alexandria after Friday prayers. Participants raised flags bearing the images of protesters killed in recent clashes sparked during the anniversary of the 25 January revolution, and raised banners expressing their demands including the ouster of President Mohamed Morsy. They also raised flags in support of various political movements, including Kefaya and the Revolutionary Socialists. Participants said the march would pass by Raml Station, Martyrs' Square in Masr Station, Abu Qir Street until they reach the Alexandria Governorate headquarters. The April 6 Youth Movement, the Free Egyptians Party, the Kefaya movement, the Change Movement, the Leftist Youth Movement and others all announced they would take part in today's protest in Alexandria, reported state-run Al-Ahram. Participating forces declared they would continue their protests until the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsy, according to Al-Ahram. They called for a transitional justice law, the implementation of court rulings that returned privatized companies to the state, the cancellation of all laws restricting freedoms and a new law on minimum and maximum wages. Other demands included the dismissal of the prosecutor general, the release of protesters from prisons, the rejection of the International Monetary Fund and revolutionary trials for Morsy, the interior minister, the prime minister and the heads of the security directorates where protesters were killed in violent clashes with the police. A number of revolutionary movements and coalitions in Minya announced participating in Friday's protests, including 25 January Youth Movement, the Revolutionary Youth Bloc and the unofficial Wafd Youth for Change Party. The National Salvation Front in Ismailia planned four marches to Al-Mamar Square today. The first march will be from Shebeen Street, the second from Othman Ahmed Othman Square, the third from al-Hekr Street and the fourth from Mohamed Amin Mosque. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"196",2013-02-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-security-fires-tear-gas-water-cannons-protesters-palace","Security forces dispersed protesters in front of the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace with a barrage of tear gas and water cannons Friday evening. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters retreated to Caliph Maamoun Street as armored vehicles and Central Security Forces troops were deployed to the area. This comes after protesters set fire to one of the gates in front of the presidential palace, state-run news agency MENA reported, as demonstrations continued in Heliopolis as part of the nationwide ""Friday of Departure"" rallies against the Muslim Brotherhood and the president. As demonstrators, including some Black Bloc protesters, tore down the barbed wire gate in front of the palace's Gate 4, others climbed the palace walls. Protesters threw stones and fireworks into the palace courtyard, setting fire to a tree. Central Security Forces were notably absent at that time, and the republican guards initially did not move from their positions inside the palace, although some shot blanks into the air in an attempt to disperse the protesters. Demonstrators chanted, ""Down with the supreme guide's rule,"" and chanted for President Mohamed Morsy to leave office. The number of protesters at the palace steadily increased into Friday evening as various marches from around Cairo arrived in Heliopolis. Earlier on Friday afternoon, protesters blocked Merghany Street, sparking arguments with drivers in the area, Other demonstrators painted graffiti on the palace's wall in honor of Mohamed al-Gendy, a Popular Current member from Tanta who was allegedly kidnapped and tortured to death after participating in protests commemorating the anniversary of the 25 January revolution. A human chain was formed in front of the barbed wire set up by security forces at entrances to the palace to prevent fellow protesters from trying to tear it down, in an attempt to avoid violent clashes with the police. Earlier in the afternoon, a march of dozens from Rabaa al-Adaweya Mosque in Nasr City arrived at the palace. They carried Egyptian flags as well as a large black banner reading, ""The revolution continues."" Republican guards withdrew from their posts in front of Gates 3 and 4 of the palace, retreating behind the walls to preempt possible clashes with protesters who began gathering in the area Friday morning. Dozens of demonstrators started a march to the palace from Nour Mosque in Abbasseya after Friday prayers. Members of several political forces and revolutionary movements participated, including the Ultras Youth, the Constitution Party and the Arab Nasserist Party. Demonstrators raised banners demanding that President Mohamed Morsy step down and Egyptian flags, and chanted, ""The people want to overthrow the regime,"" and ""Down with the supreme guide's rule."" Earlier in the day, Black Bloc protesters issued a statement calling on citizens to demonstrate in front of the palace under the slogan, ""retaliation or departure."" The Black Bloc is a previously unknown group that emerged during protests commemorating the anniversary of the 25 January revolution. They wear black masks and outfits and largely refuse to talk to the media. Members of the group marched to the presidential palace Friday morning, stating that their only demand is the downfall of Morsy's administration. Before the march, calm prevailed in front of the palace in the morning as security troops forced protesters holding a sit-in there to move their tents. Republican guards placed barbed wire in front of Gate 3 and Gate 4 of the palace, and filled the garden by the Heliopolis Club with water so that protesters couldn't relocate their tents there. Although traffic police disappeared from the streets around the palace, traffic flowed smoothly. Some nearby shops closed out of fear of clashes. Opposition forces led by the National Salvation Front are holding mass demonstrations across the country today, which they are calling ""Friday of Departure."" In Cairo, marches are planned to the palace from Nour Mosque, Fateh Mosque, Esteqama Mosque, Sayeda Zeinab Mosque and Shubra Square after Friday prayers. The protesters demand the end of Muslim Brotherhood rule, the dismissal of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's Cabinet, and the trial of Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim for the killing, torture and illegal imprisonment of protesters. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"197",2013-02-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/over-30-detainees-released-tanta-after-clashes","Tanta's Public Prosecution released 32 people Thursday who were detained pending an investigation into clashes last Friday in the cities of Tanta and Kafr al-Zayat in Gharbiya Governorate. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The suspects face possible charges of rioting and attacking security forces during demonstrations on 8 February, dubbed the ""Friday of Departure."" Earlier, hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy fans, pro-revolutionary groups and relatives of detainees surrounded the Tanta Court complex, demanding the detainees' release and chanting slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and security forces. Meanwhile, the Tanta Appeals Court will review a challenge submitted by some of those detained over the Public Presecution's decision to hold each for 15 days while authorities conducted the investigation. Edited translation from MENA"
"198",2013-02-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/solider-accused-killing-teenager-custody","The soldier who fatally shot a 13-year-old street vendor during clashes in downtown Cairo earlier this month will be detained for 15 days pending investigations into the incident, said the military prosecution on Friday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The military prosecutor's office and the Forensic Medicine Department are conducting ongoing investigations into the killing, a military source told Al-Masry al-Youm. The victim, Omar Salah, was reportedly killed on 3 February near the US Embassy in Cairo after being shot by security forces during clashes sparked by the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution. Ahmed Mohamed Ali, a spokesperson for the Armed Forces, on Thursday offered a rare public apology for the incident, which he said was an accident. Ali claimed that the soldier fired his weapon by mistake during a routine inspection. Ali alleged that the boy's family waived their right to seek justice through the courts. Hundreds in Tahrir Square staged a symbolic funeral for the teenager. They raised the Egyptian flag and a banner with a photograph of Salah. At the same time, hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy members and other revolutionary groups staged a protest at Ramses Square, demanding accountability for members of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) who were in power during the Port Said massacre in February 2012. The protesters chanted slogans against SCAF and Interior Ministry. They said they would stage a march on the Ministry of Defense. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"199",2013-02-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-jama-al-islamiya-protest-draws-close-early-friday-evening","Early Friday evening, Islamist demonstrators at Cairo University's Renaissance Square announced the end of today's protest against violence held by the Jama'a al-Islamiya and its Construction and Development Party. Throughout the day, members of Jama'a al-Islamiya and other Islamist forces chanted in support of President Mohamed Morsy and Islam. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In the late afternoon, the Ultras Nahdawy donned Black Bloc attire. The back of their shirts were emblazoned with the flag of the Muslim Brotherhood and the words, ""Ultras Nahdawy."" They chanted slogans praising Morsy, played drums and tambourines and held photos of Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna. Freedom and Justice Party leader Mohamed al-Beltagy, who was present at the demonstrations, said, ""President Mohamed Morsy cannot be changed except through the ballot boxes that brought him into power. The Parliament will also only come through the ballot box, which is the real proof of the popular will."" He stressed the need for unity in order to rebuild the country after the revolution. ""The process of construction will not be through violence and force, [tactics] which some use in an attempt to stage a coup against the legitimate president who came through free [elections],"" Beltagy added. Essam Sultan, vice president of the Wasat Party, said during Friday's the protest, ""People in the street have started to understand and reject the policies of the National Salvation Front."" Sultan vowed to defend Morsy as the nation's legitimate president. ""I came today to show support for Jama'a al-Islamiya's protest, and to reject the policy of violence the National Salvation Front is following,"" Sultan told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Islamists would defend state institutions against all sabotage, he added. Numbers of demonstrators at Renaissance Square had soared into the thousands by early Friday afternoon, reported state-run news agency MENA. MENA reported that Jama'a al-Islamiya bussed in supporters from several governments, including Sohag, Minya and Assiut. The mass ""All Against Violence"" demonstration also included members of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Front. Friday morning, protesters hung up dozens of banners that read, ""Trying the killers of revolutionaries is a revolutionary demand,"" ""No to the Nasserist Party's visit to Syria to support the killer Bashar"" and ""No to black masks,"" referring to the Black Bloc protesters who have been appearing in demonstrations since 25 January, clothed entirely in black. Dozens formed groups to direct traffic. Present in the crowd were supporters of Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, known as the blind sheikh. They held banners that read, ""Sons of the Jama'a al-Islamiya are waiting for the promise to be met by the return of the captive sheikh."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"200",2013-02-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-shut-down-port-said-governorate-hq-briefly-block-railway","Thousands of students, football ultras and family members of prisoners have shut down the Port Said governorate building and temporarily blocked the Cairo-Port Said railway line after activists called for a civil disobedience campaign. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters, many of whom are also relatives of those killed during a wave of violent clashes in the city last month, also headed to the Port Said Harbor Authority Building and shut it down after ordering employees out of the building. National Railway Authority head Hussein Zakaria also said that protesters, many of whom are ultras supporting the local Al-Masry Club, briefly blocked the railway at a level crossing. Zakaria later added that the railway had been reopened and that train traffic was moving normally. An armored vehicle and three CSF vehicles blocked entrance to the central garden facing the governorate building and attempted to drive through the rally, with protesters responding by throwing stones. One protester was hit by one of the vehicles but was uninjured. The city's chamber of commerce was closed for the day, and parents kept their children home from school. The protests come after about 40 people were killed during clashes between security forces and protesters last month in Port Said. Clashes broke out in the city after a court sentenced 21 defendants in the Port Said football violence trial to death for their role in the deaths of 72 Ahly Club fans during a February 2012 match in the city. As a result of the clashes, President Mohamed Morsy initially imposed curfew and state of emergency in Port Said and other governorates along the Suez Canal for one month, before allowing governors to reduce or cancel curfews. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"201",2013-02-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-members-attack-port-said-volleyball-team-injuring-10","Dozens of members belonging to Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , a group of hardcore football fans of Cairo's Ahly team, stormed the Shooting Club in Dokki Sunday evening, and attacked players from Port Said's ""Rabat wal Anwar"" volleyball team, injuring 10 players. Security forces in Giza chased the attackers, but were unable to apprehend them. Major General Hussein al-Qady, head of Giza Security Directorate, ordered Central Security Forces to form cordons around the club to protect the players. A security source said players were taken out of the club, and that the wounded players were treated. The players are now being transported back to Port Said, the source said. The source said Ultras Ahlawy members damaged the Port Said team's buses as they were leaving. Regional tension between Cairo and Port Said sports fans worsened after a football game in February last year between Port Said's Masry team and Ahly. Masry fans stormed the pitch after the game and attacked Ahly fans. At least 72 people died in the violence. That tension renewed between the two cities after a court sentenced 21 people to death last month in the case over the football violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"202",2013-02-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-nepotism-and-civil-disobedience","Unrest in the Suez Canal city of Port Said is at the top of the agenda for the local press Monday. Many media outlets also cover protests and strikes unfolding across the country as well as the appointment of the president's son to a well-paying position within the holding company for airports. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Port Said, a city at the northern entrance of the Suez Canal, has been simmering since a court in January sentenced 21 local youths to death over a riot following a football match last year that left 72 dead and hundreds injured. The city erupted into protests and clashes with security forces following the court's verdict, and police forces shot dead several other protesters. Although President Mohamed Morsy declared a state of emergency including a curfew in Port Said, as well as in Ismailia and Suez, on 28 January, it has been widely ignored and violated. ""Port Said embarks on campaign of civil disobedience ... Army inspects situation from aircraft,"" reads a headline in privately owned Al-Shorouk newspaper. Privately owned daily Al-Sabah reports: ""Protesters close down governorate building, port, 126 factories, and obstruct rail traffic."" Another independent paper, Al-Tahrir, runs the headline ""Port Said declares disobedience against Morsy"" above an article that says, ""Stores, the gates of the city's port, and the free trade zone have all been shut down in protest against Morsy's recent dictates."" Liberal party paper Al-Wafd reports, ""Students boycott their classes, governmental bureaus are without employees, and shops shuttered."" State-owned Al-Ahram runs a headline blaming the city's Al-Masry football club and especially its hardcore fans for instigating the unrest, saying, ""Ultras' agitation paralyzes Port Said."" The paper claims the football fan club is forcing workers, employees, bus drivers, and shop owners to stop work across the city. Privately owned Youm7 also reports more than 20 strikes in several governorates, some of which obstructed highways in Sinai, Monufiya the Red Sea and other governorates. ""Protests rock the governorates"" reads a headline in Al-Tahrir. The paper says clashes have broken out between protesters and police in Mahalla, blocking of the Samanoud-Mansoura highway. In Gharbiya, the paper says, five Muslim Brotherhood members were freed after reportedly being briefly kidnapped and then ""liberated by unidentified people."" Bakery workers in Sharqiya Governorate attempted to storm the governor's office, and medical workers in Monufiya blocked a local highway in protest against their working conditions and low wages, Al-Tahrir writes. Security forces in Alexandria reportedly used police dogs to attack striking cement workers as they were praying. Al-Wafd reports on the same event with the headline ""Crimes of the Interior Ministry: Police dogs used against striking Portland Cement workers in Alexandria."" The article says police forces on Sunday morning stormed the company, where an estimated 450 workers were on strike. ""Workers jump out of company windows as police unleash dogs upon them, as they were performing dawn prayers,"" the party paper writes. Some 100 employees are being detained in an undisclosed location and interrogated by police. Dozens of others were injured in the raid, according to Al-Wafd. In other news, the president's son Omar Morsy, a recent college graduate, makes front-page headlines in nearly every newspaper. Omar's appointment to a post at the Egyptian Holding Company for Airports and Air Navigation, with a hefty monthly salary estimated at LE 30,000, raised eyebrows and questions regarding nepotism within state institutions. Youm7 reports Civil Aviation Minister Wael al-Maddawy as describing Morsy junior's employment as ""a victory for the revolution."" This paper also mentions that security forces were deployed en masse around the airport - in light of threats of protests against this ""fishy appointment."" Youm7 reports that 2,000 non-essential employees were told to stay at home during Omar Morsy's first day of work. Al-Sabah reports on backlash against the appointment, saying hundreds of unemployed graduates with advanced degrees (Omar Morsy holds a bachelor's degree) protested outside Parliament on Sunday. Al-Shorouk clarifies that Morsy's son has ended the controversy and declined the lucrative job following numerous complaints about ""favoritism and presidential connections."" Omar Morsy is reported as saying ""I pulled out as my father and family were being subjected to numerous rumors."" Morsy's son argued that he was not being offered tens of thousands of pounds per month, but merely LE 900. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"203",2013-02-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-and-ultras-clash-during-march-reveals-rift-and-rivalries","Demonstrators organized a march Friday to demand justice for former military leaders whom protesters accuse of killing revolutionaries during the 18-month-long transition that followed the 25 January revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The initiative was an attempt to break the political stalemate of the street protests, with activist groups coordinating with the Ultras Ahlawy football fan group to take action to demand justice. But, the good intentions didn't save the day. Scuffles erupted shortly between the two groups during the march. Witnesses say the ultras were attempting to silence any chants against President Mohamed Morsy, which provoked many activists who did not see a difference between the military junta and the Muslim Brotherhood regime, which they accuse of granting the former a safe exit. Wael Eskandar, who wrote his eyewitness account for the online magazine Jadaliyya, said when chants against Morsy turned loud, disgruntled protesters and provoked ultras started to clash, and some women were physically assaulted, allegedly by ultras members. Shortly after, both protesters and ultras pulled out. ""Protesters left with more questions than answers as to what drove the ultras to adopt such a position. Were they convinced that justice could be attained under the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood? Were they infiltrated? Were they placated by the court verdict, which sentenced 21 individuals to death for involvement in the Port Said massacre?"" Eskandar asked in his account. The ruling came to shake the relation between the ultras and activists following their cheering to the death sentence verdict given to 21 defendants accused of killing football fans after a match in Port Said last February. Parallel to their cheering, many Port Said residents erupted against the police in days-long violence that claimed more lives, as they believed the regime used their kids as scapegoats to avoid the wrath of Ahly's ultras. As Ultras Ahlawy burst into the streets of Cairo to celebrate, they were accused of disregarding real justice and falling into their traditional football rivalries, shoving politics aside. ""This is not true. Our celebration never means that we forgot real justice. Our celebration is due to the fact that justice started to be served,"" a leading ultras member, who requested anonymity and will be referred to as Ali, told Egypt Independent following the January verdict. ""We were clear from the first day that Port Said fans are the ones who committed killings with their own hands. We also believe that the police were complicit and incited them, and the military regime engineered the whole massacre. But this does not negate the fact that Port Said fans committed the crime,"" Ali explained. He said Ultras Ahlawy had testified against the defendants who received death sentences in the case. ""We know those who killed our friends by heart and we actually testified against them,"" he recounted. But they will not be deceived, he added, as they await justice against the police officers who were complicit in planning for the massacre. ""Let's be realistic. We know that we cannot hold the military accountable now because it needs more revolutionary efforts. But we were pressuring to hold both Port Said fans and the police accountable. Our pressure yielded partially, so let's wait till we see the rest of the ruling,"" he added. The rest of the defendants are yet to hear their fate, which will be decided in a 9 March court session. Another ultras member, who also prefers not to mention his name due to established ultras traditions, believes that politics played a major rule in misleading the public regarding this case. ""The conspiracy-theory remarks by many politicians misled the Port Said people. It convinced them that the existence of a conspiracy is enough to set them innocent from the crime, which is never true,"" the other Ultras Ahlawy member, who will be referred to as Adel, told Egypt Independent. ""The fact that there is real conspiracy does not mean they are innocent. Port Said fans committed the crime with their own hands,"" Adel said. But football enmity aside, the case opened up a gap between ultras and activists, who for long celebrated them as their revolutionary companions and bold front-liners fearlessly standing against the police. Ali spoke of a certain distrust. He believes that many opposition groups who previously supported Ultras Ahlawy's demands never wanted real justice, but just wanted the anger of ultras to use it for political reasons. ""Some of the revolutionaries I saw in the court were not happy with the verdict and the joy of the martyrs' mothers. They wanted the ruling to acquit all defendants so that we get angrier and they can use our anger,"" he said. ""Their faces literally turned black when they heard the ruling,"" he added. ""They never wanted justice."" The ultras staged a major sit-in last year in front of the Cabinet to demand justice for their killed martyrs and organized many protest. They enjoyed wide support from different political groups. But the attitude shifted after the court ruling, Ali said. ""[The April 6 Youth Movement] in Port Said is against the ruling. Opposition figure Hamdeen Sabbahi supported and visited us in our Cabinet sit-in last year when he was a presidential hopeful. Now he says the ruling is politicized,"" he said. ""Political gains move politicians, but for us, justice, and justice only, will be forever our main drive,"" he concluded. Like him, Adel believes that the ultras will never be used as cards in the ongoing political deadlock. ""We all support the revolution and we protest in Tahrir Square individually. But our collective actions as ultras will only serve our case as ultras, and we will never allow them to be used politically,"" he asserted. Some diagnose this gap as a cultural difference between the loosely organized activists and the more tightly organized ultras. For founding member of Zamalek Ultras White Knights and author of ""The Ultras Book"" Mohamed Gamal Beshir, also known as Gemyhood, there are two mindsets at hand - and they can fall into conflict. ""The ultras are governed by their own moving, extremely radical performance,"" he said. But activists do not always understand this, he added. In their Cabinet sit-in in 2011, for example, the ultras declared that women would not be allowed to enter starting after 10 pm. The move infuriated many activists. ""The activists saw this as discrimination and sexism, while the ultras believed that having girls will be a distraction from their specific goal,"" Gemyhood said. ""The two perspectives are OK in their separate contexts, but show two conflicting cultures. The clash was inevitable."" Accordingly, saying the ultras were infiltrated or are solely driven by football rivalry because they rejected anti-Morsy chants in the march is a rushed position, he argued, adding that for the ultras, chanting against Morsy was a distraction from the march's anti-military profile. It's the activists' mistake, he added, that they didn't explain their position that the opposition to both parties - the military and the Brotherhood - is interconnected. Samia Jaheen, who attended Friday's march, attributed the conflict to attempts at hijacking coordination among activists, ultras and other politically engaged groups. The goal of the march was clear through the Facebook event and the media, she said, and it was to commemorate the martyrs who fell during the military rule, and whose killers, the military commanders, were honored by Morsy. ""The attempt to break our unity [before the march] was huge. It's as if there was determination to fail the first attempt at coordination between the two groups,"" she wrote on her Facebook. Acquiescing to the flawed notion that the incident marks the dramatic depoliticization of ultras is activist Alaa Abd El Fattah, who was at the march's forefront Friday. ""As long as we insist that people cannot commit mistakes lesser than treason, and as long as we continue to fight over tactical choices as if they where ethical or ideological, we'll have incidents like these,"" he said. He blamed this insistence for activists' and protesters' ongoing problems engaging with the public. ""There is extreme hostility toward those who have specific causes, which allows for ridiculous statements like ultras will fight for their own cause only. That's why we fail to engage with socioeconomic struggles,"" he added. This piece appears in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"204",2013-02-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thousands-march-port-said-against-protest-killings","Workers at the Port Said arsenal, which is run by the Suez Canal Authority, have joined a civil disobedience campaign that started Sunday to protest the deaths of demonstrators last month. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Violence erupted in the city on 26 January after 21 local youths were sentenced to death in the Port Said football violence trial. Arsenal workers protested outside the facility early Monday to demand investigations into last month's clashes. Nearly 23 factories, employing 27,000 workers, have also shuttered, following the lead of schools and government offices. The strikes come after thousands of protesters marched through the streets of Port Said Sunday night demanding justice for those killed and wounded during last month's protests, as well as Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim's dismissal. Protesters said that the civil disobedience campaign would continue until their demands were met. The march from Shohada Square through 23 July, Gomhurriya and Saad Zaghloul streets included family members of those killed, injured or imprisoned, in addition to Al-Masry Club ultras. Protesters also demanded the dismissal of the head of Port Said Security Directorate and that an independent judge investigate the deaths and injuries of protesters last month. They also want the victims of the clashes to be granted a martyrs' status equal to that of those killed during the 25 January revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"205",2013-02-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-block-port-said-road-trees-and-flaming-tires","Hundreds Ultras Al-Masry members and Port Fouad residents blocked the road leading to the eastern side of Port Said with tree trunks and flaming tires on Tuesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The move is part of ongoing acts of civil disobedience in Port Said Governorate as protesters demand an investigation into the deaths of demonstrators during recent violence and compensation for victim's families. Violence erupted after the verdict in the Port Said football massacre sentenced 21 people to death in January. The military attempted to convince protesters to let port workers and container trucks through, but demonstrators refused to listen. In related news, the Strong Egypt Party, headed by former presidential hopeful Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, froze its activities in Port Said in solidarity with the demands of protesters. In a statement issued Tuesday, the party said, ""Due to the events Port Said Governorate is experiencing since 26 January, upon which a number of innocent people and some of the finest sons of the city were martyred, and as perpetrators have not been defined until now and as opacity and non-transparency surround investigations in these events, the Strong Egypt Party in Port Said [is acting in] solidarity with the legitimate demands of Port Said."" The party backed the formation of an independent rights committee to investigate the violence as well as adequate compensation for victims and their family members, it added."
"206",2013-02-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/tuesday-s-papers-turbulence-within-army-and-port-said-civil-disobedience","Al-Shorouk leads with, ""prejudice against Sisi is suicide for the current political regime."" The paper reports that sources stated there was a widespread feeling of unease and anger among Armed Forces officers in the wake of rumors about the sacking of Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the minister of defense. High level sources informed al-Shorouk that such rumors seek to test the Armed Forces' potential reaction towards the dismissal of their head, adding that the army will not re-enter the political scene. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The sources criticized the calls from certain activists, mentioning in particular Nawara Negm and Asmaa Mahfouz, for the Armed Forces to run the country again and suggested that these same people had previously chanted against army rule. Other military sources added that the army is aware of the attempts on the part of the Ultras to protest in front of the ministry of defense with the intention of pulling the army back into the political scene. The sources stated that any move against the Armed Forces leadership would be suicide for the current regime especially because the army is neutral and kept its promises to handle the transition period and hand the country to a civil and elected president. Party newspaper Al-Wafd writes, ""Army anger rises because of Sisi's dismissal rumor."" An army source stated that the Armed Forces will not allow a repeat of the Tantawy-Anan scenario. On the same note, a well informed source stated that the Muslim Brotherhood is known for such ""rumor balloons"" to read public opinion regarding possible decisions. The source added that the Brotherhood aims at changing the army from within, which is difficult with Sisi at the helm. On a different note, Al-Ahram reports that that in Port Said, factories and schools are closed and the city demands a presidential apology for the killings in the city over the past month. The government mouthpiece writes that on the second day of civil disobedience, al-Masry Ultras, in addition to the victims' families and some school students stopped employees from entering the free zone, leading to 28 factories being idle and LE18 millions in loss. Sources stated that workers coming from Daqahliya and Ismailia could not get to their places of work after the Ultras closed the way to Raswa Customs Port to force the factories owners to join the civil disobedience. Al-Ahram adds that protesters roamed around the city forcing people to return home. Protesters demand the rights of the martyrs that fell in the city in the clashes on the revolution anniversary and following the verdicts in relation to the football massacre last year. They also demand an official apology from the presidency. Port Said Governor Ahmed Abdallah declared that the social insurance minister has granted LE5,000 for each victim, in addition to LE1,000 from Port Said investors. Al-Shorouk writes that the president's legal advisor Mohamed Fouad Gadallah stated yesterday that Port Said's victims are considered martyrs, apart from the ""criminals."" He added that those who committed assaults against public facilities, buildings or security forces cannot be considered martyrs. In an attempt to alleviate the tension in the city, Gadallah stated that Port Said will return to being a well-cared for free zone and that the necessary legal and the procedural steps would be taken. The advisor said that this would address the grievances behind the civil disobedience. The Freedom and Justice newspaper writes describes events in the city as, ""A fake civil disobedience."" The mouthpiece of the Muslim Brotherhood states that the call for civil disobedience in Port Said received a weak response from the Green Eagles (al-Masry Ultras). Leftist forces tried to stop work in schools and vital institutes the paper said, but that these efforts did not bear fruit. Limited marches roamed around Port Said and leftist forces tried to empty certain government buildings of its employees in an attempt to get government attention. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"207",2013-02-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/who-rules-egypt-now","At the beginning it was Ultras Ahlawy. On 27 January, a judge ordered the execution of 21 civilians in the Port Said football violence, in which at least 72 football fans were killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ruling seemed to run contrary to the majority of court rulings in cases over the killing of revolutionaries since the 25 January revolution broke out. Most cases were closed because the culprits were unknown, or the charges were dropped due to a lack of incriminating evidence. Those convicted in the Port Said trial were convicted in relative haste compared to these cases over protester deaths, which were continually postponed, only to deem officers not guilty, in many cases. That signified the state's resolve to escalate its use of ""legitimate"" violence against citizens, even if they were unarmed or using primitive tools to defend their lives. Some explained the Port Said ruling as indicative of the regime's fear of the Ultras Ahlawy, and the regime's attempt to preempt a possible outburst if a verdict that did not bring retribution was issued. But the side effects of the ruling soon showed themselves strongly in the three Suez Canal governorates, with widespread protests and stark defiance to the imposed curfew, not only to protest the ruling, but also the regime's perceived bias against Port Said residents and those in other canal governorates, which were considered to have been scapegoated to avoid retaliation from the most important organized youth group in Egypt. Within that context, several observers said the ruling would lead to a rise in the revolutionary tide or the spread of chaos, including the undermining of state prestige. They also predicted an escalation in the use of symbolic or physical violence, from both parties. Things, however, look different three weeks later. Brushing aside conspiracy theory, it seems the recent escalation that accompanied the ruling in this cause celebre was deftly planned to enable the Interior Ministry to once again tighten its grip on the public sphere, using tools that had largely disappeared over the past two years, including killing, torture, wide-scale arrests and harassment, and the rape of protesters and detainees (both male and female). It is also clear that the security apparatus, and the regime in general, is trying to turn protesters against each other and use elements that infiltrate the protests to raise the level of violence in confrontations, and therefore create justification for any eventual use of repression and intimidation by the security sector. Most analysts have said this transformation reflects a strong alliance between the Muslim Brotherhood, the police and the army to salvage the state prestige and reinstate the same type of authoritarianism as Hosni Mubarak's. However, a more detailed and nuanced reading of the variations in the strategies of each of these three actors could enable us to understand how a new form of authoritarianism - a more legalist one - is being established. The total silence on the part of Brotherhood leaders regarding recent incidents of police violence demonstrates that after the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace confrontations of 5 December, in which Brotherhood members engaged directly with protesters, the group has decided to keep itself out of the escalation dynamics and to give leeway to security forces to monopolize violence in the name of preserving the state and its stability. The military, on the other hand, is trying to regain its moral authority among the population after one and a half years of direct rule, which had created a deep rift between them and the lay people. In the last three months, the Armed Forces announced more than once that they could intervene to restore security. However, they did not do so, which shows that the military institution is keen on establishing itself as an arbitrator rather than as a direct party to any open conflict between the revolutionaries and security forces, or between revolutionaries and the militias of Islamist powers, opting for the magical solution it has always adopted: ruling without governing. Although it seems there is a strong alliance between these three actors - the Brotherhood, the police and the army - a deeper look reveals that each of them has a more self-centered strategy: to ensure its survival as a foundational block of the ruling system and a key player in the coming, post-parliamentary elections stage, whether or not this will ensure the continuation of the strong ties with the other two parties. Egypt is being ruled by a loose alliance. Every party is aware of its fragile position and ready to adopt extreme measures to ensure its survival, first as such and then as an alliance component. But even if we hold these three bodies legally, politically and ethically responsible for letting the law of the jungle reign, the incoherence of this troika remains a clear feature of vulnerability - one that can be used to re-instigate revolutionary momentum in such difficult and turbulent times. The missing point is still this: Who among the opposition is ready to take on this task to continue the revolutionary struggle without falling in the tempting compromise of political inclusion? Dina el-Khawaga is a professor in Cairo University's Faculty of Economics and Political Science, and programs director at the Arab Reform Initiative in Paris. This article was translated by Dina Zafer. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"208",2013-02-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-kafr-al-sheikh-opposition-forces-start-sit-city-council","Protesters from the Popular Current, Dostour Party, Karama Party and April 6 Yout Movement staged a protest in front of the Desouk city council in Kafr al-Sheikh early Friday evening as part of the nationwide ""Trial of the Regime"" protests against President Mohamed Morsy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After Friday prayers, a march kicked off from Ibrahim al-Desouky Mosque to the city headquarters. Protesters chanted demanding the that the goals of the revolution be achieved. They started a sit-in outside the building. A number of protesters also blocked Desouk al-Olwy Bridge, causing major traffic congestion throughout the city. The bridge connects Kafr al-Sheikh to the Beheira, Alexandria and Matrouh governorates. In Tanta, hundreds of demonstrators stormed the Freedom and Justice Party headquarters earlier in the evening, tearing down and burning the party's banners while chanting slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood. Some demonstrators then marched to the Tanta Court, pelting rocks at the building before heading to Mahata Square. Also on Friday evening, protesters in Mahalla al-Kobra City blocked Bahr Road off of Shoan Square, setting tires on fire to stop traffic as they demanded the prosecution of members of Morsy's administration. ""Retribution, retribution for the revolution's martyrs,"" and, ""Oh martyr, by your blood [we swear], another revolution anew,"" they chanted. Opposition political forces called for the nationwide ""Trial of the Regime"" protests to demand that the Morsy administration, who they hold accountable for the deaths of protesters in January at the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace and in Port Said and Suez, be put on trial. They demand Morsy's ouster, early presidential elections, and a veto on the Shura Council's Parliamentary Elections Law, which puts Alexandria in the second phase of voting in the upcoming parliamentary elections. Protesters claim the law gives Islamists an unfair opportunity to regain popularity in the governorate after failing to win in Alexandria during the presidential elections. Also in Mahalla, dozens gathered in Shoan Square, distributing leaflets that read, ""Since President Mohamed Morsy came to power in Egypt, he has been working hard along with his group to bury the revolutionary movement."" The president used security forces to suppress demonstrations, resulting in the killing, injury and arrest of many protesters, the leaflet alleged. The statement proclaimed that the people's will would triumph over oppression and tyranny, and the people would establish the state they dream of in the end. In Alexandria, hundreds of protesters marched from Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque to the northern military region after Friday prayers. The first of four marches left immediately after Friday prayers ended. Protesters called on military leaders to deploy soldiers to oust Morsy and hold early presidential elections. The second march included dozens of women. In the third, protesters rejected the army's interference in politics, chanting: ""No military, no Brothers, Egyptian people are in the square."" Protesters in the forth march called for nationwide civil disobedience and the toppling of the Morsy administration. Early Friday afternoon protesters in Port Said's Shohada Square escalated their demands for Morsy's removal. Massive marches kicked off from mosques across the city, led by Ultras Masrawy, opposition political groups and the families of those killed in the recent clashes. Protesters called for a continuation of civil disobedience until their demands are met. Friday marks the sixth day of civil disobedience in Port Said, which has suspended the work of several state bodies in the city. Protesters staging a sit-in outside the governorate headquarters urged demonstrators to remain peaceful, and to respect state and private facilities. Popular committees were formed to attempt to detect infiltrators or armed thugs. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"209",2013-02-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dozens-shut-mugamma-tahrir-threaten-shut-down-sadat-metro","Dozens of protesters in Tahrir Square on Sunday shut down the Mugamma as part of protests against President Mohamed Morsy's call for parliamentary elections in April. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Fights broke out between protesters and Mugamma employees, with citizens trying to access services also getting involved. Mugamma security did not attempt to stop the protests. Speakers on the main stage set up at Tahrir called on the protesters blocking the Mugamma to also block tracks at the Sadat metro station. Ultras Ahlawy members, meanwhile, sprayed graffiti on buildings and put up posters inside the metro station saying, ""9 March is the police's turn,"" ""Those who died, died for us to live freely"" and ""When I let go of his right [the martyr's], I'll be dead indeed,"" referring to the sentencing session for police defendants in the Port Said football violence trial. A group of retired military veterans also distributed leaflets urging Egyptians to protest Monday in front of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Nasr City against what it described as Brotherhood attempts to take over state institutions. Morsy has announced that elections of the lower house of parliament, the House of Representatives, will take place in four stages at the end of April and beginning of May, amid criticism and calls for boycott by opposition forces. Critics have complained about unfair seat distribution among governorates and the absence of guarantees for an impartial vote. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"210",2013-02-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-electoral-boycotts-and-easter-conflicts","The most common topic in this morning's newspapers is that Egypt's parliamentary elections, previously schedule to begin on 27 April, have been moved forward to start on 22 April. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The decision came after Coptic Christians criticized the timing of the parliamentary elections, which would take place during the Easter holiday. The changes to the schedule will affect all four stages of the elections. The state-owned Al-Akhbar newspaper leads with ""Postpone the election of the House of Representatives in response to the demands of the Copts,"" in a clear nod to the presidency's tolerance, while the FJP mouthpiece Freedom and Justice says more bluntly, ""Fahmy [Shura Council speaker]: The president consents to the church, [makes] adjustments to the parliamentary elections schedule."" Conversely, privately-owned Youm7 says that the ""Church's anger forced the presidency to adjust the parliamentary elections schedule."" The privately owned Al-Shorouk newspaper focuses on the upcoming election, and how it says it will deepen the country's political, as well as opposition calls for a boycott. The paper reports that opposition figure and Dostour Party leader Mohamed ElBaradei and Popular Current and National Salvation Front leader Hamdeen Sabbahi have both called for election boycotts, and Amr Hamzawy has also said that a boycott may be the opposition's best option. The Freedom and Justice Party has condemned calls for a boycott, while the Nour Party has criticized the scheduling of elections without first reaching an agreement between different political parties. Both the Nour and the Wafd Parties will meet today to decide their plans regarding the elections. State-owned Al-Akhbar's front page leads with ""Quiet in Shubra and Tahrir, disobedience continues in Port Said."" The newspaper points to strikes which have closed down seaports, customs outlets and roads leading to the governorate, while the Armed Forces have deployed military police to Port Said's streets to manage traffic in the absence of Interior Ministry police as the city enters the eighth day of a civil disobedience campaign. The paper also reports that hundreds of members of the Al-Masry football club's Green Eagles ultras blocked the Port Said-Ismailia and Port Said-Cairo roads Saturday as well as the Raswa customs port. Privately owned Al-Tahrir newspaper reports that the people of Port Said are shunning the upcoming parliamentary elections and have warned Salafi candidates against participating, announcing that the elections ""are not happening in their city."" Freedom and Justice's front page quotes Prime Minister Hesham Qandil as saying that ""A judge had been assigned to investigate last month's clashes in Port Said,"" which left around 50 dead after a verdict was announced in the Port Said football massacre case. Qandil also said that the declaration of a state of emergency in the city on 27 January and later partially rescinded was due to the ""exceptional circumstances."" State-owned Al Ahram and Al-Akhbar both report that Shubra is quiet after calls for civil disobedience have mostly fallen on deaf ears, while protesters have once again closed all of the entrances to Tahrir Square, despite the Interior Ministry's promise to set a plan for tearing down the concrete walls downtown. The papers reported that popular committee members placed metal barriers across all entrances. Both papers also reported that bakeries are threatening to strike Thursday if the government does not yield to their demands and pay them overdue compensation for production incentives and differences in diesel prices. Meanwhile, Al-Shorouk also highlighted on its front page statements from Central Bank Governor Hisham Ramez during an interview saying, ""I expect the end of the decline in strategic foreign reserves by next month."" Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"211",2013-02-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-rally-ahead-second-ruling-port-said-stadium-case","Hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); staged a mass rally inside Cairo University on Monday to demand justice for the martyrs of the Port Said stadium massacre, ahead of a second ruling in case expected on 9 March. Protesters held banners and chanted for retaliation against the police officers on trial for the deaths of at least 72 football fans in the incident. The protest kicked off from the central library and then headed across the campus, as protesters chanted and sang songs against the military council and the Interior Ministry. They also held photos of the victims. Security was heightened around the university gates, anticipating potential clashes. The Ultras Ahlawy issued a statement warning against the consequences if the police officers are not found guilty. ""We will not waive the rights of anyone who killed, planned or betrayed. This case would be the first for police officers to be given sentences and a beginning for the purge of the Interior Ministry,"" the statement said. Seventy-two Ahly team fans were killed and hundreds were injured on 1 February 2012 when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. On 26 January 2013, the Port Said Criminal Court referred 21 defendants in the case to the mufti to potentially be sentenced to death, sparking violent protests in Port Said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"212",2013-02-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/tuesday-s-papers-boycott-or-not-boycott","The headlines of Tuesday's newspapers continue to express alarm over escalating political polarization. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The liberal Wafd Party's daily writes that the Salafi Nour Party has announced its participation in the upcoming elections for the House of Representatives, formerly the People's Assembly, and is ready to join any electoral political alliance, as long as it has an Islamic background. The ultra-conservative party has backed away from its previous stance boycotting the controversial polls because of reservations about the dates. Bassem al-Zarqa, a member of the party's board, demanded that the government guarantee the transparency of the balloting process, the paper reports. State-owned paper Al-Akhbar says that Islamist party Al-Wasat has decided to compete in April's parliamentary polls. The party is reportedly holding initial discussions about running with other Islamist political parties to run together on a single ballot. On the other hand, the recently-established Al-Sabah newspaper writes that the opposition coalition National Salvation Front will meet today to announce whether to boycott or take part in the polls. The paper quotes Amr Moussa, head of the Conference Party, as saying that he intends to boycott the elections. However, ""If boycotting takes place, it should be collective,"" he adds. On its front-page, privately-owned daily Al-Watan highlights eye-catching quotes from Mohamed ElBaradei, the Dostour Party head, in his latest BBC interview. The paper's headline reads: ""ElBaradei calls on the army to interfere"" and quotes him as saying, ""Holding elections now puts Egypt on a path [toward] chaos."" ElBaradei, a prominent figure within the NSF, said he supported boycotting the elections on Sunday because the current government is following in the footsteps of Mubarak's 30-year regime, threatening electoral transparency, Al-Watan writes. Privately-owned paper Al-Tahrir writes that the Ultras Ahlawy have organized a massive march calling for retribution against the police officers on trial for the deaths of at least 72 football fans in February 2012 during the ""Port Said Massacre."" Protesters chanted anti-interior ministry slogans and threatened chaos if justice is not served. They reportedly held banners baring the pictures and names of those who lost their lives at a football match in Port Said between Ahly and local club Al-Masry on 1 February 2012. The same newspaper publishes a story reporting that bakers across the governorates are outraged by the new subsidization system for bread products. The government is considering subsidizing final bread products only, while placing the cost burden of grain and flour fully on bakery owners. The paper says that bakers have announced they will go on strike starting at the beginning of March if the government goes ahead with the new subsidy scheme. Freedom and Justice, the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm, dedicates the upper half of its front page to President Mohamed Morsy's interview aired after midnight in the early hours Monday. The partisan paper sheds light on the parts of the interview that help burnish Morsy's image amid growing criticism of the Cabinet's lackluster response to the country's crises. Morsy conceded that the Cabinet's performance has not been spectacular, but argued that changing it now would have negative implications both for Egypt's image and the economy. In a two-page spread, Al-Wafd paper provides an in-depth analysis of the president's interview by a number of politicians, who claim that Morsy did not offer a drastic solution for the current political deadlock. Flagship state daily Al-Ahram publishes a classic example of its coverage template concerning the so-called achievements of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's government. In its leading story, the paper focuses on tedious details, aiming to convey a clear message that the government is directing all efforts to salvaging the country from myriad economic crises. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"213",2013-02-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/merchant-city-port-said-calls-dignity-and-justice","PORT SAID - In the ongoing protest movement that has gripped the city of Port Said googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); for the past month, no Egyptian flags were raised. Instead, a green, white and black flag dominates marches across the coastal city, replacing the red in the Egyptian flag with the green of Port Said's Masry football club's flag. The club is at the center of the court case that sparked the city's most recent wave of protests. ""Here is the flag of Port Said. This is our country, and we're willing to die for it,"" one demonstrator shouted during last Friday's protest. Eerily quiet streets and metal bars blocking shop windows during the day signaled the success of the civil disobedience movement announced in the city last week. But the specter of violence that accompanied Mahalla and Mansoura's recent calls for civil disobedience was absent. If anything, the exercise of disobedience lent the city a sense of serenity. Rejecting violence, the palpable anger of the city's residents has instead been channeled toward an amplified sense of local solidarity and an increased resentment toward the state, and, at times, even society. Port Saidis come first Thousands marched across the city Friday, winding through the same streets where people were killed with live ammunition in violent clashes last month, some pointing to bullet holes that pierced kiosk fronts. The politically affiliated and the unaffiliated, women and youth, as well as Masry football supporters took part in the protest, calling for the rights of those who were killed, and also for the independence of Port Said. ""We will free Port Said, our brothers were killed,"" the crowd chanted. City residents say the state of mass protests and collective solidarity it has experienced in the last week is unprecedented, even in the first days of the 25 January revolution. While their participation in past revolutionary waves may not have been strong, protesters say the fight became personal when their people were killed in the street. ""We are in the street because of feelings of injustice. Every household in Port Said is suffocating. People are dying of rage and grief, and [the president] is ignoring us. The whole country is ignoring us as if we are nothing,"" said Mervat Fouda, a teacher participating in the protest. Beyond the feelings of marginalization common outside Cairo, Port Said residents feel the city has been singled out for oppression since the days of former President Hosni Mubarak. ""People tell us we're all Egyptians. No, I am not Egyptian; I am Port Saidi first and foremost,"" said 22-year-old Mahmoud Hassan, a recent university graduate. ""They have to understand that our first concern now is Port Said. We will defend it even if we have to take up arms and kill other Egyptians."" Feeling that revolutionaries have aligned against them, he said he doesn't feel any sense of belonging to Egypt's revolution. Instead, he considering the protest to be Port Said's own revolution. ""Port Said was insulted in Tahrir Square. I don't identify with that square and I'm not proud of a revolution that insults my country,"" he said, asserting that his country is Port Said. In Martyrs Square, the protest movement's center and stage for a sit-in in its second week, a banner offered a vivid image of the feeling of disassociation and resentment residents harbor toward the rest of the country. The sign featured the red symbol of Port Said with two olive branches and an anchor in between in the form of a man pushing away the Egyptian flag. It read, ""Get away from me and leave me alone, if you will only be unjust to me."" The words ""free and independent Port Said"" were written above another picture of the city's symbol. The recent wave of unrest was sparked last month when security forces resorted to live bullets to quell protests denouncing a court verdict in which 21 people, mostly Masry football fans, received death sentences. They had been sentenced for killing at least 72 people during post-match violence at Port Said Stadium last year. Protesters' demands include the prosecution of the interior minister and those responsible for the post-verdict violence and deaths, the retrial of those who received death sentences, and the prosecution of the Port Said governor and security chief for failing to protect the people. Protesters believe the court verdict and death sentences were politically motivated - a result of political pressure applied by Ahly Ultras, hardcore Cairo-based football fans. ""Is their blood precious, while ours is cheap?"" Sayed Mansour, a day laborer, asked. Offended that the president has scheduled parliamentary elections despite the city's current situation, many residents reject the polls and insist they won't allow preparations to take place. ""There will be no election in this state,"" one protester shouted, referring to Port Said. ""It's only a matter of time til we get our independence. They can have their election over there in their country, Cairo. We have nothing to do with them now - there's blood between us."" Official reactions fall short The official response to the disobedience thus far has only further fueled anger. ""After one week of uprisings - of us pouring our hearts out in the streets, only to be ignored and not offered a single apology - [President Mohamed Morsy] thanks those who killed our brothers,"" said Ateyat, an education employee, as she led the chants, banging a pan with a piece of metal. Days into the disobedience campaign, Morsy announced the government would draft a law to return the free trade zone to Port Said, which would revitalize commerce. He said LE400 million would be allocated for the three Suez Canal cities, Port Said, Suez and Ismailia. However, the financial concessions, coupled with the lack of response to protesters' demands, have only elicited more frustration. ""I have a proposition for Morsy: Why doesn't he take the LE400 million and give us his three children? Would that satisfy him?"" asked Electricity Ministry employee Ahmed Gamal, insisting that retribution for the martyrs remains a non-negotiable demand. In a pre-recorded interview aired behind schedule early Monday morning, Morsy responded to a question on civil disobedience, dismissing it as acts of thuggery and claiming protesters forced employees and shops to join the movement against their will. A protester who works in small investments says what Port Said's people want, above all, is to feel heard. ""The buildup of oppression is now approaching the point of explosion. I'm telling the president to expect the worst,"" he said. ""We only want him to give Port Said 48 hours of his time. Look at us, listen to every person with a grievance for five minutes - otherwise, the country will fall apart."" Disobedience takes toll on city, but not people The only people seen in Hameidy, one of the main markets in Port Said, on Friday were the vendors sitting idly in front of the shops. In the absence of clients, some shops were closed, while other shop owners said they opened only to keep each other company, after growing bored of staying home for most of the past month. Despite their losses, the merchants still support the disobedience movement. They blame their current state on the government's callous indifference. ""Each one of these booths feeds more than a dozen families that haven't had any income in a month,"" one merchant said. ""If Morsy doesn't deal with the crisis, they will have to turn to stealing or dealing drugs."" The response to this most recent call for disobedience has massively exceeded similar calls over the past two years. Government employees uncharacteristically responded to the call, shutting down many government offices, while schools closed for more than a week. Different shops and syndicates put up banners around the city announcing their solidarity with the people's demands, and fliers urged people not to pay their bills ""because our money is used to buy weapons that the Interior Ministry uses to kill our sons."" Though naval traffic was allowed to flow to the critical Suez Canal, many canal-associated companies responsible for shipping and maintenance joined the disobedience movement, and one of Port Said's two ports shut down. The second issued a statement announcing it would remain operative due to its importance, saying it stands in solidarity with the city's demands. While the disobedience movement has gravely affected the economy, the security situation in Port Said is remarkably stable. Despite the absence of police, no incidents of thuggery were reported during the week, as citizens have taken to maintaining security themselves. Military units are only deployed to secure strategic and state buildings. Protesters are determined not to resort to violence, and are intent on proving wrong those who allege that those killed in Port Said were thugs. However, it remains to be seen how long this self-restraint will last, as some are already calling for an escalation. ""Port Said for the government is the Suez Canal. As long as the canal is functioning, they'll remain indifferent. We'll close it for them,"" one protester shouted during Friday's protest. The economic fallout over the past month is visible, yet this city of merchants remains defiant, persisting in its belief that nothing else will restore its dignity and rights. ""We have survived two years in difficult conditions, we can survive one more,"" exclaimed a protester and street cart vendor. ""Port Said won't go hungry."" This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition. - See more at: https://www.egyptindependent.com/news/offside-egypt-s-transitional-politics-shows-football-red-card#sthash.Cb5huNFm.dpuf This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition. - See more at: https://www.egyptindependent.com/news/offside-egypt-s-transitional-politics-shows-football-red-card#sthash.Cb5huNFm.dpuf This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"214",2013-02-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-protester-alleges-abuse-hands-police","A Port Said man alleged security forces dragged him through the street Wednesday and beat him as unrest continued in the coastal city. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The allegations are similar to accounts and video footage of protester Hamada al-Masry being dragged and repeatedly beaten by Central Security Forces on 1 February amid demonstrations at the presidential palace in Heliopolis, Cairo. The Port Said citizen, Alaa Mostafa Mohamed, said he was headed with two colleagues to a sandwich shop near Shohada Square when an officer in a passing police car made ""inappropriate signals"" and exchanged insults with the men. ""I was surprised by a police officer and six of his soldiers grabbing me by my clothes. They dragged me [on ground] then they carried me to the car,"" he said. ""They sprayed [something] on my eyes so that I could not see them, then beat me severely."" The alleged incident comes amid an anti-government civil disobedience campaign in the city that began earlier this month. Employees from the SEWS factory for electrical wiring, the Alexandria and Cairo banks and the National Bank of Egypt joined the protests. Demonstrators attempted to break through Armed Forces' cordons around the local notary office at the Port Said Court Wednesday before soldiers calmed them down. The notary closed in the morning after dozens of protesters led by Ali ""Spicy"", a leader of the local Masry Ultras football fan club, were denied a request to notarize petitions for Defense Minister Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to take over the government from President Mohamed Morsy. After consulting the Justice Ministry, notary employees reportedly said they could not process the paperwork. Spicy said the citizens would collect the petitions themselves and give them to military leadership to submit to the defense minister. Unhappy with the Muslim Brotherhood and Morsy's performance, some protest groups in several cities have recently called for the military to seize power. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"215",2013-03-01,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sisi-reaffirms-independence-military-citizens-petition-his-rule-port-said-red-sea-daqahliya","googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The military will remain loyal to the country, and protect its national security above all else, Defense Minister Abdel Fattah al-Sisi vowed on Thursday. Sisi was responding to calls from reactionary political factions for the military to wrest power of the country away from President Mohamed Morsy's administration. He made the statement as military school students renewed their oath of allegiance in front of Sisi after finishing basic training. The oath is a new tradition implemented to reaffirm the students' loyalty to the country and the military, and not to any political or religious movement or organization, a military source told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Any student demonstrating an affiliation with any particular political faction would be dismissed, the source added. Attempts to notarize petitions calling for Sisi to take command of the Red Sea and Daqahliya Governorates resumed on Thursday, echoing similar attempts in Port Said on Wednesday. Notary offices refused to accept the petitions, however, leading to clashes between employees there and citizens. Reactions to the petitions varied among political forces in those governorates, with some supporting the move and others objecting to it. Also on Thursday, the Ultras Masrawy and several political movements resumed civil disobedience. Ali Spicy, of the Ultras Masrawy, said they would continue to fight to notarize petitions to authorize Sisi's rule. Branches of the Central Bank of Egypt, Ahly Bank, Alexandria Bank and the Banque du Caire were closed. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"216",2013-03-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-burn-port-said-police-station-after-five-run-over","Protesters have set a Port Said police department ablaze after a police vehicle allegedly ran over five people during a demonstration calling for civil disobedience. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A group of residents said that the vehicle ran over five people on Mohamed Ali Street as dozens of ultras supporting Al-Masry and other local residents were marching to demand that gas companies close their offices in solidarity with protesters. Eyewitnesses said the group was intercepted by a speeding police vehicle near the intersection of Mohamed Ali and Thalatheeny Streets, where it ran over five protesters while a police officer fired shots in the air. The driver then lost control of the vehicle, hitting a street lamp and another vehicle. Military police arrived at the scene to direct traffic, while one of the ultras handed them a metal panel with the vehicle's number. Military police also helped transport the injured to Port Said Public Hospital. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"217",2013-03-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-plague-locusts-plague-brutality","The most widespread news in today's newspapers is related to protesters being run down in Mansoura and Port Said, as fresh clashes broke out between protesters and riot police. Independent Al-Shorouk newspaper reports that the scope of the bloody confrontations expanded in both cities after recurring incidents of police cars running over protesters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); It is not a mere coincidence that a police car runs over five people in Port Said leaving them seriously injured, only two days after an armored police vehicle crushed Hossam Abdallah Abdel Azim in Mansoura, as activists confirm that the police cars have intentionally run over the protesters, while condemning police brutality in dealing with demonstrators. In Port Said, a group of residents said that the vehicle ran over five people on Mohamed Ali Street as dozens of ultras supporting Masry football team and other local residents were marching to demand companies to close their offices in solidarity with the civil disobedience campaign. At the same time in Mansoura, clashes escalated between protesters and police forces after the funeral of the young man hit by a police vehicle. The Black Bloc group condemned police violence and called on other protestors to join them in Daqahlia, according to Youm7, which reports that the Popular Current and the Popular Coalition headquarters received tens of injured protestors hit by cartridge cases. Privately owned Al-Masry Al-Youm and Al-Tahrir lead with ""Run over and severe violence in Morsy's state"" and ""Dragged and crushed killings"" respectively, as both highlight yesterdays' violent incidents. Al-Masry Al-Youm writes that dozens of angry protesters threw rocks at Mansoura general prison during the funeral, as mobs also broke into Mansoura's security directorate. It continues that the city of Tanta, in Gharbiya governorate, witnessed street fights between protesters and security forces and that protesters besieged the security directorate, which led to police forces firing tear gas to disperse them. Moreover, the political movements and forces in Ismailia have called for a civil disobedience campaign to start today. Privately owned Al-Watan newspaper writes that police continued to brutally beat, drag and crush protesters in four governorates, whereas the Mansoura battle continued for 12 hours, leaving one killed and 112 injured in Mansoura alone. State owned Al-Akhbar leads saying that the High Judicial Elections Commission announced Saturday that candidates could start applying on 9 March to stand for House of Representatives elections. State owned Al-Ahram writes that commission head Samir Abul Maty said candidates could apply through 16 March, and that the applications would go to a special committee for each governorate. However, the opposition Al-Wafd newspaper reads ""No retreat from boycott."" The newspaper reports that the National Salvation Front continues to hold meetings with all social classes to come up with a plan to boycott the parliamentary elections. A number of today's newspaper also focused on US Secretary of State John Kerry's visit to Egypt. Al-Watan writes that Kerry will meet with NSF leader Amr Moussa, whereas the NSF announced that it would not accept any pressure to participate in the elections. Al-Shorouk also highlights that NSF will not attend meetings with Kerry, adding that there are ongoing communications with the US administration to explain its reasons for boycotting the parliamentary elections. One of the common topics in the news today was the swarms of locusts appeared in Cairo skies, Al-Akhbar reported, adding that the insects were clearly visible in the Moqattam neighborhood, moving toward Nasr City, New Cairo and Katamiya areas, and that swarms had also reached the Cairo-Suez highway. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately own Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"218",2013-03-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-central-bank-demand-retaliation","Security forces have started negotiations with Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , who gathered at the Central Bank of Egypt in downtown Cairo to demand retaliation for their fellow group members killed during the Port Said Stadium violence in February last year. About 600 protesters from the football fan group prevented employees and customers from going in and out of the bank, state newspaper Al-Ahram's website reported. Cairo security chief Major General Osama al-Sagheer deployed more Central Security Forces to the area and imposed a cordon around the bank, fearing attacks. Security troops, headed by Major General Ali al-Demerdash, deputy chief of the Cairo Security Directorate, are negotiating with protesters to reopen the bank, which has been closed for hours. Cairo traffic chief Major General Hassan al-Bardissy sent traffic police to the area, Al-Ahram reported. About seventy-two football fans, most of them rooting for Cairo's Ahly team, were killed on 2 February last year after a match with Port Said's Masry team, after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacked Ahly fans. Many partially blamed security forces for the violence, claiming police negligence. Port Said Criminal Court is expected to rule in a case over the violence on 9 March. In a related verdict in January, it handed down death sentences for 21 defendants, sparking widespread anger and outcry in the Suez Canal city. Clashes that erupted between protesters and police after the January verdict killed 40 people, and Port Said residents have since launched a civil disobedience campaign to demand justice over those deaths."
"219",2013-03-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-four-killed-over-100-injured-port-said-violence-says-ministry","Violent confrontations between police and protesters in Port Said left 123 injured on Monday, said Helmy al-Efny, the Port Said deputy of the Health Ministry. Fourteen protesters were injured by bird shot, while three others suffered bone fractures and other wounds. The rest suffered from asphyxia caused by tear gas. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Khaled al-Khatib, the head of the Central Department for Critical and Urgent Care, said that a total of four individuals died in Port Said during clashes on Sunday and Monday. President Mohamed Morsy called an emergency meeting with Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim on Monday evening to discuss the deteriorating security situation in Port Said. Ibrahim submitted a report to Morsy regarding what he called attacks on Port Said security forces by ""unknown elements,"" and claimed there were clashes between police personnel and members of the Armed Forces in the city. The president and minister will also discuss security issues regarding transferring defendents in the Port Said Stadium massacre case to other prisons. Clashes broke out again at Port Said Security Directorate earlier on Monday afternoon, coinciding with the funeral procession held for a protester killed in Sunday's clashes. Protesters participating in the funeral hurled stones at security forces around the building, who fired teargas at the crowd. Prior to the outbreak of the violence, thousands marched in the funeral procession of three people killed in overnight clashes with police. Army leaders participated n the funeral of 17-year-old Sayed Ali al-Sayed, who died on Sunday on front of Port Said Security Directorate after being struck in the head. Major General Nasser Mohamed, commander of the forces securing Port Said Governorate, and a number of military police soldiers took part in the funeral. The march began at Mariam Mosque, and was joined by thousands, including members of the Ultras Masrawy and the families of the victims. A car belonging to the Armed Forces Morale Affairs Department accompanied the march while playing verses of the Quran. Mourners chanted, ""No god but Allah, the Brotherhood are the enemies of Allah,"" and ""I swear with your blood, martyr, another revolution [will start]"" until they reached Port Said cemetery. The funeral of the other victim, 22-year-old Abdel Rahman al-Sayed, is scheduled for Monday evening. After clashes broke out in front of the security directorate, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that Central Security Forces fired live ammunition at the protesters and one protester received a bullet in the head and was transferred to the city's military hospital. A military armored vehicle fired live ammunition in the direction of Port Said Security Directorate, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported, adding that Armed Forces inspected the roofs of buildings surrounding the directorate buildings and demanding police forces withdraw. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that police forces responded by firing live ammunition and tear gas canisters at three military armored vehicles, which approached the walls of the directorate. The soldiers abandoned these vehicles after they suffered suffocation. Ambulances carried five army soldiers to nearby hospitals. In a statement on Monday, the Interior Ministry claimed that unknown elements randomly fired gunshots at the police and the armed forces in an attempt to drive a wedge between them. The statement appealed to the residents of Port Said to stay away from government and police installations. Meanwhile, Port Said Governorate building, adjacent to the directorate building, was partially set ablaze. Five were killed and 404 were injured late Sunday in violence between police and anti-regime protesters in Cairo and Port Said, said Mohamed Sultan, the head of Egypt's ambulance services. Two members of Egypt's security forces and three civilians were killed on Sunday and hundreds injured when shooting broke out during clashes between protesters and police in the Suez Canal city of Port Said, security and medical sources said on Monday, bringing the death toll to five. Meanwhile, the Armed Forces denied rumors that Army Colonel Sherif al-Arishy, who was shot in Port Said on Sunday, died of his injuries. The colonel, according to the Armed Forces, is currently in Helmiya Military Hospital being treated for a gunshot wound in his right leg. The Armed Forces spokesperson also denied reports of clashes between the Armed Forces and the police in Port Said Sunday., saying that both sides were shot at by unknown attackers. Sultan said in press statements earlier on Monday, quoted by state-run news agency MENA, that 30 ambulances helped transport 400 protesters who were injured outside the Port Said Security Directorate and governorate building. He noted that the victims suffered various injuries from Molotovs, birdshot and tear gas. Port Said Health Department head Helmy al-Afny had announced the death of two CSF officers who were shot during the clashes outside the security directorate, the death toll later rising to three. The clashes in Port Said erupted after the Interior Ministry transferred defendants in the 2012 Port Said Stadium massacre case to a prison in Zagazig, Sharqiya. The defendants are awaiting a final verdict on 9 March over charges of murdering 72 football fans after a Premiere League football match in February 2012. A Cairo court sentenced 21 defendants in the case to death in January, sparking ongoing protests in Port Said. Sultan also added that three protesters were hit by a police car in Cairo during clashes Sunday night around Tahrir Square."
"220",2013-03-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-ultras-ahlawy-set-fire-ex-interior-minister-s-dokki-apartment","Hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy members set fire to the outside of former Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Youssef's apartment building in Dokki during a Tuesday protest. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After, they headed for the residence of current Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim, who lives on Makram Ebeid Street in Nasr City, where they set fire to a police vehicle before being driven away. The angry demonstrators had first gathered in Al-Saha Square to protest any postponement to the next Port Said football stadium verdict scheduled for 9 March. The incident resulted in 74 football fans dying following a game in Port Said last year while Youssef was in power. Unnamed security sources also said demonstrators had lit another police vehicle ablaze near the building, injuring at least one officer. Ultras Ahlawy fans had also shot fireworks and chanted club songs during the protest. The group had announced two marches Tuesday: one to Youssef's home and the second to Ibrahim's residence. The group said in a statement, ""The Interior Ministry has not changed, continues to kill the people without accountability and if retribution does not come, we will get it with our hands."" In response, authorities had beefed up security at Youssef's Dokki home. The Port Said criminal court sentenced several defendants to death in its first ruling on 26 Janurary, which prompted widespread violence and protests in the canal community. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"221",2013-03-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-burn-police-car-giza-security-directorate","Ultras Ahlawy members set a police car parked at the Giza Security Directorate on fire after deflating its tires Wednesday, while also hurling flares into the Giza Governorate headquarters and closing off surrounding streets to traffic. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hundreds of members of Ultras Ahlway had earlier marched from Cairo University to the Giza Security Directorate, chanting ""the case is not over"" and carrying banners reading ""the Interior Ministry's turn is coming."" In February 2012, 74 Ahly fans were killed after a match against Al-Masry Club in Port Said, when the latter's supporters stormed the bleachers where Ahly fans were sitting. A court sentenced 21 defendants in the case to death on 26 January, and the fates of the remaining suspects will be decided Saturday, 9 March. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"222",2013-03-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-ministry-warns-strict-measures","The Interior Ministry warned Saturday that it would take ""strict procedures"" to combat ongoing attacks against authorities and institutions, after an attack by Ultras Ahlawy members Saturday left the Egyptian Football Association and the Police Club in Gezira in flames. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In a statement, the ministry said it will resort to unspecified procedures ""to curb the dangers, [the effects of which] would reach everyone and directly affect the nation stability, within law and standards."" The ministry called on all revolutionary, political forces and NGOs to play a national role and take responsibility for intervening to halt the violence. The statement also called on families and parents to keep their children away from the areas of violence and confrontations to avoid danger. One protester was killed Saturday by tear gas on the Qasr al-Nil Bridge, while a child reportedly suffered a gunshot wound to the head nearby on the Corniche during protests."
"223",2013-03-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-massacre-verdict-feared-many","Egypt awaits today the verdict of Sobhy Abdel Hamid, the head of the Port Said Criminal Court who is to decide the fate of 73 suspects accused of killing 72 football ultras after a match played last year turned violent. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The verdict follows a week of clashes between police and protesters in several cities, including Port Said, which has erupted in anger when an earlier verdict last January in the same case gave the death penalty to 21 of its youths, who were suspects in the case. The people of Port Said charge the government of President Mohamed Morsy of scapegoating them in the case by accusing the fans of their main football team, Masry, of killing Cairo's Ahly fans after the match played between the two clubs. They say that in order to please the densely populated Cairo and its Ahly ultras, Morsy had to sacrifice Port Said, which is less relevant electorally for him. But the anger in Port Said has extended to several other cities in the Delta, most notably, Daqahliya and Gharbiya, as well as Cairo, where clashes between police and protesters rose in the wake of anti-regime protests. These clashes have perturbed the stability of the security apparatus, with wide-scale protests taking place in the ranks of the Central Security Forces, strikes in several police stations and a complete withdrawal of the security from several areas, including the whole of Port Said. Protesting soldiers and officers have been calling for the resignation of Minister of Interior Mohamed Ibrahim, for implicating the security apparatus in the political scene. The Port Said massacre case falls right in the midst of this contention. Nine of the suspects in the case are policemen. They include Essam Samak, the former head of the Port Said security directorate, as well as the former heads of the National Security Agency and the Central Security Forces in the governorate. The nine suspects were not included in the death penalty verdict of last January, which is still being examined by the grand mufti, a standard procedure with executions here. Shawqy Allam, the newly elected mufti, refrained from submitting his decision on the death penalty to the court, claiming that he didn't have enough time to study the case sufficiently. This may lead to the postponement of today's verdict, which is ripe with contentions. ""The case has been confusing from the beginning, and all the evidence can have different faces. But the angry political street and the security instability cannot bear a ruling less than satisfactory for all parties,"" said Tarek Khedr, head of the Constitutional Law Department in the Police Academy. He argued that if policemen are given tough sentences, this may further exacerbate the mounting anger within the security apparatus and contribute to policemen further losing their self-confidence and ability to do their jobs. If they are not, the ultras of Ahly, whose co-fans are the victims of the massacre, have threatened of retaliation by spreading chaos in Cairo and beyond. The lawyers representing the families of the victims insist that the policemen were implicated in the case beyond just failing to stop the massacre. In the prosecution's investigation, it was found that one of the accused policemen, Mohamed Saad, who was on duty at the stadium when the massacre happened, had closed the emergency door of the stadium from the side where the Ahly ultras were sitting, right before the match ended. This has prevented them from running away when the Masry ultras started attacking them. Moreover, Ahmad Abdallah, former governor of Port Said, said that when Samak and his collaborators were asked about the security plan for the match, especially that it was taking place after constant fighting on online social media pages between the two fan groups, their answer was that everything was under control and that there was no need to cancel the match. Mohamed Homos, one of the witnesses in the case, and the head of Samak's office, said that some people showed up at the Security Directorate in Port Said six days ahead of the match and told policemen there that the Masry fans were planning an attack on Ahly fans. That said, Ashraf al-Ezaby, one of the Port Said lawyers representing the defendants, reiterated that nothing was found in the prosecution's investigation that could indict the policemen in the case. ""The evidence of the prosecution is weak. And the ruling that was issued for 21 defendants is sheer fear from the anger of Ahly's ultras against the regime. At the end of the day, this ruling can be appealed which means that the case is far from over. And although the people of Port Said don't care much about the fate of the policemen in the case, their legal status is not as bad as many think,"" Ezaby said. ""The only weakness in the case of the policemen is that the match took place that day in the midst of popular anger. But this is not enough to incriminate them. And legally, this translates into neglect, which punishment is prison and not the death penalty,"" he added. But for the Ahly ultras, the demand is for ""justice against all those who planned the massacre and deceived the people."" Three scenarios were announced by Ahly ultras on their Facebook pages regarding today's ruling. If the acceptable verdicts are issued against the policemen, Egypt will celebrate, they said. If the ruling is postponed, Egypt will go through a series of acts of instability, including roads and bridges' blocking and closing down of public agencies. If the policemen are found innocent, then the Ministry of Interior will be invaded and burned including all those inside it. For Ahmad Meshaly, a lieutenant and former spokesperson for the Coalition of Police Officers, it is unacceptable that the Ministry of Interior pays the price for a judicial ruling. ""It is impossible that the security apparatus pays the price of a ruling against some policemen. The former minister of interior who was in office during the massacre is equally responsible. This is about political responsibility,"" he said. ""The situation won't stabilize this way. Leave the police alone. It can't keep paying the price for the failures of the ruling regimes' political management."""
"224",2013-03-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-acquittals-death-sentences-draw-fire","The Port Said Criminal Court, headed by Judge Sobhy Abdel Meguid, on Saturday acquitted 28 defendants, sentenced five to life and confirmed the death sentence for 21 of 73 defendants accused of killing 72 fans in the aftermath of a match turned violent in February 2012. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hassan Yassin, head of the Public Prosecution's technical office, has said that the prosecutor general wouldn't appeal the acquittals of the 28 defendants until reviewing the rationale behind the verdict, telling MENA that doing so would be a violation of the law. Yassin said that any decision to appeal would need to take into account the rationale behind sentencing some of the defendants and acquitting the rest. The court case resumed on Saturday morning at the Police Academy in New Cairo, and immediately drew fiery responses from Port Said for the confirmed death sentences. Several Ultras Ahlawy members set fire to the Police Club and the headquarters of the Egyptian Football Association, located in the Gezira area of Zamalek, near Cairo Tower, to protest the acquittals. Police responded with tear gas. Several ultras then blocked traffic on a ramp leading to the 6th of October Bridge, while another group stopped train traffic at the Sadat metro stop for 10 minutes. A third group shut down the entrance to the Qasr al-Nil Bridge from Abdel Moneim Riyadh Square, opening it at 12:30 pm before retreating back to the Ahly Club. Ultras Ahlawy member Mohamed Samir, 18, said the ultras were reacting in anger to the acquittals of police officers in the case. Ultras Ahlawy leaders had earlier called on its members gathering before the Ahly Club gates to leave and postpone their protests until later, due to the high presence of media before the club. They chanted ""today ... today,"" referring to threats to block roads and Cairo metro lines, as well as to ""paralyze the whole country,"" according to an earlier statement. The initial euphoria that prevailed among the ultras as the death sentences for 21 defendants in the Port Said case were upheld gave way to silence, then anger, after news of the acquittal went around. A group leader had said earlier that the utlras were still mulling a response to the acquittals. Saeed al-Badry Farghaly, a former MP representing Port Said described the upheld death sentences as ""political and void."" ""Judges are not angels. We will not surrender and will resort to Court of Cassation,"" he said. ""The ruling is null,"" Farghaly told Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr satellite TV channel Saturday. ""The ruling is political, not legal. They wanted to victimize Port Said residents for the Ultras Ahlawy."" ""We will challenge the ruling before the Court of Cassation. We will not be prey to anyone whoever he was. We seek achieving justice,"" he added. Ultras supporting Port Said's Masry Club, the Ultras Green Eagles, issued a statement Saturday slamming a decision by the Port Said Criminal Court upholding death sentences for 21 local supporters of the team. ""If you want death penalties, give people death penalties and let them calm down. If you want Interior Ministry figures [to] be brought to trial, give them sentences and let people calm down,"" the group said in a Facebook post. ""It's a politicized judiciary to let one party, which the regime fears, calm down. Let the regime know that Port Said is not a scapegoat to satisfy one party on the expense of a city, that is believed to be a small, attainable one,"" it added. The group also called on its members to gather at 12 pm in front of the Port Said to decide their next moves. Former head of the Port Said Security Directorate, Essam Samak, one of nine policemen accused in the case, was sentenced to 15 years in jail. Another nine defendants received a similar sentence. Meanwhile, another policeman, Mohamed Saad, was sentenced to life. According to the prosecution's investigations, Saad was on duty at the stadium when the massacre happened and had closed the emergency door of the stadium from the side where the Ultras Ahlawy were sitting right before the match ended, preventing them from fleeing when the Masry ultras attacked. The rest of the nine policemen accused in the case were all acquitted. Six other defendants received 10-year jail sentences and two defendants received five years. One defendant received one year in prison. Abdel Meguid, had sentenced 21 of the defendants to death earlier this year on 26 January. The ruling is still being reviewed by the grand mufti, a standard procedure with death sentences. The ruling prompted a state of anger and chaos in Port Said, where families of the defendants called the ruling unfair and biased toward Cairo's Ahly club fans, whose colleagues were those killed after the match with their adversary, Port Said's Masry club. The Suez Canal governorate has ever since been in a constant state of instability, with ongoing clashes between protesters and police. The city also announced a state of civil disobedience days ago to express opposition to the security crackdown and the government of President Mohamed Morsy. On Friday, police pulled out from the city, leaving the Armed Forces with the responsibility of securing public institutions. On Saturday morning, the Armed Forces erected a concrete wall around the premises of the Interior Ministry in Port Said, in anticipation of angry reactions following the verdict. Meanwhile, the Cairo-based Ultras Ahlawy has threatened to spread chaos if justice is not served. Hundreds of them had already congregated near the Ahly Club in Cairo ahead of the verdict. A full security plan was deployed ahead of the anticipated ruling in today's session. Defendants did not show up at the court, as a security measure, a source told Al-Masry Al-Youm. The security plan includes the deployment of 2,000 soldiers around the Police Academy where the court session will be held, as well as on the roads leading to it in Cairo and around vital state institutions, Gamal Abdel Aal, head of Criminal Investigations in Cairo, told Al-Masry Al-Youm."
"225",2013-03-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-efa-police-club-fire-injures-15","The number of people injured in the fire at the Egyptian Football Association and the Police Club in Gezira has risen to 15, according to Ambulance Authority head Mohamed Sultan. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Sultan said that the injured suffered from bruises, abrasions, burns and smoke inhalation, though he added that none of the injuries were serious. Sultan added that the ambulance authority was on high alert and had stationed more ambulances downtown and near the ministries. Members of the Ultras Ahlawy had gathered in front of the Ahly Club headquarters in Gezira two hours after the Port Said Criminal Court had handed down a verdict acquitting 28 defendants in the Port Said case. Though the court upheld the death sentences of 21 other defendants and sentenced five others to life, angry Ultras Ahlawy members started attacking the EFA and the Gezira Police Club. Two military helicopters were deployed in Cairo to help contain fires at Egyptian Football Association and Police Club, which were set by Ultras Ahlawy members earlier today, the military spokesperson said on his Facebook page. Tharwat Seleem, a top official at the Egyptian Football Association, also said that all the original trophies won by Egypt in various football competitions were stolen. Seleem added, according to MENA, that the trophies were stolen before members of Ultras set fire to the EFA's building in Gezira. However, Seleem didn't elaborate on how many trophies were stolen from the EFA. Dozens of Ultras Ahlawy members marched from Mohamed Mahmoud Street to the High Court, chanting ""the people want the execution of the field marshal"" and ""Interior Ministry members are thugs."" Ultras members briefly blocked trains at the Sadat metro stop, but movement resumed shortly thereafter. All streets leading to the Interior Ministry in downtown Cairo were blocked off, and the Armed Forces were deployed around the Cabinet and Parliament buildings on Qasr al-Aini Street. Egypt's navy on Saturday reinforced its presence throughout the Suez Canal after protesters in Port Said stopped ferries from Port Said to Port Fouad. Earlier Reuters reported that protesters untied moored speedboats used to supply shipping on the Suez Canal. The new measures by the Armed Forces came as a new wave of anger washed over Port Said after the death sentences against 21 local residents in the Port Said football violence case were upheld by a court Saturday. Unknown attackers smashed glass windows in front of the Masry Club and used wooden benches inside to block 23 July Street. Muslim Brotherhood spokesperson Ahmed Aref described the reactions of the defendants' families as ""unreasonable."" Aref told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the ruling in not final and could be challenged before the Court of Cassation. He also added that the Brotherhood respects judicial rulings and that whoever rejects them should take the right procedures. Sobhy Saleh, a Shura Council member representing the Freedom and Justice Party, said the ruling is normal and that judicial rulings shouldn't be commented on, as this would amount to interference. Saleh also told Al-Masry Al-Youm that reactions from the defendants' families are ""normal,"" but added that they do not have to start a crisis and that there should be no attempts to react violently."
"226",2013-03-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-two-confirmed-dead-during-clashes-near-corniche","The Health Ministry confirmed the death of two protesters during clashes with police on the Nile Corniche nearby Qasr al-Nil Bridge in downtown Cairo on Saturday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Mohamed Sultan, head of Egypt's Ambulance Authority told the privately-owned ONtv satellite channel that one of the victims passed away while being treated for suffocation from tear gas. The other victim, according to the Health Ministry, is 20-years-old and died from a birdshot in his neck. The families of both victims demanded from the police to take the dead bodies of their deceased sons, but the prosecution insisted that autopsies are conducted first. Protesters marched to the morgue where autopsies were to take place. Meanwhile, one child had also reportedly suffered a bullet wound to the head during clashes on the Corniche downtown. Protesters were waiting on Saturday for ambulances to transport the victim to a hospital, while news spread that he was already dead. Sultan said that ambulances had responded to nine more cases of suffocation during the clashes. Different Egyptian news outlets have reported birdshot being used during the clashes around the downtown Cairo area. Dozens of protesters hurled stones at the Semiramis Intercontinental Hotel on the Corniche road until Saturday evening. State-run Al-Ahram newspaper reported on its website that protesters damaged the hotel's exterior and gates. Others blocked traffic on the road to protest police officers' use of birdshot to disperse protesters. The liberal Wafd Party's official newspaper had reported that police were using birdshot to prevent protesters from storming the hotel. Meanwhile, firefighters put out a small blaze at the Qasr al-Dobara school at Simon Bolivar Square. No causalities were reported. The clashes had earlier erupted between protesters and police near the British Embassy on the Corniche amid widespread unrest in the city after the Port Said Criminal Court issued a verdict acquitting 28 defendants in the Port Said football massacre case, where 72 football fans were killed after a match between Cairo's Ahly club and Port Said's Masry turned violent last year. Seven of those acquitted Saturday were police officers, and only two police officers were found guilty. Ultras Ahlawy, of whom many were killed in the Port Said attack, had threatened two days ago to take retribution into their own hands if the court failed to bring the perpetrators of the massacre to justice."
"227",2013-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/former-brotherhood-leader-urges-trial-morsy","Former Deputy Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood Mohamed Habib said President Mohamed Morsy should be brought to trial for deaths of protesters over the past few days. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""As long as we were able to bring Mubarak to trial, it's necessary then to bring the military council for trial for the victims who were killed under its rule, and hence Mohamed Morsy should be brought to trial for the [...] victims who were [recently] killed,"" Habib said during a talk show aired on the satellite TV channel MBC Masr on Saturday. Violence between police and protesters calling for civil disobedience against Morsy's rule have been sweeping the nation, leading to a number of casualties. Over 40 people were killed in Port Said and Suez during clashes that began at the end of January, while in Port Said an ongoing ""civil disobedience"" campaign has entered its third week. The protests and clashes started after a court sentenced 21 defendants to death over their role in the murders of 72 Ahly Club fans after a match in Port Said in February 2012. On Sunday, a court reaffirmed the death sentences and sentenced five more defendants to life in prison, while acquitting another 28. The Sunday rulings reignited anger among both Ultras Ahlawy members in Cairo and defendants' supporters in Port Said. Clashes between protesters and police rocked Cairo's Tahrir Square, with protesters accusing the Interior Ministry of using live ammunition against protesters. The police have denied using live ammunition, saying they were only armed with tear gas and sound bombs."
"228",2013-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-minister-decries-rumors-media-attacks-police","Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); has decried what he called as continuous rumors and media attacks against police services, saying his officers have been working under severe pressure and have been unable to respond to assaults. The minister reiterated that policemen are maintaining self-restraint, adding that the officers are suffering moral pressures, unable to respond to assaults. He warned that ongoing pressures might lead policemen to lose control over their actions at any time. ""My officers are human beings after all,"" he stated, adding that he understands the rage of striking police officers and personally shares their feelings. Several Central Security Forces camps and police departments have gone on strike demanding the removal of Ibrahim and better armament in face of assailers. He accused the media of waging relentless attacks on the police services and painting a bloody image of policemen. He noted that he plans to sue independent Al-Fajr daily newspaper over fake reports that the ministry had imported tear gas from Iran. ""Some claim that we have been using nerve gas and other internationally banned substances. We use tear gas to repel protesters, for if we get into direct contact, there will be human losses,"" Ibrahim said in a news conference Sunday. ""We have not fired a single bullet since 25 January."" Ibrahim said his ministry has nothing to do with regime-opposition conflicts and added that it is only carrying on its security duties. He called on political groups to withdraw protesters from the streets so security forces can recognize ""thugs and saboteurs."" He also commented on attacks by hardcore football fan group Ultras Ahlawy Saturday, saying 3,000 of them ""barbarically"" stormed the Police Club near the Ahly Football Club while women and children were inside, causing more than LE50 million in losses. They also ransacked the nearby Egyptian Football Association, stealing LE6 million in property, he said. He stressed that the Armed Forces cannot replace security services in Egypt, saying the Second Army commander had earlier admitted this during a news conference. Military forces have replaced police around the Port Said Security Directorate in the wake of weeks of clashes between police and protesters enraged by a court ruling sentencing 21 people to death for the murder of 72 people in the city's football stadium last year. ""Everybody should ask if he wants policemen around or not. If all people say we don't, we will leave,"" Ibrahim said."
"229",2013-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-sees-relative-calm-after-contentious-verdict","A day after an Egyptian court confirmed the death sentences of 21 Port Said civilians found guilty of causing Egypt's worst sporting disaster, Port Said remains relatively calm - in stark contrast with the past fortnight, which saw dozens killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ahead of the verdict's announcement on Saturday, the streets of Port Said were as empty as they used to be on the nights of important football matches. But this time, people were not huddled around their television sets in anticipation of the results of a match. Rather, they waited to hear the fate of 73 defendants accused of killing Ahly Club fans in a match last year in Port Said stadium. The Ultras Green Eagles, Port Said's main football ultras group, and other city residents who were gathered to hear the sentence in a cafe stood up in a tense silence when the television showed the judge taking the podium. People screamed in disbelief and fell into their chairs as the judge started by announcing 21 death sentences. The screams and insults continued as he proceeded to announce the rest of the sentences ranging between life sentences 15 years, 5 years, one year and, finally, 21 acquittals. The Green Eagles groups knew most of the defendants personally; one of them yelled back the correct name of one of those sentenced to death at the television after the judge mispronounced it. Despite the anger, the protests that unfolded throughout the day rejecting the verdict were remarkably peaceful save for a few minor and harmless incidents. The verdicts were expected to trigger a blood bath after the initial death sentences announced by the judge last month led to days of violence, resulting in at least 43 deaths. Protesters said that their maintaining peace despite the upsetting news is proof that it's the Interior Ministry and not the protesters that are the cause of the violence. Their claim is further supported by a 14-day sit-in and civil disobedience campaign that went peacefully until police arrived at the scene. Following deadly clashes that had renewed last week between protesters and police, all police forces were evacuated from Port Said last night, leaving only military forces. With a unanimous determination among Port Said residents not to clash with the Armed Forces, whom they historically have a special bond with, they voiced their anger through peaceful marches around the city. The extent of the violence occurred when protesters entered the port overlooking the Suez Canal, realizing it was the city's most attention-grabbing site, and set tires on fire. No further escalations occurred, and coordination with military forces monitoring the situation was maintained at all times. When they started gathering around the local Interior Ministry building now secured by the Armed Forces, a military officer talked the crowd into moving their march away. They complied, cheering for the military and repeating that the regime will not succeed in causing a rift between the people and the military. Many across the city relayed the feeling that, once again, Port Said was being used as a scapegoat to appease the Ultras Ahlawy crowd and get the police off with lighter sentences, repeating: ""[President] Mohamed Morsy sacrificed one governorate to save the other 26."" ""We will not object if they give death sentences to those who are proven to have killed people, at the end of the day those who were killed are our brothers, but we don't accept innocent people to take the blame for it just because they are not powerful,"" said Alaa Darwish, a green grocer. The acquittals of some of the police officers accused in the case and the decision not sentence any of them to death increased people's anger across the city, as many blame the police for last year's massacre. Some even believe that the police orchestrated the massacre to punish the Ultras Ahlawy for their participation in the revolution. Residents of Port Said spoke of defendants who received death sentences when they weren't even at the match, of underage innocent football fans who were dealt harsh sentences with no evidence of wrongdoing on their part and of strange infiltrators who were seen in the match and did not make it to the court room. Other residents even played out conspiracy theories that had the state and the Ultras Ahlawy working in tandem against Port Said. Some protesters, however, were not as concerned with the verdict as they were with getting retribution for their own victims who fell in clashes with police. ""Fine, we accept this verdict, and now we want the right of our dead. If this sentence gave [the ultras] justice, we want justice too,"" said merchant Sayed Khattab."
"230",2013-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-fire-and-drama-cairo","With dramatic headlines, today's newspapers agonized over the fires and violence that spread throughout Cairo and beyond following the verdict pronounced on the Port Said football massacre. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The massacre, where 72 Ahly Club fans were killed in a match between their team and Port Said's Al-Masry Club, resulted in 73 people being put on trial. Of them, 21 were sentenced to death, five received life sentences and 28 were acquitted, with the rest receiving various sentences. Only two out of nine policemen accused in the case were given sentences, while the rest was acquitted, to the fury of some Ahly football fans. ""Burning Egypt"" is the privately-owned Al-Shorouk's headline of choice. ""The second Cairo fire"" was the privately-owned Al-Sabah's headline, reminding readers of the first Cairo fire of 1952, which destroyed several state institutions in the midst of heightened anti-British occupation sentiments. Both papers' coverage is more descriptive than prescriptive, saying only that the ultras' anger has spread in Cairo and Port Said following a verdict that was less than satisfactory for both sides. But tidbits of politics show in the coverage, albeit subtly. Al-Shorouk's lead reads, ""The anger of the ultras leads to the burning of public institutions in Cairo, while the anger of Port Said threatens the Suez Canal. The policemen continue their strikes in the meantime and the Brothers look into forming a 'private sector' police."" In fact, Al-Shorouk is the only one to make a reference to Saber Abouel Fotouh, a member of the Freedom and Justice Party, and his statement about a possible law to be passed by the Shura Council to allow private security companies to replace the striking policemen in filling the security gap. Abouel Fotouh said that although the Armed Forces have some powers of arrest approved by the Parliament, ""We don't want to keep them busy with domestic issues. Another headline in the same newspaper reads, ""Crowds of ultras invade Cairo and the army puts out the fire."" The mention of the army refers to the fact that the Armed Forces did sent helicopters to put down the fire that erupted in the Egyptian Football Association and the Police Club, both near the Ahly Club, where crowds congregated ahead of the verdict. But the reference figuratively brings up scattered talk about a military takeover to put an end to the Brotherhood's ruling failures, a possibility deemed desirable for a few and yet remote for many. Less subtle is the coverage of partisan papers like that of the daily Al-Wafd, the mouthpiece of the veteran liberal party. ""Where is Morsy?"" figures in bigger Arabic red letters on top of its front page, in reference to President Mohamed Morsy. And for the daily privately-owned Al-Watan, it's even personal. ""Hatred burns Egypt and the regime is content with praying."" For Al-Watan, it's personal because the newspaper's premises were attacked on Saturday by unknown assailants, who set fire to the first floor and destroyed the second. The story figures on top of today's front page, whereby Al-Watan claims that the attack was organized by Morsy's regime. The paper said that when its journalists asked Presidential Spokesperson Ihab Fahmy about the attack, the latter responded by asking, ""Is this a question to be addressed to the presidency, and is the presidency expected to have an answer?"" But life is good for the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice daily. Justice is served and all problems are/will be solved, according to the paper. The newspaper's front page details the verdict focusing on those convicted (21 death sentences, five life sentences, 15 years for the head of the Security Directorate), while failing to mention the 28 found innocent. Meanwhile, and ahead of the Port Said news, the paper reports about a map of gas stations that will be focal points for natural gas 24 hours a day, in response to mounting disenchantment with the missing gas across the nation. The front page also makes space for other positive news, such as the youth of the Brotherhood organizing volunteers-based illiteracy classes and Freedom and Justice daily celebrating its 500th edition. Less nonchalant coverage is found in the state-run Al-Ahram daily, whose editor, Abdel Nasser Salama, runs a front page interview with Muslim Brotherhood leader and Shura Council Speaker Ahmad Fahmy. In a self-defensive statement, Fahmy tells Salama that ""no political party on its own can handle the responsibility in Egypt. The Freedom and Justice Party is a not a ruling party and it didn't take its chance up until now."" Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"231",2013-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-divided-cairo-fire","""Are you from the ultras?"" asked one of the Ahly club football fans in a reserved manner, amid roaring crowds gathering in front of the club on Saturday afternoon, following the Port Said massacre verdict. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""Yes. Ultras of Shubra. Why are you asking?"" ""Because I can see you running around, burning things. Did you not hear our capos (leaders) saying that the ruling is satisfactory until now; let's go so that violence doesn't spread?"" ""The capos can say whatever they want to say. The ruling today did not give the death sentence to the policemen of the Interior Ministry. That way, nothing happened."" This conversation between two members of the Cairo football team fans took place hours after the Port Said Criminal Court confirmed the death sentence of 21 defendants accused of killing 72 Ahly fans after a game turned violent last year in the Suez Canal city. The court found seven of nine policemen accused in the case innocent, while two senior officers got 15 years in jail and a life sentence, including the former head of the Port Said Security Directorate. The seven officers are among 28 defendants found innocent. The stringent Ultras Ahlawy, one of the main fan groups of the Ahly Club, had posted on its Facebook page before the verdict that if the ruling was postponed, chaos will spread in the country, main roads will be blocked and public agencies will be closed. If policemen are found innocent in the case, the post continued, the Ministry of Interior would be occupied and completely burned down. But following the verdict, the leaders of the ultras promptly asked their followers not to push for violence. They said that the ruling was relatively satisfactory and that the country is going through a difficult moment. They also said there should be respect for the mothers of those killed in the Port Said massacre and who asked for no violence following the verdict so that no more victims would fall. The resort to violence yesterday however showcased a certain division within Ultras Ahlawy, with many followers expressing shock at the rather passive position of their leaders. ""The capos' position is not understandable. The moment we heard that the death sentence for 21 defendants was confirmed, we cheered. But when we heard the policemen were found innocent, there was a state of disappointment and confusion in our ranks. We asked ourselves, what should be the next step,"" said Mohamed Abdel Alim, 20, a member of the group. ""To hell with the capos. I think many of them will go back in their decision,"" he added. Mahmoud Allam, 18, agreed with him on the disappointment from the rulings. ""The ruling is not satisfactory at all. Seven policemen are found innocent. Where is justice? Where is the death sentence for these policemen and their collaborators in the massacre? We should have gone to the Interior Ministry and taken revenge for our friends."" As Egypt Independent was interviewing Allam, smoke could be seen coming out of the premises of the Egyptian Football Association and the Police Club, both near the Ahly Club in the Gezira area of central Cairo, where thousands of ultras congregated ahead of the verdict. The violence started worrying some among those gathering, including the mother of Mohamed Ashraf, who was one of the 72 ultras killed in Port Said during the massacre. ""Enough victims. I don't want to see another mother in pain. The ruling is not satisfactory but I don't want the youth of the ultras who stood by us all that time clash with police and drop dead."" When the smoke appeared, there was confusion about who started the fire among the ultras. A fan, Ahmad Zeidan, 24, said that it was indeed members of the ultras who were behind the fire. ""The problem with the ultras lies in their divisions. There is a big gap inside the group between the 17 and 18-year olds and the 25-year olds. The younger groups are more impulsive and couldn't take the ruling as it is."" ""I see the ruling as satisfactory,"" he continued. ""This is the first time the head of a security directorate gets a jail sentence in all cases of killing protesters since the revolution started. Also the ruling is just initial and can be appealed, in which case, others can also be convicted."" In order to avoid rumors and divisions, the Facebook administrators of Ultras Ahlawy were quick to write on their page an hour after the fires started. ""What's happening now in Cairo is the beginning of wrath. Wait for more if not all of those responsible for the massacre are revealed. We won't be satisfied with rulings limited to those who were paid to execute the crime and only two of the dogs of the Interior Ministry."""
"232",2013-03-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/after-verdict-tense-calm-port-said","On Saturday, the Port Said Criminal Court confirmed the death sentence of 21 defendants accused of killing 72 Ahly fans after a game turned violent last year in the Suez Canal city. The court found seven of nine policemen accused in the case innocent, while two senior officers got 15 years in jail and a life sentence, including the former head of the Port Said Security Directorate. The seven officers are among 28 defendants found innocent. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Before the verdict, the city was tense as residents anxiously waited to hear the fate of the accused. In the days leading up to the ruling, violent clashes ensued between protesters and security forces amid the city's almost month-long civil disobedience campaign. Police forces pulled out and were replaced by military forces, and a relative calm prevailed with residents, adamant on not clashing with the army. As the ruling was read out early Saturday, anger erupted among shocked residents as the judge confirmed the 21 death penalties. But the protests that followed were surprisingly peaceful, and a far cry from the bloodshed and violence the city saw the first time the death sentences were read out last month, resulting in more than 40 deaths. Protesters entered the port overlooking the Suez Canal and set tires on fire, but no further escalations occurred. When they approached the local Interior Ministry, army officers on site convinced them to march away peacefully. Masry Ultras gathered in a cafe in Port Said to watch the annoucement on TV of the final verdict of the case of the Port Said football massacre. An army officer is feted by a group of protesters who say that the Armed Forces will bring stability and safety to Port Said. Army supporters shouting at an Al Jazeera broadcast being showed from the Palace Hotel balcony in Port Said, angry that the channel blames the Armed Forces for the recent clashes in Port Said. Smoke rises from fires set by protesters in an attempt to block boats from docking in the Suez Canal after the final verdict is announced in the Port Said football trial. Young people watch tires burning beside the Suez Canal. Young people watch tires burning beside the Suez Canal. A crowd watches the coast guard trying to extinguish the fire set by Port Said protesters. Many shops in Port Said remain close as residents press a civil disobedience campaign, ongoing for at least two weeks to protest the city's marginalization by the central government and to demand justice for more than 40 protesters killed in clashes with the police since 26 January. Many shops in Port Said remain close as residents press a civil disobedience campaign, ongoing for at least two weeks to protest the city's marginalization by the central government and to demand justice for more than 40 protesters killed in clashes with the police since 26 January."
"233",2013-03-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-zimbabwe-football-match-be-played-time","Issa Hayatou, head of the Confederation of African Football told Hassan Farid, the vice president of the Egyptian Football Association, that a World Cup qualifier match between Egypt and Zimbabwe will be played on 26 March at Borg al-Arab stadium, as scheduled. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hayatou also expressed disappointment and solidarity over incidents that took place at the Egyptian Football Association, when several Ultras Ahlawy members set fire to the Police Club and the headquarters of the Egyptian Football Association, located in the Gezira area of Zamalek. They were protesting the acquittal of some defendants involved in Port Said stadium massacre that took place in February 2012. The Egyptian team, known as the Pharaohs, has six points in Group G after beating Mozambique and Guinea. Zimbabwe has only one point from two matches against Mozambique and Guinea. Egypt hasn't qualified for the world Cup since 1990. Edited translation from MENA"
"234",2013-03-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-demons-and-horse-carts","Monday's papers are full of news regarding the microbus drivers' strike, which has affected a number of governorates. Also making headlines is news of the diesel shortages, which have resulted in traffic congestion and protests, as well as protests and clashes in Cairo and other governorates googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Additionally, headlines report ongoing police strike, which began five days ago and appears to be spreading across the country as officers and policemen protest against a perceived politicization of the Interior Ministry and to demand more firearms. Amid all the unrest, the prosecutor general spoke Sunday of authorizing citizens' arrests. This controversial announcement comes as Islamist forces have been talking about establishing ""militias"" to police Egypt's streets, while others have mentioned the use of private security companies. Privately owned Al-Sabah newspaper refers to the microbus driver by their nickname, running a headline reading ""demons of the asphalt go on strike and paralyze country,"" while adding that ""commuters resort to riding horse-drawn carts."" Following a similar theme, privately owned Al-Tahrir's headline reads ""diesel uprising ... the horse-drawn cart is the solution,"" while running a photo of commuters riding an overloaded cart through Cairo's streets. In Al-Watan Newspaper, ""Mircobus revolution ... day of traffic congestion in Egypt's streets."" The paper also mentions that the striking drivers ""block off roads and railways in protest over diesel shortages,"" and also says that ""one man [was] killed in clashes over diesel at gas station queue in Gharbiya Governorate."" In other news, Ultras Ahlawy members continued to protest for a second day Sunday in light of a court verdict in the case pertaining to the deadly Port Said Stadium Riot of February 2012 Saturday that acquitted 28 defendants. ""Street battles between ultras and police in Mahalla, protesters besiege the city's second police station"" reads a headline in Al-Tahrir, while the Wafd Party's daily reports that ""ultras block off 6th of October Bridge."" Al-Wafd also publishes a photo of a protester's body, identified as Khaled Mustafa, lying on the street with blood oozing from his head onto the asphalt; the article mentions that Mustafa was shot with a lead bullet in the head. ""Bloody clashes in Tahrir"" and ""Two martyrs and tens of others injured in clashes between protesters and police along the Nile cornice,"" the paper adds, citing protesters' claims that police forces may be using a lethal gas - along with the normal tear gas - to disperse protesters. Meanwhile, those policemen not busy cracking down on protesters appear to be gravitating towards a general strike within the Interior Ministry. ""Police's civil disobedience spreads and Islamists prepare their militias"" to fill the security void, reads a header in Al-Sabah. This paper also mentions that ""Twenty police stations and seven Central Security Forces' camps in [greater] Cairo are now on strike."" Estimates suggest that over 80 police stations and more than 10 CSF camps have been on a nationwide strike since Friday - a work stoppage reportedly involving thousands of policemen, officers and conscripts. State-run Al-Akhbar, quoting the interior minister, runs a headline saying, ""If the police falls then the state has fallen"" and ""Army cannot fill the role of security forces."" Conversely, Al-Wafd says, ""Police in confrontation to prevent the Brotherhoodization of the Interior Ministry."" In the Muslim Brotherhood's mouthpiece Freedom and Justice newspaper, the headline reads, ""Egypt is enraged: By the fires of the counter-revolution and the blocking of roads."" Another headline in this Islamist paper, citing the Islamist-dominated upper house of Parliament, reads, ""Shura Council warns of organized violence ... calls on prosecution to take actions against thugs."" In state-run Al-Akhbar, whose recently-appointed editorial staff also hail from the Brotherhood, a front-page headline reads, ""Holy Quran: They destroy their abodes with their own hands."" Al-Akhbar runs a caricature to accompany this headline, with a drawing of ""Mother Egypt"" looking down on an urban setting as it burns around her - producing thick black clouds. It's not certain why there's not another caricature of ""Mother Egypt"" trying to put out the flames instead of merely looking gloomily towards the ground. Also in Al-Akhbar, a headline pertaining to Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah, who was hand-picked by President Mohamed Morsy last year says ""Prosecution grants civilians right to conduct citizen's arrests against criminals and vandals."" This article mentions that Abdallah controversially authorized citizen's arrests in cases where civilians noticed that a crime was being committed; encouraging civilians to ""arrest those caught red-handed in criminal acts"" and ""to hand them over"" to authorities (police station or prosecutors' offices) while also encouraging them to file ""official reports against these criminal elements."" Abdallah's controversial announcement comes amidst proclamations and efforts by Islamist groups such as Jama'a al-Islamiya to police the streets, particularly in Upper Egypt, using militias in light of the ongoing police strike, while others suggest a return to ""popular committees"" patrolling neighborhoods or resorting to private security companies. Al-Watan runs a headline saying, ""Military source: We've run out of patience with the Islamists, and will not tolerate the presence of armed militias,"" while Al-Tahrir says, ""Morsy's general prosecutor grants right of citizen's arrest against other citizens,"" along with another headline reading, ""Judges: This will lead every faction to establish an armed wing."" Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"235",2013-03-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/38-ultras-ahlawy-members-arrested-monufiya-court-storming-attempt","Thirty-eight members of the Ultras Ahlawy were arrested in Monufiya Wednesday for attempting to storm the Shibin al-Kom courthouse to free a colleague remanded into custody for 15 days. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Around 1,500 fans surrounded the court, throwing stones and fireworks at security forces, which responded with tear gas. Meanwhile, the group claimed they had been attacked, beaten and dragged by security forces during a peaceful protest at the courthouse in a post on its Facebook page. Organizers added that police often make false accusations against protesters and detainees. Unnamed security officials told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the clashes were limited. Those arrested are being questioned by the Public Prosecution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"236",2013-03-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/divisions-among-police-result-intermittent-strike-action","On Sunday afternoon, Mohamed Emeira, investigations assistant at Qasr al-Nil Police Station, stood some 500 meters from ongoing clashes between protesters and Central Security Forces on the Nile Corniche. He began organizing police lines and assigning security tasks, signaling an end to their strike. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""Let's get back to work. All the drivers of patrol cars get behind the wheel once again and protection teams head back to your positions. I do not want to see a policeman outside the station,"" Emeira barked. Egypt's security forces appear to have returned to the streets a week after intermittent and unorganized strikes by police and the CSF across parts of the country grabbed media headlines. According to media reports, about 60 police stations and 10 CSF camps had taken part. Local media, however, sensationalized the strikes, exaggerating the numbers and scope of the strike action. Based on conversations Egypt Independent had with leaders from the various striking groups, police officers and non-commissioned policemen were divided in their demands and often tenuously organized. The strikes came amid widespread unrest and violence, and an ongoing and unheeded civil disobedience movement in Port Said. On 6 March, CSF troops in Ismailia refused to deploy to Port Said to relieve colleagues days after violent police-protester clashes left at least five people dead and hundreds more injured. Calls for escalation spread among police ranks as stations in greater Cairo and Lower Egypt began shutting their doors on 7 March. More police stations in Upper Egypt and CSF camps in Sinai and Suez Canal cities followed suit. Following a highly contentious court verdict on 9 March - which saw the death sentences of 21 civilians confirmed in relation to the Port Said Stadium disaster, while only two police officers received prison sentences - groups of Ultras Ahlawy members set fire to the Police Club and the Egyptian Football Association headquarters, both in Cairo. The past few months have seen many protests target security directorates and police stations across Lower Egypt, indicative of mounting pressure for justice against police violations and substantial ministry reforms. ""It's the media that has spoiled the image of police officers in the public eye,"" Emeira told Egypt Independent. ""But today, we have ended our strike to prove to the people that we are patriotic and love our country. We want to show them we do not have so-called factional demands. Our issues are functional ones."" The groups on strike have expressed a common grievance, namely that they refuse to be swept up in political games between the government and protesters. Growing discontent from within the Interior Ministry's ranks has resulted in several apparent breakdowns and five successive ministers attempt unsuccessfully to get the police apparatus back on its feet. But there have been no substantial changes since the 18-day uprising, and police continue to violently suppress protests. Since November, when relations between an intransigent Brotherhood presidency and the opposition spiraled downward, about 70 people have been killed in clashes with the police, rights groups estimate. Yet Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim - who faces heated criticism for the rise in protester causalities, torture cases and illegal detentions at the hands of the police - continues to vilify protesters and victimize the police. The scope of the strikes While it is difficult to gauge the impact or scale of the strikes, it is problematic to refer to recent work stoppages as a general police strike. Media pundits referred to the strikes as the first since the 1986 CSF strike, which was staged in protest against mistreatment inside their camps. But no entire sector within the ministry's 37 departments adhered to the action. The past fortnight saw a handful of police stations and CSF camps - belonging to sectors that deal directly with protesters - go on strike. Even with these departments, however, the scope of the strike was limited, with a total of 8,000 out of 300,000 CSF officers and conscripts taking part. This, in part, is due to the lack of a police federation or body that effectively unifies police officers and other ranks. The strikes in fact were discontinuous and haphazardly networked. Ahmed Abdel Monsef, a policeman in Assiut and coordinator for the 7 March Officers Movement, named for the day they began striking, claimed to have initiated strike calls. He said strikers across Egypt communicated via telephone or Facebook, which makes it difficult to accurately determine the numbers that participated. ""We first thought about the strike weeks ago on Facebook, when I was discussing the idea with two of my colleagues,"" he stated. Abdel Monsef said the highest-ranking policeman was a lieutenant colonel. ""The police stations decided to strike one after the other - it was a domino effect. We put the idea to discussion and policemen responded,"" he said. The current goal of the 7 March movement, he explained, is to create a state of mobility among police officers, which will take time. But not all those who seek to build a network among police officers are on board. Lieutenant Colonel Ashraf al-Banna, who earlier proposed the establishment of an officers' federation, flatly rejected the idea. ""Even though I was suspended for three months after I called for the establishment of a syndicate for officers, I reject the idea of going on strike,"" he said. ""How can a police station go on strike? Where is societal responsibility? I called for setting up a union to regulate the relationship between the ministry and officers. So how can I ignore all that and call for strike?"" he asked. Organizational woes On 7 March, the striking police officers issued demands, including the dismissal of the interior minister and the endorsement of a new salary system. They also made calls to be left out of politics and to return to fighting crime. Abdel Monsef argued the interior minister has thrust police into politics. ""He sometimes orders the [CSF] to break up industrial protests and has them confront protesters opposed to the president. This drags us back to the pre-revolution scenario, when the government resorted to security solutions and violence instead of political or administrative solutions,"" he said. He added that former Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin was able to distinguish between political and criminal work, stressing he did not serve a particular administration. At a news conference following the suspension of the strikes, Ibrahim, defending himself against internal and external criticism, claimed that only 5 percent of officers within the ministry wanted his resignation. There is truly no general consensus within the ministry, due in part to the gap between low and intermediate-ranking policemen and the higher ranks. Even within the same ranks there are disputes over salary discrepancies. ""The 7 March movement wants a fair compensation system,"" Abdel Monsef stated. ""It is not fair to have two officers who have the same rank get different salaries just because one of them works for a department that has better financial resources. Salary differences create sensitivities."" Lieutenant Colonel Ahmed Meshaly, former coordinator for the General Coalition of Police Officers, expressed reservations about the tactics and demands of the 7 March movement. He argued the main problem is organizational. Meshaly blamed former Interior Minister Mahmoud Wagdy, the first to assume the post after the uprising, for abolishing military trials for officers. He said this led to chaos, with officers failing to be punctual and higher-ranking officials unable to exercise full control. ""What does it mean for police to refuse to secure a public establishment? Most of the protests are staged in front of the presidential palace or governorate security directorates. As a policeman, you are required to fulfill your duty, and by doing so you are not serving the regime of [President Mohamed] Morsy or any other,"" said Meshaly. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"237",2013-03-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-ultras-block-26-july-corridor","googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The White Knights Ultras, a group of football fans supporting the Zamalek Club, announced they would block the 26 July corridor, which links Cairo with 6th of October City. The protest is in response to penalties imposed on the club after fans damaged Alexandria's Burg al-Arab Stadium. The ultras posted ""White Knights Ultras block the 26 July Corridor. Escalation is ongoing,"" on its Facebook page Wednesday. In a statement on Tuesday, the ultras expressed anger against the Burg al-Arab Stadium administration for fining the club LE1.25 million for damage incurred on 17 February during an African Champions League game against Chad. The statement had called White Knights Ultras to gather Wednesday at 12 pm at Sphinx Square. Zamalek Club officials also received a letter from the Defense Ministry Tuesday saying fans would be unable to attend an upcoming football match against the Congolese AS Vita Club in the same stadium on Friday. Riots have plagued local and African football games since the January 2011 uprising that toppled former President Hosni Mubarak. The most infamous example was the match between Ahly and Al-Masry in February 2012 in Port Said. Al-Masry fans stormed the pitch and the Ahly fans' section of the bleachers. The riot killed over 70 people. Competition in the nation's Premiere League resumed last month with matches being played on fields belonging to the Armed Forces. Fans have been barred indefinitely from attending. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"238",2013-03-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/breaking-morsy-promises-compensate-victims-port-said-violence","A presidential spokesperson said Thursday that families of those killed in recent Port Said violence would be compensated financially. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Social communications advisor Emad Abdel Ghafour said Morsy had agreed to help during a meeting with Port Said families earlier Thursday at the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace in Heliopolis. The news comes as another Port Said resident died in hospital Wednesday due to inhalation of tear gas during protests. Clashes sparked in the canal city last January following the sentencing of 21 defendants to death for their part in a football massacre last year that killed more than 70 people. Abdel Ghafour told Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr Thursday that Morsy promised to support these families with monthly payments similar to stipends provided to families of the over 900 killed during the 2011 revolution. However, people convicted of inciting violence or vandalism would not receive aid. A number of victims' families had already rejected the offer to talk and described participating in the Thursday meeting as ""treason."" Abdel Ghafour added the administration may form a committee of Ahlawy Ultras and Masrawy Ultras to study the issue further. He also said Morsy had approved the creation of a committee of political parties to monitor upcoming elections to guarantee free and fair polls. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"239",2013-03-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/children-revolution-youth-wage-street-battles","As the firing of a tear gas canister signaled the renewal of clashes on Qasr al-Nil Bridge, two 15-year-olds stood close to the front line in their school uniforms and backpacks. They didn't budge, even as passers-by ran away from the rising gas. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Standing their ground, they explained that they come to the site of the clashes every day after school. They said they do so for the sake of the revolution - and if they die, they will be martyrs. Since January, protesters and police have engaged in intermittent battles just off this iconic bridge, at the start of the typically tranquil Garden City Nile Corniche. The sporadic clashes have turned deadly some nights. Still, the site has become something of an after-school hangout for many children and young teenagers, who were in a common lesson-skipping drive and rigid classrooms' escapade. In a way, the clashes became a site for an anti-system of some sort. Along with some street children, they spend most of the day engaging in confrontations with security forces. This particular demographic is not entirely new to the scene. The street children and school-age kids - some as young as 7 - who are involved in the Nile Corniche clashes have joined older protesters and activists in similar battles with security forces in the two years since the 2011 uprising. Now, in the absence of older protesters, these children dominate the scene, facing dangers unthinkable for their young age. Despite attempts to use the same big words they've heard older revolutionaries speak, their answers reflect both innocence and utter oblivion to the severity of the life-threatening risks they take just by being in the area. Their mixed motivations for returning daily to the front line ranges from feeling they have a unique and important role to play in protecting the revolution, and a less glorious, childish urge to be part of the exciting grown-up game of clashes. Every day, Karim Mohamed, a 15-year-old student, tells his parents that he's going to an Internet cafe. Instead, he heads to the Nile Corniche to engage in the clashes. Asked why he returns, he answered with a story. Karim used to play soccer downtown with his friends. One day, the ball was kicked far and one of them, Adel, went to get it. He was shot dead. ""We just came here to play. We had no interest in protests and they shot him. How can anyone accept that?"" he asked. And, much like the older generation still demanding retribution and justice, Karim asked, ""Did we get Adel's rights? This is why I'm still here. When we get [justice for] Adel and all the martyrs that died after him, I will go home."" He speaks with fiery enthusiasm, pride and a strong belief in the role that he and his peers can play in the revolution. He argues aggressively against anyone who undermines their significance due to their young age. As rocks are hurled from both sides, Karim overhears a passer-by calling those fighting on Qasr al-Nil ""useless kids."" Livid, he hits back, ""Don't say useless. You are the useless one. You're standing here while those you call kids go in and fight."" Another passer-by waves his hands dismissively, which deeply offends Karim. ""Don't do that. You don't understand anything. You're just watching. Go watch on television - some of us here are trying to do something for the sake of God,"" he yells. Many children say the reason they've taken up the front-line fight is because grown-ups are too afraid now. They say this with no bitterness or sense of abandonment. They are convinced that, as children, they are more physically capable of enduring the strains of the clashes. ""Can you put up with the tear gas?"" Karim asks this Egypt Independent reporter. ""When I run and pick up the tear gas canister and throw it in the Nile, am I not helping you?"" Whether they are there for a higher purpose or to play a game, the choice of these kids to immerse themselves in such dangerous activities seems to be a direct result of the scenes they've had to witness prematurely. In the middle of one rock-throwing session between the two sides, 7-year-old Nada Tarek, who stands barely above knee level of most of the young crowd, runs around in a colorful galabeya, with gray pants and sneakers and disheveled hair. She collects rocks and gives them to the slightly older boys to throw at security forces. The daughter of a tea vendor in Tahrir Square, Nada says she is fighting because police arrested her brother. She wanted to fight for people's rights, and proceeded to insult the police with curse words that are often heard in clashes, but are also far beyond her years. Most of the children recount stories of people they've seen being run over by trucks or shot dead during intense clashes, or of children being arrested and beaten mercilessly by police. Many say this is what made them join the fight. Others say they can't leave until those who were arrested are released. Abdel Rahman, a 14-year-old student, saw a man killed when the clashes turned fatal Saturday. Witnessing this hardened his heart, he says. ""One guy was shot next to me and I found blood gushing out of his chest,"" Abdel Rahman recalls. ""I carried him to the ambulance, his blood dripping on my shirt."" Mohamed Ali, 19, is a member of the Ultras Ahlawy who joined the clashes Saturday after the majority of policemen accused in the Port Said football violence case were acquitted. He says the younger generation was enticed to become active in clashes when they were made victims. ""Those who were thrown off from the walls of the stadium, weren't they young too?"" he asks, referring to the 72 football fans who died in the violence - the youngest of whom was 16-year-old Anas Mohey. Despite their young age and the horrors they've witnessed, there are no signs of fear on their faces. They firmly believe they can outrun any danger. But not all of the children involved in the fight have this strong sense of purpose. Some are upfront about the fact that they come with their friends to hang out. Others entertain themselves in between clashes by throwing rocks aimlessly at surrounding hotels and cars. The Semiramis Intercontinential Hotel has borne the brunt of this randomness. Another group cares less about which side they fight on than whether they get to take part in the action. On Sunday, 10-year-old Fares was seen throwing rocks at police and then sitting on the sidewalk among protesters to rest. He lives with his father and brother in Tahrir Square, and says he hasn't slept in two days because he wants to be with the people. The next day, Fares stood on the other side of the front line, milling around with police officers, in a common scene whereby the cops stand shielded by a line of kids aiding them with stone throwing. With a friendly demeanor toward Fares, one officer said these children are with the security forces every day. There are suspicions that the children are being used by different parties. During the clashes, there are always some children fighting on the side of the police. Occasionally, there are older people around attempting to stop them from speaking to the media. As fighting ensues, the scene is often surreal - more akin to a school play, where children take on roles occupied by grown-ups in real life. On an average day along the Nile Corniche, a young teenager walks around proudly wearing a Central Security Forces cap he's snatched during the clashes. Others walk around with black masks covering their faces. As for traffic along the main road, it's the children who decide when to let it flow and when to block it off. The flow of cars allows police to sneak up on them and arrest some, they say. Manning the middle of the street, some attempt to let cars drive through peacefully, while others decide to throw rocks at passing motorists because they sped by too fast, or resentfully, because they think these drivers should also be taking part in the protest. But the sense of acquiring power by derailing those attempting to drive to their offices or run errands, often rich urban dwellers and diplomats, judging from their cars, is visibly stimulating for the children. On Monday, Egypt Independent met 10-year-old Omar, who said he came to the clashes to help the revolution continue. A few minutes into the conversation, police reappear, and Omar rushes to collect a rock with one hand, keeping the other busy with his study guide book titled, ironically, ""Silah al-Telmiz."" The book, known to most Egyptians who went through the local educational system, roughly translates as ""The Pupil's Weapon."" This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition."
"240",2013-03-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/friday-protests-against-morsy-poor-economy-sweep-nation","Thousands across the nation took to the streets on Friday to protest against deteriorating economic conditions under the rule of President Mohamed Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In Port Said, around 3,000 Ultras Masrawy staged a march on 23 July Street in the Monakh neighborhood, protesting the deadly clashes of 26 January 2013. They chanted slogans against Morsy and the televised speech he delivered Thursday evening, saying that his statement did not give any solutions to the problem. The protesters declared they would continue civil disobedience against the Morsy administration. They also denounced the delegation of Port Said residents that met with Morsy in Cairo on Thursday, putting their names on a banner and labeling them as traitors. Dozens of unemployed youth and revolutionary forces protested in Suez on Friday afternoon, taking to Arbaeen Square to demand more jobs and the sacking of the Suez governor. They chanted against Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood, saying, ""Unemployment remains the same, down with the Brothers' authority."" The protesters stressed they would continue to demonstrate until the goals of the revolution were achieved. In Alexandria, dozens protested in front of the Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque after Friday prayers, demanding the dissolution of Prime Minister Hisham Qandil's Cabinet. Protesters were divided into two marches. The first called for a national salvation government to run the country and to hold early presidential elections, while the second called for a military coup against Morsy. The second march headed to the northern military region, chanting,""The people want the army anew,"" and ""The people and the army are one hand."" In Gharbiya, dozens of activists staged a protest outside the governorate's headquarters in Shohada Square in Tanta to demand the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood, and to demand retribution for the death of activist Mohamed al-Gendy. CSF troops and armored vehicles were deployed in anticipation of potential violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"242",2013-03-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-sohag-getaway","President Morsy's visit to Sohag governorate was spread all over the daily newspapers Sunday. The state-owned flagship newspaper, Al-Ahram, focused on the development plans for Sohag and Upper Egypt that Morsy announced Saturday, with projects worth an estimated LE60 billion expected to create jobs for 2.5 million people. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Morsy was accompanied with Prime Minister Hesham Qandil and other officials. He held a cabinet meeting at the Sohag Governorate building, where he discussed the problems, services and requirements of Upper Egypt governorates. Morsy said that Upper Egypt had been deprived of many basic services under the former regime and that their demands are legitimate, according a lead in the state-owned Al Akhbar. Morsy confirmed his administration's obligation to providing support Upper Egypt during a speech at the indoor stadium in Sohag. He had pointed to many topics, including housing, unemployment, infrastructure and security during his visit. Morsy inaugurated new housing units and handed a number of citizens their new contracts. Meanwhile, the privately owned Al-Masry Al-Youm highlighted how Morsy's visit was met with demonstrations in different parts of the city, and how the protests escalated into clashes between opposition and the Brotherhood youth and their backers. Clashes started between members of the Muslim Brotherhood and demonstrators, who carried an empty coffin wrapped in the Egyptian flag, as an expression of the death of Egypt under Brotherhood rule. Security forces used tear gas to disperse the demonstrators. According to Al-Masry Al-Youm, the commission supervising the visit cancelled Morsy's opening of a pasta factory owned by the Armed Forces, after it was reported that former President Hosni Mubarak inaugurated it five years ago. The paper also reports that the Ministry of Petroleum injected about 200 tons of diesel, during Morsy's visit to get rid of fuel queues at gas stations in the governorate. The daily of the opposition party Al-Wafd reported on striking bakers. Hundreds of bakery owners stormed the Ministry of Supply and Internal Trade building on Qasr al-Aini Street in downtown Cairo, demanding to meet with the minister Bassem Kamal. Protestors came from several governorates, demanding delayed payment and rejecting the new system regulating bread. The ministry's security negotiated with the protesters, convincing them to stay away from the ministry building. The bakers agreed to postpone their strikes until Tuesday after meeting with the Minster of Supply, who was accompanying Morsy in his visit to Sohag. Al-Akhbar centered on the Ultras Ahlawy's protest at the High Court building in downtown Cairo. As the hardcore soccer fans' march started Saturday at Al-Ahly club in Gezira to the High Court demanding the release of members of the group who were detained in Monufiya governorate. Thirty-eight members of the ultras were arrested in Monufiya on Wednesday, following clashes with police at Shibin al-Kom court. On a different note, Al-Ahram pointed to the visit of a senior official with the International Monetary Fund to discuss issues that have delayed the US$4.8 billion loan, which is seen as a final lifeline to rescue Egypt. Page 2 of the paper says that the director for the Middle East and North Africa, Masood Ahmed, would visit Cairo on Sunday to discuss Egypt's economic program, as the government seeks an agreement. Securing aid would involve dedicated austerity measures that are likely to lead to increased unrest at a time when President Morsy is already struggling to maintain law and order. ""Maghrabi, Garana, Makhlouf and Hazeq acquitted in Hurghada and Sokhna land [case],"" Al-Masry Al-Youm reads on page 3. On Saturday, Giza Criminal Court cleared former Housing Minister Ahmed al-Maghrabi, former Tourism Minister Zoheir Garana, Khaled Makhlouf, the head of the executive apparatus for tourism development, and businessman Hisham al-Hazeq were acquitted of charges of profiteering and facilitating the seizure of public money in what has come to be known as the Hurghada land case. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party"
"243",2013-03-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-released-bail-after-accused-storming-monufiya-court","Thirty-eight members of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); were released on bail by the Shebeen al-Koum Court in Monufiya on Monday. They were released on LE2,000 bail. The football fans were detained on charges of attacking and attempting to break into the court as the protested against Thursday's arrest of one of their members on Thursday. They allegedly chanted slogans against the police force and the Muslim Brotherhood during the protest. Revolutionary forces and members of other ultra groups denounced the charges, claiming that the suspects were detained illegally and the Interior Ministry was attempting to ""settle scores"" with them. In addition to charges of besieging the court, the prosecution accused the suspects of burning public buildings, joining illegal organizations, attempting to jailbreak prisoners, burning the court building and insulting police officers. The suspects denied all charges. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"244",2013-03-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-al-masry-block-trains-port-said","Members of Ultras al-Masry in Port Said blocked trains heading to and from the city on Wednesday, causing stations to overflow with passengers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The football fans were calling for the dismissal of Port Said's governor and for security force personnel to be tried for the deaths of 48 residents in recent violence. They also called for a new trial for defendants found guilty of participating in the Port Said football stadium massacre last year that saw over 70 people killed. An Armed Forces delegation tried to persuade protesters to stand down, but demonstrators refused to do so until their demands were met. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"245",2013-03-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/allegations-financial-corruption-dog-doctors-syndicate","Allegations of corruption and financial violations took center stage during Friday's Doctors Syndicate's general assembly meeting. Nevertheless, the Muslim Brotherhood majority inevitably pushed budgets through. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Friday's assembly, held to discuss last year's budget and approve next year's, kicked off with scuffles between doctors, and ended with a critical announcement by representatives of the Central Auditing Agency. The agency highlighted financial discrepancies exceeding LE1 million between its own findings and the figures in the syndicate's report. In a scene similar to Islamist demonstrations in Egypt, private buses that had transported Brotherhood doctors from different governorates surrounded the yard of Qasr al-Aini Hospital and the affiliated campus of Cairo University faculties of medicine and dentistry. The Friday sermon was disrupted by loud verbal clashes and subsequent scuffles between the graduating class of 2011 doctors from Alexandria and doctors responsible for organizing the event, who refused to let the new doctors in without adequate proof of syndicate membership. Doctors affiliated with the Brotherhood had decided to perform the prayer at Qasr al-Aini Hospital's conference hall, where the assembly was being held. Tensions rose when the new doctors forced their way into the hall. They claim the syndicate deliberately delayed the issuing of their syndicate ID cards to prevent them from attending the general assembly. Mona Mina, a member of the syndicate council, said newly graduated doctors have always been the backbone of general assemblies. Assistant Secretary General of the Syndicate Abdallah al-Keryony, a Brotherhood member, went on stage to blame the syndicate branch in Alexandria for the delayed IDs. He stressed, however, that the assembly would not take place until they are sure that all attendants inside the hall are doctors enrolled in the syndicate. ""We won't allow transgressions,"" he stated emphatically. An agreement was eventually reached to register the names of doctors without IDs. The Alexandria branch would be responsible for making sure all the doctors were syndicate members. The general assembly meeting began with recitations of the Quran. Following the opening speeches, Central Auditing Agency representatives announced the findings of their report, which sparked angry reactions by the Brotherhood, who shouted slogans against the agency. Brotherhood doctors linked the Central Auditing Agency with ""feloul,"" the word used for former regime members, and argued the report was only wasting time. Doctors from the Doctors Without Rights movement, however, stressed it was their money and they had a right to know where it went. The Central Auditing Agency report claimed that the value of the LE330,000 deficit in the syndicate report did not include an estimated LE1.263 million that was moved to other accounts. This sum pushes the deficit up to about LE1.593 million. An estimated LE802,000 of the misplaced funds, attributed to the syndicate's election expenses, was allocated to deferred administrative expenses. In its response to the Central Auditing Agency representatives, the syndicate hinted that these violations were inherited from the old regime. If indeed inherited, this would implicate Brotherhood leading member Essam al-Erian, who served as treasurer of the union from 1992 until 2011. No elections were held in the syndicate between 1992 and 2011, when it was mainly dominated by members of the now-defunct National Democratic Party and the Brotherhood. Keryony expressed respect for the Central Auditing Agency and stressed that its recommendations would be taken into consideration. ""We only blame the Central Auditing Agency for its delay in sending us these notes,"" he said. ""We only learned about them the day of the general assembly meeting, but we will be the first to file reports to the prosecutor general against all those who prove to be involved in financial or administrative corruption. Nobody is above the law."" Erian, swiftly defending himself against accusations, posted a response on his official Facebook page: ""I challenge any thief or liar who falsely claims I committed violations as treasurer of Egypt's Doctors Syndicate."" ""If they do not publish a denial immediately, I will sue them,"" he warned. Doctors from the Ultras White Coats movement demonstrated at the end of the assembly in protest against financial violations, calling for demonstrations this week in front of the syndicate headquarters. The exact date of the demonstration has not been set yet. Amr al-Shura, the Doctors Without Rights spokesperson, told Egypt Independent that the movement would begin collecting signatures from doctors to file a complaint to the prosecutor general and open an investigation into the financial violations mentioned by the Central Auditing Agency. The general assembly meeting ended with the adoption of last year's and next year's budgets in spite of all these events, pushed through by a Brotherhood majority. Promises of approving the doctors' new system for payment, which doctors have been demanding for years, have been repeated. Syndicate head Khairy Abdel Dayem said the new system would be adopted by 1 July. Keryony stated the syndicate council insisted that an adviser to the finance minister should attend general assemblies to erase any doubts about the syndicate's credibility when it comes to the new system. However, Ahmed Hussein, a member of the syndicate council and Doctors Without Rights, expressed skepticism on the matter. He added that sources within the Shura Council, the upper house of Parliament, indicate that the new system will be rejected. ""I hope that my doubts prove to be wrong, but the syndicate has made its place very difficult,"" Hussein said. ""Not approving the new system by 1 July will lead to a real crisis between doctors and the syndicate council."""
"246",2013-03-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/no-photo-no-story-photojournalists-protest-abuses","""No photo, no story"" read one poster carried by one of many photojournalists at a protest held on 19 March in front of the Shura Council, in response to ongoing violence toward them during the last wave of clashes between security and protesters across the country. Other protesters carried pictures of their bruised colleagues taken after they were beaten by police. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The day reflected a growing plea by photojournalists who feel they have less institutional support, and are therefore more vulnerable, than other journalists. ""As photographers, we have to be on the front line to get our images, so we are more visible but also easy targets,"" says Eman Helal, a photojournalist at Al-Masry Al-Youm. Amir Nabil, vice president of the Egyptian Photojournalists Society, which is part of the Journalists Syndicate, says the problems have recently been compounded. ""These last two months, photographers have faced harassment from several sides, police as well as protesters,"" Nabil says. ""It is not something new in our profession in Egypt but we have to raise our voices."" Security forces attacked Nabil back in 2005 - he lost his right eye while covering parliamentary elections when a policeman threw a brick at him. A few years later, and despite the 25 January revolution and regime change, problems persist. ""What happens between photographers and police keeps repeating. It's always the same story. They target photographers, break or confiscate their cameras, steal their wallets and arrest them for hours, while beating them up, or not if they are lucky,"" says Nabil. On 16 March, clashes erupted when Muslim Brotherhood members attacked protesters spraying anti-Brotherhood graffiti near the group's headquarters in Moqattam, on the edge of Cairo. Security officers then targeted photographers and journalists covering the clashes. Witnesses said Brotherhood members used sticks and iron chains in the attack, breaking Mohamed Nabil's leg and Amr Diab's arm. Both men are photographers for Al-Watan newspaper. ""I was taking pictures of young people drawing on the ground, then security guards came out of the [Brotherhood] headquarters building and started to clash with the youth. When they saw me and my colleagues reporting what was happening, they started to shout at us, saying that we were bad media,"" says Diab. Diab says they then attacked the photographers and their cameras, and injured his arm. ""Afterward, I went to the prosecutor's office to complain, and although he said those who did that would be sued, I haven't seen anything moving or any action taken against them,"" he says. Photojournalists see impunity as a reason for the continued attacks against them. Helal says her camera lens was broken and she was punched during a march on 26 January 2011. ""I fell on the ground. Fortunately, people helped me stand up. I'm a member of the Journalists Syndicate, which issued a [statement] but nothing else,"" she says. ""I didn't get any compensation for what happened and the security officers will never get sued."" Earlier this month, Diab and Nabil met with Interior Ministry officials to address the issue. Nabil says they were promised that harassment of photographers would stop, and that a Central Security Forces general would meet with them. ""We do these meetings because we are no one's enemy. We covered [Hosni] Mubarak as we are now covering the Brotherhood. The camera should be respected because it never lies,"" says Nabil. Nabil and others complain that police are not the only force preventing them from doing their work. They say protesters also sometimes prevent photographers from doing their work, and threaten to break their cameras if they are caught taking pictures. Nabil explains that these protesters fear being recognized in the media, leading to police arrests. ""Also, most of the time, if they don't want us to take pictures, they are probably doing something wrong,"" he says. Hamada al-Rasam, also a photographer, says he understands why protesters are sometimes worried about having their photos taken, because photos can be misused or the wrong captions printed in error. ""The problem is not about a law to respect photographers, the problem is on the ground. The protesters and the police have to understand that we are just taking photos. We want to tell people what happened. We are not the Brotherhood, the ultras or the Black Bloc,"" says Mohamed Aley Eddin, a freelance photographer. Nabil stresses this will only happen if people understand that photographers do not take positions. ""We would like people to understand that a photographer is not expressing his or her point of view. They are just reflecting what's happening. When they leave their cameras at home, then they can express whatever they want,"" he says. With meager pay and scant institutional support, particularly for photojournalists working without contracts, the risks are high. Many say it a passion for the job that keeps them going. The Egyptian Photojournalists Society was set up as a space for photographers to address the Journalists Syndicate's exclusionary nature and lack of action in some cases. The society was created six years ago, one year after Nabil lost his eye, in response to security forces' abuse of photojournalists. In early 2007, security forces prevented photographers from taking pictures for more than five minutes in Parliament after an Al-Masry Al-Youm photojournalist took a picture of then-Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif eating a watermelon seed. In response, photographers demonstrated in front of the Journalists Syndicate and decided to form their own division. Renowned photojournalist Hossam Diab was elected as chairperson, and Nabil as deputy chairperson. The Journalists Syndicate's membership is limited to photographers with official contracts with media organizations and university degrees. Nabil says the society is a branch of the syndicate and can not decide on the rules for membership. ""Sometimes those rules are a shame, as we have many photographers in Egypt who are very talented, but who haven't graduated from university,"" Nabil says. ""As a society, we are trying to have accreditation for photographers who can't be part of the syndicate. This accreditation is proof that the photojournalists society is there to help them."" Inside newspapers, photojournalists also face internal challenges. Randa Shaath, head of the photography department at Al-Shorouk daily, says: ""Photojournalists face violence in the streets not only from authorities but from thugs and people who have different views of photography If they get harrassed or attacked and go back to their newspapers, they don't always get compensated for their broken or stolen equipments. ""In addition, they are not well paid, their photos are not always published and the newspapers don't give them their proper respect. We are still in a culture that values the written word over an image; a culture that is visually illiterate."""
"247",2013-04-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-fans-not-welcome-upcoming-matches","Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq announced all local, Arab and African championship football matches will be played without spectators, after fans damaged a stadium belonging to the Armed Forces during an Ahly game earlier this week. Fans also chanted obscene slogans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Farouq, a former board member of the Ahly Football Club, said he made the decision to ensure public safety and avoid putting public installations at risk. This means upcoming Ahly and Zamalek club matches in the African Champions League, and the Ismaili and ENPPI clubs in the African Confederation Cup, will all be played without fans in the stands. The Ahly Club, the country's best team, was fined LE500,000 for the damages its fans, who are known as the Ultras Ahlawy, caused to the stadium. It is also expected to be penalized by the Confederation of African Football. A projectile landed near the Kenyan goalkeeper moments before Ahly's Emad Moteab scored the second goal, to which the visiting team objected. The match was nevertheless resumed, with Ahly winning 2-0 and 4-1 on aggregate to qualify for the knockout round. Ismaili Club fans also clashed with police after their team lost the Arab Federation Cup qualifier last week. Only a limited number of Egyptian fans are allowed to attend matches held abroad."
"248",2013-04-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-fans-close-sports-ministry-protest-game-ban","Dozens of Zamalek Club Ultras, known as the White Knights, closed the gates of the Ministry of Sports in Cairo to protest a decision denying them attendance at all football games Tuesday morning. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ministry security officials negotiated with the youths to end their protest. The protest ended, although the protesters threatened escalation of their demands are not met. Last week, Sports Minister al-Emary Farouq banned fans from attending local and African games, following a rampage that followed an African League match between Egypt's al-Ahly and a Kenya team. The minister said the move was necessary to ensure the safety of supporters and facilities A number of al-Ahly fans had raised banners attacking Egypt's former military ruler Mohamed Hussein Tantawi and smashed some parts of the Borg al-Arab Stadium, run by the Armed Forces. The stadium administration then announced that it would not host any further football competitions for local teams. Egypt's premier league kicked off in February in stadiums run by the Armed Forces, as a security measure to avoid violence a year following the Port Said massacre when over 70 Ahly fans were killed in Port Said Stadium after a match against al-Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"249",2013-04-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/justice-jeopardy","""I think you can see how many [former regime officials] have been released from prison. They'll give them bonuses next,"" President Mohamed Morsy said at a news conference in late March. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The acquittal of several former regime officials charged in corruption cases had clearly bothered Morsy, whose group has been mobilized to protest today, Friday, to demand the purging of the judiciary. Within the same breath, however, he emphasized his respect for the judiciary. The Muslim Brotherhood and its man in office have had a rocky relationship with the judiciary since their rise to political power, respecting certain decisions and clearly flouting others. In January, the president called on Port Said residents to respect judicial rulings after a court ordered the execution of 21 local Masry Ultras in the Port Said football violence case. Residents accused the judiciary of bias and of appeasing Ultras Ahlawy, a Cairo-based group of ultras, or hardcore football fans. Later in March, neither the president's office nor the Brotherhood seemed even a little fazed about a ruling that annulled the appointment of the current prosecutor general. The Brotherhood-appointed prosecutor general said he would stay in office. Abdel Moneim Abdel Maqsoud, a Brotherhood lawyer, said that it is not in the group's nature to undermine the judiciary, as it has always respected the legacy of the judicial branch, which he said brought justice to the Brotherhood on several occasions under former President Hosni Mubarak's rule. Abdel Maqsoud does not believe the Brotherhood has adopted conflicting positions toward the judiciary. He said the law allows any entity to contest judicial rulings through legal avenues. It is the media, he argues, that has drawn negative attention to it. ""All judges should steer clear of the media and not give any statements that reveal their political orientations,"" he stated. ""The Supreme Judicial Council's decision to ask judges not to appear in the media was prudent, because the phenomenon is new to us and it is dangerous because it opens the door to commenting on judicial rulings and questioning the integrity of the judiciary."" In its interpretation of the ruling, which voided the prosecutor general's appointment, the Supreme Judicial Council urged the prosecutor general to take the initiative to relinquish his position and return to work as a judge, and called on judges to refrain from appearing in the media. But there are several other cases that appear to point to the Brotherhood's unclear and uneven relationship with the judiciary: a relationship seen by critics as undermining the independence of the judicial branch. The Brotherhood did not protest a ruling issued in April 2012 ordering the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly, formed by the now-dissolved People's Assembly. But in June, the Brotherhood protested three judicial rulings, exploiting them throughout Morsy's presidential campaign. The first ruling acquitted former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly's aides, charged with the killing of protesters. The second found the People's Assembly elections law unconstitutional, a ruling that the then-ruling military junta used to dissolve Parliament's lower house. The third ruling abrogated the Political Isolation Law, tailored by the dissolved Parliament to disqualify former regime members Ahmed Shafiq and Omar Suleiman from the presidential race. The ruling enabled Shafiq to continue the race, and he eventually reached the runoff election but lost to Morsy. With a victory in hand, however, the Brotherhood and Morsy praised the judiciary, which it said neutrally supervised the election. Shortly afterward, Morsy honored Farouk Sultan, the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) head, after he reached retirement age - despite the many reservations the Brotherhood expressed toward the rulings the SCC issued a month before. But the honeymoon between the judiciary and the Brotherhood would soon end. In November, before the SCC could review a case calling for the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the Shura Council - whose session was scheduled for 2 December - Morsy issued a constitutional declaration that immunized the two bodies, and removed the prosecutor general. Judges and opposition powers saw the move as a flagrant infringement on the judiciary's role. Muslim Brotherhood members besieged the SCC around the time the ruling was expected, and a few days later, the group's official spokesperson described the SCC as ""a counter-revolutionary power"" after it ""suspiciously"" issued a ruling to dissolve the People's Assembly in June. Sabry Amer, a Freedom and Justice Party member and former head of the dissolved People's Assembly transportation and information committee, believes judges are to blame for issuing rulings out of touch with the zeitgeist. He believes judges fail to observe the spirit of the law and ""do not at all feel what this nation, which is ailing economically and politically, is going through. ""I do not wish to say that the judiciary is politicized, but it is a state institution, and so it should have a sense of the conditions in the country,"" he argues. He adds that there is a difference between implementing the law on a healthy man and implementing it on a sick one. ""There is something they call a medical pardon,"" he says. Amer says the ruling to dissolve the People's Assembly failed to observe the country's conditions, even if it was legally justified. ""The ruling was issued by a man who did not see or hear of the country's circumstances,"" he says. ""So long as parliamentary elections were free, characterized by integrity and achieved some degree of justice, then he should have taken into account the nationwide conditions. A country at war is different from one at peace."" Amer thinks that strict implementation of the law is acceptable under normal conditions, but ""not in the exceptional conditions we are living in. ""What law or constitution was it that justified the stepping down of Mubarak and the dissolution of the People's Assembly and Shura Council at the beginning of the revolution?"" he asks. Essam al-Tobgy, a State Council member, says, ""The Brotherhood is the last to speak about the country's interests and judicial rulings because, from the beginning of the revolution, they refused to pass exceptional and revolutionary laws."" Tobgy adds that none of the members of the Brotherhood should claim that the judiciary is corrupt. If that were the case, then Morsy should be the first to step down, as it was the same judges whose integrity he contests who supervised the election that brought him to power. Adel Ramadan, a lawyer with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, agrees with Tobgy that it is in the Brotherhood's interest not to cast suspicions on the judiciary's integrity. He says those in power want to create the impression that the judiciary is independent because it plays an important role in running state affairs, so the Brotherhood has no interest in causing people to lose confidence in the judiciary even if they are at odds with it. ""A society without a judiciary cannot be controlled,"" he adds. Ramadan adds that there are issues that reveal the disagreement between the judiciary and the Brotherhood, such as when the SCC invalidated the parliamentary elections law as if to send a message that it is the highest judicial body in the country and its authority cannot be challenged. ""All of those rulings do not flout the law, because the court will sometimes strictly apply the law and at others only flexibly implement it. It has a margin of action within the limits of the law itself,"" he argues. Ramadan says that the Brotherhood has very little presence within judicial circles, with the majority of judges being independent, or associated in some way with the former regime. This, he says, may partially explain why the Brotherhood tends to antagonize the judiciary. The Brotherhood undoubtedly wants to control a power as important as the judiciary, he adds, though it has no vision for the judiciary's role. The group only sees it as a tool to dominate, Ramadan says. Now that the group is in power, he states, it is trying to control the judiciary the way it did with the prosecutor general's position. In the past, it always sought to win the sympathy of the judiciary when it belonged to the ranks of the opposition."
"250",2013-04-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-least-49-injured-high-court-clashes-say-officials","Central Security Forces have been deployed to the area around the High Court as violent clashes erupted between Muslim Brotherhood protesters and opposition activists, who hurled stones and exchanged birdshot at each other as Brotherhood members chanted, ""God is great"" and ""Islamic, Islamic."" Witnesses say the leaders of the Brotherhood protest urged the violence on, chanting, ""Beat the thugs."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Violence was also ongoing in the Abdel Moneim Riad area, even as CSF troops fired tear gas in an attempt to disperse the protesters. The Ambulence Authority reported that at least 49 have been injured so far. The clashes ignited after opposition protesters in Tahrir Square headed to the square's Abdel Moneim Riad Street entrance late Friday afternoon and set fire to buses that brought in Muslim Brotherhood protesters from the governorates into Cairo for a mass demonstration. A march including 25 Black Bloc members arrived in Tahrir earlier, then headed to the High Court where the Brothers were staging their protest calling for purging the judiciary. Another march staged by the Revolutionary Ultras arrived in the square coming from Qasr al-Nil Bridge, chanting against President Mohamed Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood. They marched around the square and shot off fireworks before they head to the High Court. Clashes then broke out between the Muslim Brotherhood protesters and opposition activists. Both sides threw stones and bird shot was reportedly fired. Ambulances and fire trucks were deployed to the site of the clashes to transport the injured to the hospital. Earlier Friday afternoon, Muslim Brotherhood members demonstrating in front of the High Court ipainted the walls of the court complex, removing slogans painted by the April 6 Youth Movement and other opposition movements who had recently been demonstrating there to demand the release of political detainees. The Brotherhood protesters chanted, ""We are the majority, we are the original rebels, we are all Egyptians."" Some wore t-shirts bearing Morsy's photograph. One participant announced through loudspeakers that the group would stage another demonstration in Tahrir Square next Friday to continue demanding the purging of the judiciary. Around 2,000 protesters took part in three different marches to the High Court from Al-Fatah Mosque after Friday prayers. Islamist political groups including the Wasat Party and the Hazemoun participated, as well as several protesters injured during the 25 January revolution. Participants called for purging the judiciary of corrupt figures, amending the Judicial Authority Law so as to lower the legal age of judges' retirement to 60 and applying Article 150 of the Constitution to cases related to the killing of protesters. ""Go [Ahmed] Zend tell Tahani [al-Gebali] that Abdel Meguid [Mahmoud] will not be back,"" ""Shoulder to shoulder in the square against Hosni [Mubarak] and the jailer."" The protesters raised banners that read: ""No to Mubarak's judges, no to Mubarak's state, and no to the judiciary of the feloul [former figures of Mubarak regime]."" They also raised flags that read ""Ultras Nahdawy."" Meanwhile, Omar Makram Mosque saw altercations as worshippers were deeply divided by Sheikh Mazhar Shaheen's Friday sermon. Shahien, who has been suspended by the Endowments Ministry for his political speeches in the mosque, rejected what he called the ""demolition of the institution of judiciary under the pretext of purging it of corruption."" Supporters and opponents of the Brotherhood's call to protest began to chant slogans against each other after the sermon. Some worshipers chanted: ""The people want to purge the judiciary,"" and ""Islamic, Islamic in spite of liberalism."" Opposition worshippers chanted: ""The people want to bring down the supreme guide's rule,"" and ""Judiciary, judiciary, Brothers demolished the judiciary."" ""If the judiciary is demolished, that will take Egypt into a dark tunnel; if the judiciary is demolished, rights will be lost and chaos will spread, because we will be living in a jungle where blood runs on the ground, which is not acceptable to Sharia or religion. It is even incompatible with the basic rules of humanity,"" Shaheen said during his sermon. The revolution called for bread, freedom and human dignity, which requires reforming some state institutions, he said, adding that purging corruption in state institutions was also among the demands of the revolution. ""Islam orders us to prevent and fight corruption and to prosecute any corrupt [figures], but purging [institutions] should not be a means to achieving other ends, and the revolution's demands should not be used to settle accounts,"" Shaheen said. The preacher called for achieving justice only through evidence, and not based on suspicions and rumors. He pointed out that a whole institution should not be torn down due to some corrupt individuals, saying such a step would be against Sharia and national security. The preacher rejected politicizing the judiciary in favor of a certain group or political party, warning that this could lead to chaos and a widespread mistrust of the judiciary. Shaheen questioned the protesters' demands to lower the age of retirement for judges to 60, asking if those over 60 were the only corrupt individuals in the system. Shaheen called for a clear mechanism to hold corrupt judges accountable, saying, ""The judge who proves implicated in corruption should be prosecuted ... that will not happen without a clear mechanism for cleansing."" ""We could have set up gallows in Tahrir Square to try murderers, but we chose justice, and relying on the judiciary and the law so as not to spread chaos in the country, and have people killed on pretext that they belonged to the [ruling] party or to the regime,"" Shaheen said. Thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members began gathering outside the High Court in the morning for the mass demonstration. The protest was organized in response to a court's ruling this week to release former President Hosni Mubarak from prison pending his retrial on charges of complicity in killing protesters during the January 2011 uprising. Mubarak was released on the grounds that his period of provisional detention has expired. They raised banners that read: ""Oh Judges for Egypt [a judiciary movement], we are with you until victory [is attained],"" ""Oh you silent, why are you silent? What is up, have you taken your rights?"" ""The people want to purge the judiciary,"" and ""Retribution for martyrs."" The protesters set up large speakers on the stairs of the High Court and hung a large banner that read: ""Five main demands: The people want to purge the media and judiciary, to change the Judicial Authority Law, to sack the justice minister, to prosecute [Judge Ahmed] al-Zend and [former top prosecutor] Abdel Meguid Mahmoud, and to hold revolutionary tribunals."" The protesters also raised the flags of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, jihad flags and the Muslim Brotherhood flag. The 26 of July Street was blocked as the number of protesters continued to increase. ""Participating in today's protest is assigned to some members of the group, not all of them,"" said Brotherhood member Saber Abbas, who also told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the protest objects to the ""mixing [of] political and judicial [matters]."" The protest is scheduled to end at 5 pm, Abbas said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"251",2013-04-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/health-workers-vigil-presses-funding-regulatory-demands","Doctors and pharmacists from several professional groups held a vigil outside the Shura Council Tuesday to highlight the need for more health funding. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The demonstration by the Doctors Without Rights, Pharmacists Without Rights, Health Defense and Doctors Ultras movements came as the upper house of Parliament reviews the fiscal year 2013/2014 budget proposed by the Cabinet. Doctors have long protested to demand regulations that would state terms of employment, salaries and promotions within the profession. They also want a framework that stipulates free health care for the poor and fair compensation for doctors. They threatened to go on strike once again in hospitals nationwide if their demands are not met. Doctors went on strike for nearly three months starting on 1 October to demand an increase in the Health Ministry's budget, better security for hospitals and a review of administrative and financial matters within the sector. ""The Shura Council cancelled Saturday's meeting that was meant to discuss this issue and did not specify another date,"" said Dr. Mona Mina, founder of the Doctors Without Rights movement. ""This is an insult to us."" Shura Council Health Committee member Abdel Ghaffar Salhin said the committee would meet with the finance minister and apply a health sector bylaw by July. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"252",2013-06-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sports-minister-premier-league-games-will-go-ahead","Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq has said Premier League games will go ahead this weekend, despite earlier calls by security officials for the fixtures to be postponed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Farouq agreed with Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim to move the round-17 and 18 games, originally slated for Thursday and Friday, to Saturday and Sunday, during a phone call on Wednesday. The Interior Ministry's General Security Sector notified Egypt's Football Association it was against holding the 2 fixtures due to demonstrations planned by Islamists to back President Mohamed Morsy. Threats by supporters' groups, including Ultras Ahlawy, Ultras White Knights and Ismaili's Yellow Dragons, to storm matches also alerted security officials. Egyptians Premier League games have been held without fans' attendance since the embattled league kicked off against last February. Farouk told Al-Masry Al-Youm rounds 17 and 18 would be adjourned to Saturday and Sunday and praised the role of the police in protecting sports activities in Egypt. The Egyptian Premier League restarted last February after a one-year suspension following the February 2012 Port Said football massacre. Seventy-two Ahly fans were killed in the violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"253",2013-07-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-fans-attend-ahly-match-despite-security-warnings","Zamalek Club's White Knights Ultras say they plan to attend a Wednesday fixture against Ahly in Gouna, despite a statement posted on the club's website warning of the security risks of attending the match. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""The Confederation of African Football (CAF) hadn't submitted anything to Zamalek Club about banning fans,"" the ultras group said on its Facebook page. What was published in this regard is no more than rumours."" ""We confirm that fans attendance is not the CAF's business. Zamalek was penalized with banning fans from attendance,"" the group added. ""The issue is related to the Egyptian Interior Ministry,"" it said, insisting Zamalek fans would be at the game. ""It's our legal right."" Ahly and Zamalek are supposed to face off in the African Champions League game on Wednesday. African Champion League matches are played in Egypt without fans at the game, after the Egyptian Football Association notified CAF that fans could not attend for security reasons following the ouster of President Mohamed Morsy and the ultimate cancellation of the championship. Ultras Ahlawy earlier announced on its Facebook page that they will also attend the match, despite a refusal by security forces to allow the game to be playd at the Air Defence ground. The match would therefore be played at Gouna in Hurghada, officials said."
"254",2013-07-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/medical-convoys-villages-detect-breast-tumors","The Beni Suef branch of the National Council for Women, in collaboration with the Health Ministry, has sent medical convoys for early detection of breast tumors to the 10 poorest villages in Egypt. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The convoys scanned random samples of women, trained them in self-examination techniques, and took the positive cases for lumpectomy. ""They are visiting the villages twice a week for two weeks,"" said branch rapporteur Nermine Abdel Azim. Out of 400 women that were examined in Beni Suef, five cases were detected in the first week. They were sent to the university hospital to undergo an ultrasound mammogram. ""We concentrate on uneducated married women,"" Abdel Azim said, adding that the convoys have trained the doctors and nurses of the Family Planning Department to perform breast examinations as a routine procedure, which contributes to the early detection of the disease. The convoys also detected other diseases, and sent the patients to the central hospitals for treatment free of charge. Edited translation from MENA"
"255",2013-07-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-sets-december-date-port-said-massacre-retrials","Egypt's Court of Cassation has said suspects involved in the Port Said football massacre will be retried in December. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Seventy-three suspects will be tried on 5 December for involvement in the February 2012 massacre, when 74 people from the Ultras Ahlawy were killed after a football game between Ahly and Masry. Port Said Criminal Court previously sentenced 21 suspects to death and five others to life imprisonment. It also cleared 28 others and gave sentences to the remaining suspects, with jail terms ranging from five to 15 years. Scores of Ahly team fans were killed and hundreds more injured on 1 February 2012 when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"256",2013-08-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/prosecutor-employee-investigated-over-snooping-claims","Prosecutor General Hisham Barakat has referred an employee in his office to investigators over suspicions of involvement in alleged spying. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The suspect may have installed cameras and listening devices in the office. Security and judicial sources said the employee installed them inside the office of former Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah, with a view to submitting recordings to foreign governments. The sources, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the suspect planted cameras and devices inside offices used by technical investigators - to discover information from interrogations, particularly relating to activists and media figures. Barakat, according to sources, discovered the devices almost one month after his appointment. He delegated a technical committee to inspect them and transferred the employee from the technical office. Meanwhile, Abdullah issued a statement on Tuesday denying news circulated in the so-called ""pro-coup"" media. He said he did not install devices. The statement added that surveillance cameras placed inside the premises were done so according to security approval and procedure, reportedly as an attempt to protect Abdallah after a group of Ultras and April 6 Youth Movement activists attempted to break into the High Court building. The former lead prosecutor denied cameras were used to spy on anyone. They were visible to anyone who entered the building, he claimed. Abdullah received death threats from unknown groups that opposed ousted President Mohamed Morsy, threatening him if he stayed in his post or ordered the arrest of opposition activists under Morsy, the statement said. He also received written threats demanding his immediate resignation. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"257",2013-09-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/retrial-11-port-said-massacre-defendants-set-saturday","Ismailia Appeals Court set a 7 September date for the retrial of 11 defendants who were formerly handed death sentences in absentia for their role in the Port Said massacre. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Court of Cassation meanwhile announced a 5 December trial for retrying 73 defendants in the Port Said massacre case in which 74 people were killed from hardcore Ahly fans Ultras Ahlawy in February 2012. Port Said Criminal Court had sentenced 21 people to death and five others to life, acquitting 28 others. The rest of the defendants received prison sentences that ranged from five to 15 years. The bloody violence broke out after the end of a match between locals al-Masry and Ahly club in the football league. Seventy-four people were killed and 248 others injured. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"258",2013-09-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/police-besiege-thousands-zamalek-ultras-gathering-outside-club","Thousands of Zamalek Football Club ultras calling themselves ""White Knights"" gathered outside the club on Wednesday and chanted slogans against the players and the administration, as security forces besieged the ultras in an attempt to prevent them from storming the club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ultras set fire to the croquet court cafeteria Security forces used tear gas and shot cartouches in the air to disperse them. Ambulances transported some 30 people who were injured or suffered suffocation. The ultras blocked Arab League Street and Sphinx Square that lead to the club, causing traffic jams in the area. Also, shops outside the club were closed. The ultras said they wanted to purge the club from ""traitors and losers"" and would not leave until the Board of Directors was removed and coach Helmy Tolan is dismissed. They also chanted slogans against chairman Mamdouh Abbas. The Board of Directors had postponed a decision regarding Tolan until after the match with the Congolese Leopards on Sunday. Zamalek was defeated 4-0 last Sunday by its traditional rival Ahly Club in the fifth round of the African Champions League. This has diminished its chances at reaching the semi-finals. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"259",2013-09-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-members-protest-solidarity-ultras-white-knights","Members of Zamalek Club will on Saturday organize a silent protest inside the club in solidarity with members of Ultras White Knights and to call for the departure of the current club board led by Mamdouh Abbas. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Club members called for a signature-gathering campaign to officially withdraw confidence in Abbas. They plan to then submit their petition to Sports Minister Taher Abu Zeid. Ultras White Knights held Zamalek's board responsible for clashes that erupted at the club on Thursday as well as for the football team's loss to Ahly which helped it qualify for the African Champions League semifinals at the expense of Zamalek. They accused the board of letting go of key players, failing to pay the players' salaries and taking decisions unilaterally. One of the Ultras White Knights leaderships said the current board has lost its legitimacy, adding that Saturday will be the beginning of the end of eight years of shame for this great club. ""We will not allow further humiliation of the club,"" he said. They also do not want the current board to continue after its term ends in September. Several of the prominent members of the club, including two former presidents of the club, Ahmed Mostafa, a former football player and media professional Fahmy Omar called for the formation of a ""committee of wise men"" to mediate appeasement. Medhat al-Adl, a poet, expressed solidarity with the planned protest and said, ""Even though I denounce the violence that erupted on Thursday, I still hold Abbas and his incompetent board responsible for it."" Adl expressed surprise at how Abbas insists to stay even though everyone wants him to go after he caused group games to fail and overwhelmed the club with debts. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"260",2013-09-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-white-knights-vow-harsh-response-against-zamalek-club-management","Ultras White Knights (UWK), a young group of Zamalek Club football fans, expressed anger at the decision of head of Zamalak Club Mamdouh Abbas for banning audience attendance during Sunday match between Zamalek and the Iobar Congolese in the African Champoins League. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Abbas has submitted a request to the Interior Ministry to ban audience from attending the match on Sunday afternoon. The group published a statement on its Facebook page condemning Zamalek Club board of directors headed by Abbas for ignoring their demands and using violence against group members who protested last week. The statement attacked Abbas and the Interior Ministry and vowed a harsh response in the coming hours. The group accused Abbas's body guards and the police of attacking its members who were protesting at the club last Thursday, demanding Abbas be sacked. The safe exit of the club's board of directors after the blood of fans has been shed became impossible, according to the statement. It added there would be important and strong moves announced for the group in the coming few hours. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"261",2013-09-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/member-zamalek-ultras-dies-after-clashes","Amr Hussein, a member of the Zamalek Club White Knights Ultras, died on Monday after suffering a gunshot wound in the clashes that took place outside the club on Thursday with security services. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Ultras had announced what they called a ""white revolution"" against chairman Mamdouh Abbas and coach Helmy Tolan due to the poor peformance of the team in the football championships. They tried to storm the club and compel Abbas to leave, which led to clashes with police. The Ultras expressed condolences for Hussein on Facebook and vowed retribution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"262",2013-09-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/thousands-send-ultras-white-knights-member-burial","Thousands of members of the Ultras White Knights on Tuesday held a funeral service for Amr Hussein at Salaheddin Mosque in Manyal. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hussein died on Monday after suffering a gunshot wound in a protest on Thursday. Hussein was buried in Fayoum with members of his family. Hussein's colleagues vowed to carry out retribution for their dead friend who wanted to see Mamdouh Abbas, the current president of Zamalek Club, leave. Meanwhile, members of Ultras White knights refused to receive Helmi Toulan, Zamalek football head coach. Ultras White knights protested outside the club on Thursday to call for the removal of Abbas after the football team was defeated by Ahly in the African League. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"263",2013-10-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-white-knights-vow-revenge-killing-colleague","Ultras White knights vowed a severe response over the coming days to the killing of their colleague Amr Hussein who died at Qasr al-Aini Hospital. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hussein had received a gunshot in the chest allegedly at the hands of the police during protests staged by the Ultras White Knights in front of Zamalek Club to demand the departure of the club board. White Knights published a statement on their official page on Facebook in which they said that the mentality of the police has not changed and that they still use their policy of suppression when dealing with different kinds of protesters. White Knights said they will continue to defend their rights. ""Nothing has changed, we're still the terrorists we were before the revolution...we are still demanding what is right and fighting for it, laying down our own lives to fight some ignorant people, for whom suppression is a way of life and whose imagination is sick. Amr Hussein, it is either we take restore your rights or die like you."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"264",2013-10-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-members-detained-blocking-airport-road","Prosecutors on Wednesday ordered the detention of 19 members of the Ultras Ahlawy group for four days pending investigation, charged with blocking the Salah Salem road leading to the airport and assaulting citizens as well as police personnel. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Ultras denied the charges and claimed police arrested them randomly. The defense asked for their bail and considered the charges as too general. The Ultras were protesting to demand the release of their fellow members who were detained in clashes with police at Cairo Airport upon the arrival of the Ahly football team on Sunday. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"265",2013-10-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-releases-ultras-ahlawy-members-after-airport-protest","Nozha Misdemeanour Court released 19 members of the Ultras Ahlawy on LE2,000 bail each on charges of blocking Salah Salem Road and Galaa Bridge, following a welcome-back demonstration near to Cairo International Airport for the Ultras' handball team. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The prosecution had charged the 19 Ultras Ahlawy members with blocking roads and assaulting citizens and policemen. The suspects meanwhile denied the charges saying the police rounded them up randomly. According to investigations, the suspects blocked roads and stopped traffic to push for the release of 25 of their colleagues who were arrested after assaulting police forces at the Cairo International Airport while receiving Ahly's handball team on Sunday. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"266",2013-10-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-march-demand-release-members","Hundreds of the members of football supporters groups Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights marched on the High Court in downtown Cairo on Saturday to demand the release of 25 members arrested last Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ultras, as well as protesters supporting the cause, marched from Ahly sports club headquarters in Zamalek. The 25 defendants were arrested at Cairo International Airport on Sunday evening as they were waiting to receive the Ahly handball club, returning from Morocco. Security forces claim the group ignited fireworks inside the airport terminal, while the group said in a statement that they were banned from entering the terminal in the first place and security forces were the ones who attacked the group with birdshot, injuring dozens. Following the incident, 150 group members were arrested, then 100 were released. The remaining 25 were interrogated at 4 am on Monday, meaning lawyers were unable to reach them. Human rights activist Sanaa Sief told Al-Masry Al-Youm hindering lawyers from clients is against the law. Out of the 25, two defendants are underage and remain under detention at Nozha Police Station. The other 23 were deported to Wadi al-Natroun prison, over 100 kilometers north of Cairo, while their families were not allowed to visit or send them food or clothing, as Suhair Dawood, mother of one of the defendants, told Egypt Independent. According to the Ultras Ahlawy, the High Court rally is the first step of escalation to demand the release of its members. Edited translation from al-Masry al-Youm"
"267",2013-10-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-rejects-ultras-ahlawy-appeals-against-their-detention","Misdemeanor Court officials have refused appeals from 25 members of the Ultras Ahlawy against their detentions on charges of rioting and assaulting security forces at Cairo International Airport. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Ultras members were detained for 15 days pending investigations. Nozha Misdemeanor Court last Saturday rejected an appeal submitted by Mohannad Abdel Maqsoud, a member of the Ultras Ahlawy, against his detention, also for 15 days pending investigations. The court ordered the renewal of his detention along with fellow prisoners on Thursday for another 15 days. The Ultras members were detained in clashes with the police at Cairo airport after they went to welcome the Ahly handball team on 13 October. The Ultras later claimed in a statement that police forces started attacking them, later claiming they were in a ""battle for survival"" on the streets, under threat from security forces."
"268",2013-11-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egyptian-ministries-bracing-morsy-trial","Egyptian ministries are bracing for a day of potential unrest on 4 November, the day former President Mohamed Morsy is scheduled to appear in court. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Interior Ministry said Saturday that security forces are preparing for protests following marching calls by the Muslim Brotherhood, focusing on 4 November with the Morsy trial. The Brotherhood is looking to spread chaos and hinder traffic, the ministry warned. In a statement the ministry said it will use every lawful tool at its disposal to police events. All ministry departments have been instructed to protect public and police property and prevent violence, according to the statement. The Health Ministry has also announced it is on high alert ahead of Morsy's trial. No hospital or emergency services staff have been permitted days-off. The ministry said it will have a central operations room during the day linking up governorates across Egypt, which will notify the Interior Ministry on significant developments. Emergency services will have 2,004 ambulances at their disposal, 434 of them stationed in the capital. Ambulances will be distributed along highways, deserts and international and coastal roads 24 hours ahead of the trial. Medial equipment and blood supplies are also being distributed to hospitals, particularly in Cairo. Hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood supporters ended on Saturday a protest staged outside the High Court. Ultras Nahdawy movement announced end of protests staged on the same day, demanding the halting of Morsy's trial. Traffic around the High Court returned to normal after end of the protest. Mohamed Yehia, a movement member, said the protest was peaceful. The protest was scheduled to last for one hour. No clashes with residents or security forces took place. The day of Morsy's trial, according to Yehia, ""will see the biggest rally before the place of his trial and near embassies and consulates."" Security forces emptied the High Court of employees on Saturday after the Ultras Nahdawy march was joined by Morsy supporters. Supporters raised the yellow Rabaa al-Adaweya sign and chanted slogans against Egypt's military. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"269",2013-11-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-march-downtown-over-25-prisoners","A massive march of Ultras Ahlawy members and supporters set out from Ahly Club in Zamalek on Wednesday afternoon, heading for the High Court to protest against 25 members being held by authorities. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The prisoners were detained following clashes at Cairo International Airport over two weeks ago, which broke out when Ultras went to welcome back the Ahly handball team from an away fixture in the African Handball Championship in Morocco. The High Court saw a heightened security presence ahead of possible clashes. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"270",2013-11-07,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cup-final-go-ahead-without-fans-fa","The Egyptian Football Association said on Thursday the final cup match between Zamalek and Wadi Degla will go ahead without fans in the stadium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The game will take place at Gouna stadium on Saturday. The announcement follows a letter from the Interior Ministry, sent to EFA officials, advising that the game could go ahead providing fans were not in the stands. Zamalek had expressed its objection to holding the game without spectators, after the Red Sea Security Directorate rejected their attendance on Wednesday. Zamalek club chief Kamal Darwish said that the club's administration has made attempts to convince the Football Association to allow the fans to attend, but in vain. Zamalek's hardcore fanbase, the Ultras White Knights, have declared their intention to attend the game in Gouna, despite the ban. Egyptian authorities have been banning spectators from attending football competitions since the Port Said massacre in February 2012, in which 72 Ahly fans, most of whom were members of the Ultras Ahlawy, were violently killed after a match between Ahly and Port Said's home club, al-Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"271",2013-11-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/25-ultras-ahlawy-members-released-over-october-airport-clashes","Nozha Prosecution has ordered the release of 25 members of Ahly Sports club fans, Ultras Ahlawy, who have been detained since mid October following clashes with security at Cairo International Airport. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The detainees were released after paying for damages sustained by the airport. The fans were staging a homecoming reception for the club's handball team on its way back from Morocco. They were arrested and accused of stirring riots and igniting fireworks at the arrival hall. Abdel Aziz Fadel, Egypt's Minister of Civil Aviation, said a settlement was reached with detainees' families. Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim told CBC satellite channel on Friday that prosecutors had been contacted to close the case. ""We spoke to the prosecution to end that issue out of anxiousness for their (the Ultras) future, and for them to attend their examination,"" the minister said. The minister added that he aspires for more communication with Ultras groups for the sake of proper, unpoliticized cheering. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"272",2013-11-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-clash-police-champions-league-final","Clashes erupted between hardcore football fans, the Ultras Ahlawy, and security forces near the Arab Contractors Stadium, only a few hours before the final of the 2013 CAF Champions League between Ahly and South African team, the Orlando Pirates. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Fans objected to tight security measures carried out by security, inspecting everyone entering the stadium and carefully checking tickets. Unrest, as well as the presence of thousands of Ahly fans around the stadium, hindered the Orlando team's bus from entering the stadium. A leading member of the group, who refused to be named, said security forces deliberately halted fans from going inside, in response to some of them entering early in the morning, before the alloted entry time for spectators. Group members, according to another Ultra, came early to prepare for celebrations using colorful signs, something which takes a long time to be set out. Security authorities only allowed a limited number of audiences to enter the stadium, in accordance with what an Interior Ministry directive, something which angered enthusiastic fans wishing to support their team. The leading member says that security dealt violently with the fans, firing tear gas to disperse them, and hitting many fans with sticks, which resulted in many casualties. A police van was vandalized as a result. The CAF Champions League final, which Ahly have won seven times before, kicks off at 6 pm Cairo time. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"273",2013-11-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/some-consider-revolution-license-chaos-sawiris-claims","Business tycoon Naguib Sawiris said some in Egypt have seen the 2011 revolution as a ""license for chaos,"" during a telephone interview with al-Tahrir satellite channel on Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egypt has been living amidst unstructured chaos for three years, Sawiris claimed, something that has hindered investments and economic development. Sawiris accused hardcore football fan groups, the Ultras, of getting involved in politics. That will require government officials to deal with the Ultras with ""wisdom,"" he said without elaborating. The famous tycoon also condemned some political group's opposition to a proposed law which would protect government officials if their decisions were deemed to be made in ""good faith."" ""The law ends the theory of the 'trembling hands' within government,"" Sawiris argued, which would allow officials' to make decisive decisions in Egypt's interests. The Coptic businessman also announced he will be donating money for the restoration of both churches and mosques, part of an initiative by The House of the Family initiative under the auspices of Al-Azhar Grand Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayyeb. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"274",2013-12-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-rules-73-defendants-port-said-football-massacre","The Port Said Criminal Court ruled on the 73 defendants of the Port Said football massacre. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The court acquitted 28 defendants while 45 defendants were punished with varying penalties. Twenty-one received death sentence, five sent to life imprisonment, 10 defendants sent to 15 years in prison, six sentenced to 10 years in prison, two sent to five years, and one year imprisonment for one defendant, for charges of the murder, inciting murder and facilitating the murder of 72 people. The Court of Cassation has set 6 February as date for verdict on appeal by 26 of the defendants convicted by the Port Said Criminal Court. A security alert was issued on Wednesday in the coastal city of Port Said, North east of Cairo, during the first session of the appeal filled by defendants of Port Said Stadium massacre. The alert pertains especially to vital and government installations and squares, in fear of retribution by football fans. On the first of February 2012, 72 Ahly fans, most of whom are members of Ultras Ahlawy, were violently killed after the end of a match between locals al-Masry and Ahly club in the football league. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"275",2013-12-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/suez-security-rejects-securing-masry-games","Head of Suez security Hussein Harb refused to assume responsibility of securing a football game between Zamalek and the Port Said-based Masry Club to be held Wednesday, kicking off the two teams' matches in the Premier League. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Media reports claimed the rejection came after receiving threats from hardcore Ahly fans Ultras Ahlawy of assaulting Masry on its way to the stadium. Ihab Leheita, a board member of the Football Association, told the state-run Youth and Sports radio station on Sunday, ""we were shocked by the decision of the Suez security to reject holding Masry games."" ""Masry games may be postponed, while the other Premier League games be held. This is the only solution we have now,"" he added. The Football Association had decided that all Masry's games-including the away games-will be held in Suez. Security rejects the idea. In February 2012, 72 Ahly fans, mostly belonging to Ultras Ahlawy, were killed in Port Said when Masry fans stormed the field after a game between the two teams that Masry had won. Over 70 Masry fans, in addition to police leaders, are being retried in the case. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"276",2014-01-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/square-story-lost-revolutionaries","Today at 2am Cairo time, viewers from around the world will tune into the annual Oscars ceremony, where an Egyptian film has been nominated to win the ""Best Documentary Feature"" for 2014. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Square, a documentary film about the ""ongoing"" Egyptian revolution, is one of five films that have been nominated for the category after winning the Audience Award at Sundance Festival in 2013. The film documents the course of Egypt's three-year-long political upheaval during and after Mubarak's ouster until the first civilian president Mohamed Morsy was unseated by the military. This all happens through the eyes of a handful of Tahrir Square protesters while transporting the viewer deeply into the intense emotional drama and personal stories behind the news. According to some film critics, the Square is likely to be the first Egyptian film ever to win the high-profile Oscar in the category of the Best Documentary Feature, let alone it is the first time an Egyptian film get nominated for such award. ""Oscar tends to give awards to politically-motivated films rather than quality artistic films as Cannes does. It gave its award to Argo last year which was not a quality film but rather has a political dimension,"" said Mohamed Shafie, a cinema critic and actor. ""In that sense, the Square has a potential to win."" The documentary takes viewers through an immensely moving and emotional journey, laden with hope, euphoria, courage, betrayal, perseverance and frustration. Though it has been internationally acclaimed and screened in many countries worldwide, it has not yet been officially approved to be premiered in Egypt's theatres. Well-known producer Marianne Khoury told Mada Masr that getting approval from Egypt's censorship body has been an extremely difficult process due to the film's sensitive content, which includes a lot of brutally raw footage of the excessive violence used by the Egyptian military and security forces against protestors over the past three years. The film by Egyptian-American Jehan Noujaim has received international positive reviews upon its screening in many countries including London-based Frontline club, where the film was fully booked a week earlier. The film premiered on January 18, 2013 at the 2013 Sundance Film Festival, where it won the Audience Award for World Cinema in the documentary category. Due to the ongoing nature of the Egyptian revolution, Noujaim updated the ending of the film over the summer of 2013.The film was subsequently also named winner of the People's Choice Award in the documentary category at the 2013 Toronto International Film Festival. Though social media was a catalyst for the Arab Spring, it was also a tool that helped spreading the film nationwide. The film was downloaded and uploaded on YouTube and has been widely seen across Egypt in homes and coffee shops, shared on Facebook and discussed on social media. Internationally, the film had its impact on the budding revolution movements overseas. It was recently dubbed into Ukrainian and downloaded some 300,000 times by protesters there and shown in the square, in Kiev. There is a video on YouTube showing a public screening of the film in the Maidan of Kiev where protesters standing and showing full attention to the film events which might be has a futuristic view of what is going to happen in Ukraine after Russian military soldiers began deploying its troops in the country. A dubbed version is now spreading in Russia too, said the film's director Jehane Noujaim. Reaction among revolutionaries Yet, some young activists who participated in the 18-day uprising slammed the film as it was made from a ""classy"" perspective targeting the international audience rather than a local one. ""The film ignored the people who got killed and injured during the revolution, and instead focused on a guy who is just talking and sounds [like he's] acting,"" says Shams Salem, 24-year-old drummer who participated in the revolution, ""people who were killed and had chronic injuries are the characters who would best represent the Egyptian revolution."" Islam Zaki, 29, a diving trainer in Sharm el-Sheikh resort said the positive thing about the film is ""the merge of all social classes together in Tahrir's pot."" Another political activist who preferred to remain anonymous said the film did not include one of the most critical periods in the revolution, missing a six-month period starting from December 2011 and unreasonably jumped to presidential election in 2012. ""The film missed Port Said football massacre in February 2012 and Ultras who are still protesting until now,"" she said. At least 79 people were killed and more than 1,000 were injured in Port Said Stadium riot. The first release in London came shortly before the 25 January revolution anniversary this year in a time a political turmoil is engulfing the country after the military's nation-wide crackdown on Muslim Brotherhood and other military opponents. The controversial film's cinematographer Cressida Trew and protagonist Khalid Abdalla presented the 99-minute-long film for around 200 British and Arab audiences. Through the personal stories, the film documents the unorganized, leaderless revolutionary young people who were fighting against Mubarak's brutal regime. Unexpectedly, Mubarak's ouster was not the end but rather a beginning of more battles and getting into darker tunnels. More organized forces, who claimed they were part of the revolution, sought directing the revolution for their political goal. The most organized ones include the military, who was in charge of killing and torturing many revolutionaries during the 18-month transition, as well as the Muslim Brotherhood, who revolutionaries alledge made a deal with the military in order to rise to power. The film's main characters Through the main three characters, the director vividly portrayed the story of young people claiming their rights, struggling through multiple forces from the brutal army dictatorship willing to crush protesters using military tanks, to a corrupt Muslim Brotherhood using its mosques to manipulate the voters, in the fight to create a ""society of conscience."" The first, Khalid Abdalla, is introduced by Ahmad Hassan, the main protagonist as ""an Egyptian who lived abroad and decided to go down to the square and protest"" against both Mubarak's and the military's brutality until he ended up forming a movement called Mosireen, a non-profit media activism group aimed at documenting the events during and after the 2011 Egyptian revolution in a bid to document human rights abuses against protesters and to challenge state media narratives. Abdalla's father and grandfather were well-known anti-regime activists in Egypt. His parents were both physicians who immigrated to the UK before he was born. At London's premier of the film, Abdalla identified himself as a person who came from three generations who were fighting for political reform in Egypt. ""This is in my blood,"" Abdalla said, referring to his passion. Another main character is Ahmad Hassan, who is a twenty-something activist from the working-class district of Shobra who is evolving during the three-year-long political turmoil, from a street revolutionary to an activist who has persuasion and debate skills. ""I started working when I was eight years old. In fifth grade, I used to pay my school tuition. I was selling lemons in the street. There was no hope for a better future in this country,"" he says as he introduces himself in the film. Hassan is a key part of the defense of Tahrir in the 18 days leading up to Mubarak's resignation, but unlike others, Muslim Brotherhood and Islamists, he continued protesting against both the military and Islamists after he saw things getting worse and protesters being killed and rounded up. ""The biggest mistake revolutionaries made is that they left the square before legitimacy was in our hands,"" he said. After the euphoria resulted from Mubarak's ouster, Hassan says, ""The regime (we fight to overthrow) is not only Mubarak, the regime is all country's institutions and they all have to change so we are going back to the square."" Hassan is famously quoted in the film as saying, ""We are not looking for a ruler to rule us, everyone went down to Tahrir Square has leadership skills, we are looking for a conscience."" At the square, Hassan met Magdy Ashour, a Muslim Brotherhood member who was arrested and tortured many times at the hands of Mubarak's brutal state security; both Hassan and Ashour as well as Abdalla start a journey of fighting for justice and freedom, until they both get separated after Mubarak's ouster when Muslim Brotherhood gave blessings to the military brutalities against protesters. Though Ashour is religious, he is also a dynamic character, evolving through the fast-paced course of actions and soonrealizes that he is a revolutionary rather than a Brotherhood member and his place is always the square. The three characters, almost serve as a microcosm, representing different factions of Egyptian society in their behaviors and interactions. Abdalla discusses the film during London premiere After the film was shown at the premiere in London, reporters had the opportunity to ask Abdalla and his family questions about the work. When asked about his view of the current situation in Egypt and where it is leading the country, Abdalla said, ""When we speak of the current situation now, we have a massive return to the police state, we have massacres that have been taken place, we have a media that has been completely taken over. And we have a mass popular support for the army and the police state, which is primarily built by hatred toward the Muslim Brotherhood as well as the sense of frustration of inability to get what people want."" ""But when the idea of Muslim Brotherhood fear fades away,"" Abdalla continued, ""when the current military rule does not give the people the social justice they want, then rumbles begins again, you have to have this faith."" Abdalla's wife Cressida Trew, who worked in the documentary, said the makers were filming and running around 15 characters for the film. ""There were amazing people, but they did not all care to be filmed. Hassan was the one who knew how to open up in front of the camera, and the camera loved his face. He is charismatic when speaking to people, and people listen to him. He has a key voice within the revolution,"" said Trew. Abdalla agreed, saying that Hassan was generous for letting himself be filmed. In the time that military claimed they protect the revolution, supported by the state media, Abdalla was seen in the documentary speaking to his father about the media brainwashing people for the service of the military, and was seen in another scene telling young people that anyone has a camera should film as much as he or she can. ""In Mohamed Mahmoud, when we saw a soldier pulling a corpse in the rubbish, this was a game-changing moment within the story of what was happening in Egypt, because people saw this footage, people who believed that the army was protecting the revolution, suddenly they saw that the army throwing a body into the rubbish,"" Abdalla said. Abdalla's father who was also at the premier of the film said, ""People in the street changed a lot of the culture. The problem is that you have a totalitarian regime who knows what they want, you have Muslim Brotherhood who knows what they want, and in the middle you have leftists and socialists, who claim they know what they want but in reality they are divided. They have great political ideas but lacking the political mechanism to achieve what they want, so they rely on these young people in the street who are fighting."" The Oscars for Egyptian viewers will be available starting with red carpet ceremonies at 2am Cairo Time on the Dubai One channel."
"277",2014-01-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/blogger-jailed-allegedly-threatening-national-security","South Giza prosecutors ordered the detention of a blogger for 15 days pending investigation into charges that he threatened national security. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The blogger allegedly created a Facebook page called ""Free Army of Egypt, Iraq and the Levant"", which calls for armed militias to oppose security forces. Meanwhile, three Ultras Zamalkawy members were caught in an apartment in the Talbiya neighborhood allegedly in possession of Molotov cocktails. They were detained pending investigation. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"278",2014-02-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-accepts-retrials-port-said-massacre-case","The Court of Cassation accepted on Thursday the challenge of 42 defendants in the Port Said massacre case, but rejected the appeal submitted by the nine others. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The challenge means holding retrials to 42 defendants out of those who received verdicts. The court also accepted the challenge submitted by the prosecution against the acquittal of 28 defendants. They will also be retried. In March of last year, the Port Said Criminal Court gave varied verdicts to 45 defendants, and acquitted 28 others, including the police leaders. The verdicts include the death sentence to 21 defendants, life imprisonment to five others, 15 years in prison for another 10 defendants, 10 years in prison for six defendants, five years for two defendants and one year in jail for one defendant. The defendants face the charges of murder, inciting murder and facilitating the murder 72 fans Ahly, most of which belong to hardcore fan group Ultras Ahlawy, after a football match between Cairo-based club al-Ahly and Port Said based al-Masry, in Port said Stadium on the first February 2012. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"279",2014-02-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/seven-ultras-ahlawy-members-detained-pending-investigation-over-stadium-clashes","The prosecution ordered Friday the detention of seven Ultras Ahlawy members four days pending investigation over clashes that occured on Thursday evening between the security forces and fans in Cairo Stadium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Interior Ministry said in a statement Thursday that after Al-Ahly football team was handed the African Super Cup, fans chanted against the police and threw bottles and fireworks at the security forces in the Stadium, leading to the injury of 10 officers and 15 soldiers. According to the statement, fans set fire to a police car and two private cars on leaving the stadium. It added a number of rioters were arrested. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"280",2014-02-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-clash-security-forces","Members of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); on Thursday evening blocked Salah Salem and al-Nasr main streets in Cairo after clashes between them and the security forces in Cairo Stadium. The security forces arrested four members of the group during the clashes which took place after Ahly football team was handed the African Super Cup. The clashes erupted after a small number of fans inflitrated the pitch to celebrate with Ahly players their team's victory over Tunisia's Sfaxien team. As the security forces attempted to regain control, the crowd launched fireworks and threw chairs at the security forces, who responded by using tear gas. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"281",2014-02-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/15-brotherhood-backers-sentenced-2-years-over-january-demos-tahrir","The Qasr al-Nil Misdemeanor Court on Saturday sentenced 15 supporters of deposed president Mohamed Morsy to two years in prison and a LE50,000 fine for each over charges of rioting and violence at Cairo's Tahrir Square last month. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Defense lawyers had argued that the case's files failed to provide any evidence to charges of sabotage and assaults on police against members of Ultras Thawragy, a protest group affiliated with the Muslim Brothehood. The lawyers also challenged the warrantless arrests of the defendants, the soundness of investigations and conflicting police officers' testimonies. Eighteen other minors had been referred to a juvenile court in relation to the same incidents which occurred while the country was voting on its current constitution, which Morsy supporters deemed illegitimate. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"282",2014-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-groups-reject-police-presence-stadiums","Fans of several football clubs issued statement on Sunday expressing rejection toward presence of police inside stadiums. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A statement posted on all of the ultras official pages said football matches have become 'empty theatrical performances' to satisfy police, adding that the Interior Ministry decision to carry out the matches without fans ' expresses disability to perform its duties.' It also added that police decided to kill the fans through shooting them as a way to protect them from infiltrators that could carry out catastrophes inside the stadium. ""Thus we declare it to everyone. We reject your presence on stadiums. We reject presence of the Interior Ministry personnel on Egyptian stadiums. Stop neglecting the main reason of all problems on Egyptian stadiums,"" it said. ""Your absence means peaceful matches without any problem."" The statement also noted that ""Police does not exist inside football stadiums or at any other games."" The statement also called on fans to be present before clubs on 15 March at 2 PM to voice demand of expelling police from stadiums and hiring private security companies to secure the matches. Among the ultras groups that signed the statements were Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"283",2014-03-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-ministry-welcomes-ulras-demand-not-secure-matches","Major General Hani Abdellatif, spokesman for the Interior Ministry, praised in a statement the suggestion of football Ultras in Egypt to use private security companies to secure the matches saying it is an excellent idea and should be applied. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""We had a plan since the beginning of the season about the gradual return of audience to attend matches, but what is happening made us rethink and emphasize that the current season will continue without audience,"" he said. The decision came to protect audience because he says terrorist elements have been waiting for any gathering that is secured by the police to instigate clashes and violence and use the incident in media abroad. ""That was going to happen in the African Super Cup match with Sfaxien team, but the police wonderfully maintained self-restraint,"" Abdellatif added. ""The process of securing games is cumbersome to the Ministry of Interior, but the Ultras proposal to private security companies is good because we will be dedicated to confronting crimes,"" he said. Egypt is the only country that does not have a stadium meeting the security requirements of the Public Prosecution for holding matches, so the sports bodies need to make new preparations in accordance with law, according to Abdellatif. The minister of youth needs to meet with the Football Association, headed by Gamal Allam and clubs officials to arrange for the security process, he said. The police will continue to secure the current season without audience, he added. Ultras groups issued a joint statement on Monday evening rejecting the presence of police at stadiums. ""We reject the presence of Interior Ministry personnel in Egyptian stadiums. Enough of the neglect of the main reason behind all problems in the Egyptian stadiums: police are unable to secure games,"" read the statement. ""Your absence means matches would pass peacefully without problems as the scene can no more bear the presence of us together; either us or you,"" it added. The statement mentioned that Ultras groups would gather on 15 March to demand the expulsion of police from stadiums."
"284",2014-05-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/brotherhood-plans-force-government-postpone-elections","Sources close to the National Alliance to Support Legitimacy said the alliance has devised a plan to force the government to postpone the presidential elections by continuing protests and sit-ins in key areas, such as Tahrir and Rabaa al-Adaweya squares. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The plan also aims to pressure judges not to supervise the elections, which it calls illegitimate. The sources said the alliance is inviting all opposition forces to join the protests, which it considers a matter of life or death and a last hope for the Brotherhood to return to politics. Alliance member Khaled Saeed said the government is bound to postpone the election because the police will not be able to secure it. Alliance spokesperson Magdy Qarqar said a campaign for that purpose is being launched on Facebook and Twitter. His colleague Amr Adel said the alliance is looking for alternatives now that student demonstrations have stopped. Ibrahim al-Mahallawy of the Brotherhood youth said the movements of Ultras Nahdawy, Rabaawy, Hazemoun and Muslim Rebels are planning to take to the streets as well and topple the ""military rule."" The Brotherhood youth group launched what it called ""Molotov Revolution"" calling for protesters to bring Molotov cocktails and fireworks to throw at the police during the protests. It is also meeting with Salafi movements to agree on a plan of action as to how to face the security forces. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"285",2014-07-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/brotherhood-defies-security-organizes-public-eid-prayers","The Muslim Brotherhood ordered its members on Sunday to prepare public spaces in the squares of all governorates for the Eid prayers irrespective of any warnings from security agencies or the endowments ministry. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The group will also pass out candy and presents to children during Eid and distribute leaflets denouncing the regime, criticizing the economic conditions and the deterioration of Egypt's regional and international status, the leadership's failure to resolve the crisis in Palestine in contrast to what deposed President Morsy did and its refusal to open the Rafah border crossing. Mohamed Abdel Latif of the Brotherhood youths said the Salafis would not be allowed to enter the squares to preach in favor of the regime or to promote themselves for parliamentary elections. ""We will not allow them to use religion to control the minds of the ordinary people,"" he said. ""We will march after the prayers to terrorize Sisi's slaves,"" said Anas Tarek of the National Alliance to Support Legitimacy. ""We will show them how many people reject the coup."" The Ultras Nahdawy group called on the Brotherhood supporters on Facebook to block the ring road and other main streets and paralyze traffic. They also reportedly urged them to carry Molotov cocktails and fire crackers to defend themselves from the police. Meanwhile, the Salafi Daawa criticized the endowment ministry for refusing to grant its imams that are not registered at Al-Azhar permits to preach at Eid prayers. ""We are trying to resolve this problem with the ministry,"" said Salah Abdel Maboud of the Nour Party. The Daawa also warned its members from coming near Rabaa and al-Nahda squares where the Brotherhood is organizing the prayers. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"286",2014-08-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-club-chief-accuses-ultras-assassination-attempt","Zamalek Club Chief Mortada Mansour accused the club's White Knights Ultras of being behind his assassination attempt on Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""The club's security was suspicious of three ultras members as one of them was talking on the phone about his movements inside the club,"" Mansour told Al-Masry Al-Youm. The club's security, according to Mansour, handed the three suspects to Giza police. He added that he later withdrew the police report upon the request of the mother of one of the suspects since he had exams. ""These incidents took place just before the assassination attempt,"" Mansour said. Mansour's son, Ahmed, who is a member of the club's board, said on Facebook that ""gunshots were fired on the club chief."" ""Two club workers were injured,"" he added. ""At 3 am, I was standing in front of the club's gate, following up on the installation of security cameras above the gate,"" Mansour said."" When I headed to my car, unknown assailants started shooting, leaving a journalist, a lawyer and a club employee injured as they were standing near the car."" ""I drove fast to Agouza police station,"" he added. ""The criminals continued shooting at the car and then they disappeared."" Mansour added that he received death threats in the form of text messages on his mobile phone, as well as his son's phone, from unknown numbers. Meanwhile, the White Knights Ultras denied Mansour's charges. ""You're attacking us to complete your plan of eradicating the youth and give the green light for killing them at their club's gate, claiming self-defense against saboteurs and thugs,"" the group said. Tensions erupted between Mansour and the Ultras after members of the group attacked the club last month as Mansour attacked them in a press conference during which he announced that Hossam Hassan will be leading the club's team. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"287",2014-08-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/22-suspects-behind-mansour-s-assassination-attempt","Giza police said 22 members of Utras White Nights were allegedly involved in trying to assassinate Zamalek Club president Mortada Mansour on Sunday, wounding three of his companions. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Seven suspects were arrested on Monday allegedly in possession of the car and the weapon used in the attack. They were persuaded by a fugitive member named Sayed Moshagheb to assassinate Mansour for preventing the Ultras from attending the soccer team's training. Prosecutors are investigating the suspects at their place of detention in order to avoid having the Ultras gather outside North Giza court. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"288",2014-08-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sisi-reportedly-calls-mansour-show-support","Mortada Mansour, chairman of the Zamalek Club, said that he received a phone call on Wednesday from President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to check on him after the assassination attempt on his life earlier this week. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""Sisi told me that he supports me in the fight against terrorism,"" Mansour said. Mansour asked Sisi to hold an urgent meeting with the Clubs Committee which the latter agreed to do in 48 hours in order to discuss how to prepare youth who are conscious of the affairs of the nation. He added that he and the Zamalek Club board issued a statement to greet and thank Sisi. Mansour was subjected to an assassination attempt allegedly by the Ultras White Nights group. He had in an earlier statement criticized Sisi for not calling him right after the attempt, while Mubarak, whom he did not know personally, called him after he was involved in a car accident. ""All news agencies, the Interior Minister and the Prime Minister called me,"" he said Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"289",2014-08-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/suspect-accused-posting-helwan-battalions-internet-arrested","Security services arrested on Wednesday the suspect accused of posting ""Helwan Battalions"" video on the internet, said informed security sources. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The suspect was arrested inside an apartment in Zeitoun district in Cairo. He is called al-Mohammady Mohamed, known as Ortega. He is allegedly a member of the Hazemoun group, led by the Salafist preacher Hazem Abu Ismail, who is imprisoned over inciting violence. He posted the video from an apartment in Nasr City district. Investigations showed that Ortega was the admin of several social media pages and member of White Knights Ultras. He is also a prominent member in the pro-Abu Ismail group called Ahrar. Ortega also, according to investigations, incited against police and military and took part in Rabaa al-Adaweya sit-in. He is also allegedly involved in other nine incidents and was being investigated by security for some time. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"290",2014-08-30,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/white-knights-ultras-members-remanded-custody-pending-investigations","North Cairo Prosecution remanded on Saturday 36 members of White Knights Ultras, fans of Zamalek Club, to 15 days into custody over investigations in clashes that took place on Thursday between them and security troops in Shobra district. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Security earlier arrested 131 members of the White Knights. The march, supposed to reach public prosecutor office, was dispersed. They demanded release of some of their colleagues who were arrested in the recent violence incidents in Zamalek Club. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"291",2014-09-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/security-source-doma-transferred-prison-undergo-medical-tests","A security source said on Sunday that political activist Ahmed Doma was transferred from Tora prison hospital to a hospital outside of prison to undergo medical tests. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The tripartite committee of the Forensic Medical Authority that examined Doma to decide if he should be taken to another hospital recommended that he be sent to Kasr Al-Aini hospital for various X-rays, blood work and ultrasound waves on the heart and the abdomen. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"292",2014-10-30,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/26-zamalek-soccer-fans-acquitted-rioting-sabotage-charges","The Sahel Misdemeanor Court acquitted on Thursday 26 members of Ultras White Knights, a group of hardcore fans of Zamalek Sports Club, of charges of breaking the protest law, sabotage and the possession of weapons during a march in Shubra last August. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The young protesters were demanding the release of colleagues detained over alleged assaults on the club's president, Mortada Mansour. Mansour accused members of the group of shooting at him while standing near the club's gate. Relations between Zamalek club and the Ultras worsened over Mansour's frequent criticism of the group's 'fanatic' style. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"293",2014-11-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/journalists-denied-access-prosecution-zamalek-sc-chief-complaint","Security officers outside the General Prosecutor's office denied access to journalists who had arrived to file a complaint against Zamalek Sports Club chief Mortada Mansour. The situation developed into wrangles between both sides as journalists chanted slogans against police and Mansour. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Journalists Syndicate has urged members to take action against Mansour, whose scathing attack against Al-Masry al-Youm triggered outrage among many in the press. Mansour, an influential lawyer famous for his media and judicial wars with several art and sports celebrities, had waged an attack against the editors of the sports page in Al-Masry Al-Youm over an interview with the club's footballer Omar Gaber. In the interview, Gaber, the first football team's midfielder, stressed on the importance of the club's fans' group, Ultras White Knights, and also stressed that the club can not force him to renew his contract. Relations between Mansour and UWK have steeply worsened as the group announced responsibility for assaulting the club's president with trash water last month. He also accused them of targeting him with gunshot in August. Edited translation from Al-Masry al-Youm"
"294",2014-12-06,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-storm-cairo-stadium-ahead-match","Some 2,000 Football fans stormed Cairo's main stadium Saturday ahead of a rare match that supporters are allowed to attend, Egypt's Interior Ministry said. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Security officials said they managed to expel fans from the stadium, confiscating 10 bags containing fireworks and banners. The fans entered after a truck broke through a stadium gate, they added. They spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to journalists. The match_the CAF Confederation Cup championship between Egyptian club Al Ahly and the Ivory Coast's Sewe Sport_is still set to be played as scheduled, the officials said. It will be the first time a team from either country has won the club title. Prior to the storming, the Ministry of Interior released a statement asking fans to cooperate with police securing the match. Al-Ahly supporters known as Ultras, who are deeply politicized, frequently clash with police inside and outside of stadiums. Many participated in the country's 2011 uprising that forced out President Hosni Mubarak. After an outbreak of stadium violence in 2012, most Al-Ahly matches have been closed to the public. During a match that year in Port Said, 74 people, most Al -Ahly fans, were killed in a riot."
"295",2015-01-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egyptian-teams-resume-matches-3-years-after-deadly-riots","Bitter Egyptian rivals Al-Ahly and Al-Masry drew 1-1 on Saturday in their first clash since a 2012 game that ended in deadly stadium riots leaving 72 people killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The match was played behind closed doors and at a neutral venue in the Red Sea city of Gouna, far away from Port Said where the riots erupted after the match on February 1, 2012. Seventy-two of Cairo-based Al-Ahly's hard core supporters, known as the Ultras, were killed in the post-match violence in Port Said, home city of the Al-Masry team. Before the match began, Al-Ahly players wore black t-shirts to commemorate the deaths of their fans, and avoided exchanging greetings with the Al-Masry team, an AFP photogrpaher reported. Ahead of the match Al-Ahly players also unfurled a black banner that said: ""Our martyrs are a badge on our chests"". Families of those killed in 2012 had called for Al-Ahly to boycott the match but the club's management decided to go ahead with it. Saturday's match was played as a court held a hearing in the retrial of 73 defendants, including nine policemen, accused of killing the Al-Ahly supporters. It later scheduled the next hearing on Sunday. The riots, considered the deadliest in Egypt's sports history, were largely blamed on supporters of veteran leader Hosni Mubarak, who was ousted in early 2011 after a popular uprising. Since 2012, Egypt's premier league championship has been split into two groups to ensure the two teams never played against each other, except potentially in a final, although that didn't happen. However, for the 2015 season the league has reverted to a single group, which brought the two teams face to face on Saturday. Since the riots, football fans have been largely banned from attending league matches, but limited numbers of spectators were allowed during international games whether played by clubs or the national team."
"296",2015-01-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/white-knights-mobilizes-members-support-team-match-against-ahly","White Knights Ultras, fans of Zamalek Club, explained its call on members to gather outside the club Monday at 2 pm to support the team before its match with Ahly Club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In a statement published on Facebook on Sunday, the group said, ""For those seeking warmth in the cold winter, you who hope for drop of water in our years of drought, you who hope for beam of light in this gloomy darkness..you who believed, loved and sacrificed..you who cried, rejoiced and chanted... you who trusted, promised and fulfilled... Rise up. It's the time of men."" ""We never doubted that we would return back to our citadel. We always bet on its guards of loyal fans. Let's put what divides us aside and bury what hurts us in tombs that no one knows its way,"" the statement added. The stressed members must wear any of the club's uniforms. The die-hard group has been in conflict with the Club President Mortada Mansour after he denied them access to some games. Tensions also erupted between them after members of the group attacked the club in July after Mansour attacked them in a press conference during which he announced that Hossam Hassan will be leading the club's team. In August, Mansour survived an assassination attempt, which he accused the Ultras of being behind it. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"297",2015-01-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/urgent-matters-cites-lack-jurisdiction-declare-hamas-and-ultras-terrorist-organizations","The Cairo Court of Urgent Matters said it has turned down two lawsuits demanding to declare Hamas and Ultras as a terrorist organizations due to lack of jurisdiction. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The first lawsuit against Hamas was filed by lawyer Samir Sabry, who claimed that Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal is behind the attacks on the Egyptian army in Sinai. He also claimed that Meshaal met with Fathi Hamad, the former interior minister in the Hamas government, Momtaz Daghmash, commander of the Palestinian Islam Army, Abdallah al-Ashqar, head of the Mujahideen Shura Council, and Abdel Rahman al-Gamal and Hussein al-Juhainy of the al-Aqsa Protectors Organization to plan the attacks. He said the bombing of the Karam al-Qawadis checkpoint in northern Sinai was planned by all Hamas leaders and funded by Qatar, based on information provided by Turkish intelligence. He also said Hamas is fighting the Egyptian people because they ousted the Muslim Brotherhood. The second lawsuit was filed by the chairman of the Zamalek football club. His lawyers presented a video of the Ultras burning the Football Federation headquarters, storming the Ahly and Zamalek football clubs and the headquarters of the state security apparatus, and attempting to assassinate former Sports Minister Farouk al-Amiry. Welcoming the ruling, Hamas leading figure Ismail Radwan said it proves that Hamas is a Palestinian movement that does not interfere in internal affairs, and hoped it would rearrange the relationship between Hamas and Egypt to serve the Palestinian cause. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"298",2015-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-fans-suez-commemorate-2012-stadium-catastrophe","The hardcore group of Ahly club fans, Ultras Ahlawy, went on a massive march with fireworks in the streets of Suez commemorating the 2012 soccer stadium catastrophe in neighboring Port Said which left dozens dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In a video by Al-Masry Al-Youm, raucous protesters are seen marching through the city's streets as red smoke from their fireworks covered the scene to mark the third anniversary of the death of 72 Ahly Club fans by supporters of the rival team during a premier league match against Port Said's al-Masry. The retrial is ongoing for 73 people charged with murder during the worst sports catastrophe in Egypt's history. The Port Said Criminal Court had previously sentenced 21 to death, acquitted 28 and sentenced 16 to 10-15 years. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"299",2015-02-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/standing-trial-libel-media-host-ahmed-moussa-apologizes-lawyer","Controversial media host Ahmed Moussa has apologized to a lawyer whose lawsuit against him resulted in a six-month prison term and a LE5,000 fine over charges of libel and slander. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); At the beginning of his show on Sada el-Balad satellite channel late Tuesday, Moussa apologized to Awady for accusing him of involvement in crimes punishable by the law. He said his allegations were based on wrong information from Zamalek Sports club chief, Mortada Mansour. Awady is one of the lawyers representing Ultras White Knights, the hardcore Zamalek fan group that has been at a media war with Mansour who once accused group members of attempting to assassinate him. A court had set 17 February as a date to consider Moussa's appeal to the prison sentence in this case. This is not the first libel case against Moussa as he had been sentenced to prison and fined in similar cases brought by democracy activist Siraa Abdel Fattah and Cairo Appeals Court Judge Zakariya Abdel Aziz."
"300",2015-02-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/problems-ultras-threaten-football-league","Fritction between the hardcore football fan clubs of Ultras Ahlawy and Zamalek's White Knights on the one hand, and the officials of the clubs and the Football Association on the other, could be threatening the football league. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Ultras Ahlawy insist on attending all matches of the second round, beginning with the match against the Police Union Club on Saturday, while the other club insists on holding the match without spectators. The group told 10,000 fans on Facebook to attend the match, saying the Ahly Club is in third place and needs the support of its fans. For his part, Ahly Club Manager Mahmoud Allam said the Police Union Club is responsible for securing the match. ""According to the bylaws, we will win if the match is cancelled because spectators stormed the stadium,"" he said. ""How would I know they are our Ultras? They could be other groups that want us to be penalized."" ""We will insist that the police union fans do not attend the match,"" he said. ""We cannot control the behavior of the spectators,"" he said. ""This is up to the security services to do."" He said the Ahly Club is allowing its fans to attend the match with Wadi Degla with no restrictions. Meanwhile, the White Knights refused to sign applications to attend matches, as was ordered by the president of the Zamalek Club. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"301",2015-02-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-1-fourteen-egyptian-football-fans-killed-clash-security-forces","At least 14 Egyptian football fans were killed in clashes that broke out on Sunday night when security forces barred them from entering a stadium, hospital doctors told Reuters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The trouble happened at a match between two Cairo clubs, Zamalek and Enppi. Police used teargas to disperse the crowd, security forces said. The health ministry said 20 people were injured but did not confirm any deaths. The doctors said the deaths were due to suffocation. A witness said some of the fans were killed in a stampede after the police fired teargas. ""Huge numbers of Zamalek club fans came to Air Defense Stadium to attend the match ... and tried to storm the stadium gates by force, which prompted the troops to prevent them from continuing the assault,"" the interior ministry said in a statement, without giving more details. Egypt has curbed the number of people allowed into soccer matches since a riot at a stadium in Port Said in February 2012 when more than 70 fans were killed. Since then, supporter groups have often tried to storm soccer grounds that they are banned from entering. Relations between security forces and fan groups like Ultras Ahlawy which supports Al-Ahly, and Ultra White Knights of Zamalek, have been tense since the 2011 popular uprising that ended the rule of veteran autocrat Hosni Mubara in which the Ultras groups played a key role."
"302",2015-02-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-least-22-egyptian-football-fans-killed-clash-security-forces","Twenty-two people were killed outside an Egyptian football stadium on Sunday when security forces barred fans from entering, the public prosecutor's office said. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Most of the dead were suffocated when the crowd stampeded after police used tear gas to clear the fans trying to force their way into a league match between two Cairo clubs, Zamalek and Enppi, doctors and witnesses said. A health ministry spokesman told Reuters by phone the final toll was 19 dead and 20 injured. The reason for the discrepancy in numbers between the health ministry and the public prosecutor's office was not immediately clear. Football matches are often a flashpoint for violence in Egypt where 72 fans were killed at a match in Port Said in February 2012. Since then Egypt has curbed the number of people allowed to attend, and supporters have often tried to storm stadiums they are banned from entering. Outside the Cairo hospital treating the injured, scores of youths wearing Zamalek T-shirts appeared shocked as families arrived to see if their relatives were safe. One mother cried and shouted when she found the name of her son on a list of the dead posted by hospital staff. ""I'd told him: leave football matches,"" she said. Relations between security forces and fan groups known as Ultras have been tense since the 2011 popular uprising that ended the rule of autocrat Hosni Mubarak, in which the Ultras played a key role. ""Huge numbers of Zamalek club fans came to Air Defense Stadium to attend the match ... and tried to storm the stadium gates by force, which prompted the troops to prevent them from continuing the assault,"" the interior ministry said. The public prosecution ordered the arrest of the leaders of the Zamalek supporters group, Ultras White Knights, after Sunday's incident, official media reported. On their Facebook page, the Ultras White Knights described the 22 dead as ""martyrs"" and accused security forces of a ""massacre"". Despite the violence, the match went ahead and ended with a 1-1 draw. The Egyptian Football Federation said it had reversed an earlier decision to allow fans to return to the stadiums by the start of the second half of the season. The original decision had been taken only a few days ago. Shortly after that, the Cabinet said in a statement that the national league championship would be postponed indefinitely."
"303",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-football-official-laments-killing-zamalek-fans-massacre","Ahly football team director Juan Carlos Garrido expressed deep sorrow for what happened at the Air Defense Stadium during a match between Zamalek and ENPPI on Sunday evening, saying it was a new massacre. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Garrido added in a statement on Twitter, ""What happened was a very great tragedy to Egyptian football and to (football) fans in general."" ""What happened was impossible and unbelievable, and I feel the incident was brutal and terrible and eliminated the beautiful meaning and sportsmanship of football,"" he added. Garrido went on to express his condolences to the families of the deceased and their friends. The Ultras Ahlawy also expressed sincere condolences to the fans of the Zamalek Club and announced its members would not attend any matches during the current league over the incident. The Ahly ultras also released a statement that read, ""The 2012 league was canceled over the bloodshed of Al-Ahly (fans) martyrs. Today in 2015 martyrs fall from Zamalek, and their only mistake was in supporting their team."" The Ultras Devils in turn expressed regret over the incident and deprecated the Interior Ministry. It announced solidarity with Zamalek fans to regain the rights of its martyrs. The Ultras Devils said they would not attend the match scheduled between the Al-Ahly and Wadi Degla teams. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"304",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cabinet-postpones-premier-league-indefinitely","A Cabinet spokesperson decided on Monday to postpone premier league matches indefinitely following clashes that took place between the police and the Ultras of the Zamalek Club on Sunday, which left 22 dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); According to the prosecutor's office, security prevented fans access to the stadium where a Zamalek vs Enppi match was taking place. In a press release, the spokesperson said, ""Due to the death and injuries among fans as a result of a stampede, the premier league will be postponed indefinitely."" Egyptian football matches have often broken out in violence, such as in 2012 when 72 fans were killed during a match in Port Said. In an effort to curb violence, authorities have moved to limit the amount of spectators that can attend matches, though fans have often tried to break into stadiums when they are forbidden from entering. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"305",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/head-egypt-football-team-says-police-did-not-kill-fans","The head of Egypt's second largest football team says he doesn't blame police for deaths of 22 fans during clashes and a stampede in front of a Cairo stadium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Mortada Mansour, head of the Zamalek team, told a private Egyptian TV station that police did not open fire on fans, and that Sunday's violence was ""orchestrated"" to foil upcoming parliamentary elections. Mansour, a well-known lawyer, is a staunch supporter of President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, the former army chief who has waged a sweeping crackdown on dissent since the military overthrow of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi in 2013. Authorities say the violence began when hundreds of hard-core Zamalek fans known as Ultras White Knights tried to force their way into the stadium to attend a soccer match without tickets."
"306",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/journalists-denounce-reporter-s-death-sunday-stadium-violence","An independent committee of journalists denounced the death of a reporter during the violence that broke out between police and football fans on Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Committee to Defend Press Independence voiced its, ""Deep sorrow for the continuing death of journalists and press interns who carried out their jobs at various locations."" It mourned reporter Sherif al-Fiqqi who died in clashes between soccer fans and police outside the Air Defense Stadium. In an ironic twist, Fiqqi had presented his own views of the last football tragedy in Egypt three years ago. ""Today marks an incident that we will never forget no matter how much time passes: the Port Said massacre which left 74 Ahly Club fans dead. We will never forget you...Retribution,"" Fiqqi posted on 1 February on his Facebook page, referring to Egypt's worst sports catastrophe in 2012. At least 22 were declared dead among the Ultras White Knights, the organized Zamalek Sports Club fan group, after a reported stampede coincided with tear gas fired by police inside the stadium. The catastrophe preceded a premier league match between Zamalek and ENPPI. The committee's statement blamed the deaths on the persistent ""political and security instability"". Committee reporter Bashir al-Adl said, ""The protection of citizens is primarily the responsibility of security authorities,"" adding that, ""Endangering their lives reflects a deficiency in the protection measures that requires legal accountability for those who caused and plotted it."" Al-Adl urged an investigation into all incidents that have led to the death of journalists as well as citizens. Since the uprising that toppled former president Hosni Mubarak in 2011, 11 Egyptian and foreign journalists have been killed on duty while covering various incidents of violence."
"307",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/mortada-mansour-says-police-did-not-kill-fans","The head of Egypt's second largest football team says he doesn't blame police for deaths of 22 fans during clashes and a stampede in front of a Cairo stadium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Mortada Mansour, head of the Zamalek team, told a private Egyptian TV station that police did not open fire on fans, and that Sunday's violence was ""orchestrated"" to foil upcoming parliamentary elections. Mansour, a well-known lawyer, is a staunch supporter of President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, the former army chief who has waged a sweeping crackdown on dissent since the military overthrow of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi in 2013. Authorities say the violence began when hundreds of hard-core Zamalek fans known as Ultras White Knights tried to force their way into the stadium to attend a soccer match without tickets."
"308",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/omar-gaber-man-stance","AMAY quoted a Zamalek source saying that its president Mortada Mansour unilaterally decided to terminate the player's contract. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); He might not be a football star as such. In fact, he may be less than his teammates in terms of skills. Yet the fans love him for his stances. They do not care if he has skills as long as he is loyal to his team. Omar Jaber was born on 30 January 1992. He is the right back of the Zamalek Football Club. Hossam Hassan included him in the first team when he was assigned as coach. He was the first player to stand with the Ultras White Knights on 19 September 2013 when Amr Hussein of the Ultras group died in a demonstration against Mamdouh Abbas, the president of the club at the time. A year later, Gaber visited Hussein's tomb on the first commemoration of his death. In November 2014, Gaber was almost dismissed from the team when he praised the White Knights, saying: ""They are part of our fans. I love them. My relationship with them is eternal. They are like anyone else in society who may make mistakes. Like Amr Hussein, they sacrifice themselves for Zamalek. They sell their mobile phones and laptops to buy tickets and attend the matches. I did not do anything wrong when I wore the T-shirt of one of them."" ""The last words Amr Hussein wrote on Facebook were about me,"" he said. ""How can I forget that?"" In a program on Al-hayat 2 satellite channel, Zamalek Club Chairman Mortada Mansour said he will ask the Egyptian Football Association and the International Federation to dismiss Gaber for supporting the Ultras. He also said that he will file a complaint against him with the prosecutor general. ""Gaber became a member of an armed terrorist group against which the Football Association and the Olympic Committee had issued a strongly worded statement,"" he said. ""I will make sure he does not touch a ball in Zamalek or any other club in the world."" When 19 people died outside the Airforce Stadium on 8 February, Gaber was the only player who refused to play the match, prompting the chairman of the club to suspend him indefinitely. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"309",2015-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/prosecutors-pose-rioting-charges-against-ultras-fans","Prosecutors have charged 18 football fans with assaulting police in the violence that broke out on Sunday outside a Cairo stadium leaving 22 fans dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The East Cairo Prosecution accused members of the White Knights (WK), the Zamalek Sports Club fan group, of rioting and attempting to storm the Air Defense Stadium during their team's premier league encounter with the ENPPI Club. While the Interior Ministry said the fans did not hold tickets for the game and blamed the deaths on a stampede, the WK accused police of indiscriminately firing tear gas at supporters crammed inside a narrow stadium gateway. Medical examiners have concluded that the deaths were caused by broken necks and blunt force trauma resulting from a stampede, noting at the same time that the corpses did not show signs of gunshot wounds. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"310",2015-02-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/alexandria-club-chief-blames-zamalek-club-incident-administration-security","Alexandria football fans have called on officials of the Egyptian Football Association to cancel this season's matches to mourn the 22 victims who were killed in clashes with security during the Zamalek-ENPPI match which took place on Sunday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Several ultras groups said they do not want to attend matches this season in solidarity with the Zamalek Club. They blame Zamalek Club Chief Mortada Mansour for refusing to sell the match's tickets and distributing them among the general assembly members. They also called on President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to remove Mansour from the sports scene. Meanwhile, Mahmoud Mashaly, chief of the Ittihad Alexandria Club, described the Zamalek-ENPPI match incident as 'calamitous'. ""Egyptian football has faced a huge catastrophe that touched all Egyptians after blood was shed, reminding us of the incident when 74 victims of the Ahly Club were killed due to negligence."" Mashaly blamed the most recent incident on the Zamalek Club administration and security. He also added that security did not treat the situation wisely. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"311",2015-02-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/prosecution-releases-18-arrested-deadly-football-game","The East Cairo Prosecution released late Tuesday 18 individuals arrested in the deadly violence which erupted ahead of a football game on Sunday, leaving 19 killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The detainees were released on a 200 Egyptian-pound bail. The prosecution ordered the detention of three more for 15 days. The 21 detainees were accused of attacking security personnel, vandalising police cars and public facilities, blocking the road and ""inciting terror and panic among passersby,"" said Mohamed Seif, the head of the prosecution. All detainees denied the charges, Seif said. Investigation revealed that the 18 released detainees did not take part in the violence, the head of the prosecution said. According to the ministry of interior, large numbers of Zamalek fans attempted to storm the stadium. Meanwhile, ""Ultras White Knights"" group, which supports the Zamalek Sporting Club, said on its Facebook page that the police ""initiated firing teargas towards fans"" outside the stadium, adding that many people fainted and experienced suffocation as a result. The prosecution also released from custody a health official accused of forging burial permits for five of those killed in the violence. The official was investigated after writing in the burial permits that suffocation from teargas was the cause of death, said Forensic Authority Spokesman Hisham Abdel Hameed. A preliminary medical report by the Forensic Authority suggested on Monday that the 19 people were killed in a stampede. The authority denied that any of the deaths were caused by live ammunition, birdshot or suffocation from teargas. The health official said he was coerced into the act after being pressured by the families of those killed. The Interior Ministry allowed football fans to attend the Egyptian Premier League games toward the end of 2014. The games were held in the absence of any fans since over 70 football fans were killed in the Port Said Stadium following a game in February 2012. This is the first football game for Zamalek club where football fans were allowed to attend since February 2012. Tensions often arise between Ultras groups and security forces securing games. This content is from :Aswat Masriya"
"312",2015-02-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sisi-and-psychology-hostility","I worship the state. I am convinced that all Egyptians, regardless of their beliefs, consider the state as their custodian. I am talking here about a state, not something that looks like it. It is the state that the Egyptians had invented and taught to humanity. It is a state that knows what to do, manages my affairs and anticipates and solves my problems. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); If you go to a doctor suffering from a headache and he opens your skull and destroys your brain cells, then he is a murderer and not a doctor. By the same token, if a policeman kills me for violating the law, then he is no policeman. The Ultras are a universal problem that no country, backward or advanced, could evade. In fact, our Ultras are better than those of Europe. Just as any social phenomenon, they need a vision on the part of the state as to how to deal with them, not killers to shoot them. For they are a key part of our future. Sisi's problem is that he still has the psychology of a sniper, which is required for a man of the intelligence service because in that field he dealt with an enemy. But he still did not realize that he has moved to a different realm that is governed by the laws of diversity and differences, even over crucial issues. It is a realm where there is no place for hostility as long as we are all committed to one nation and subjected to its laws. And he still did not realize that we are passing through a different and volatile phase that needs new rules and new methods of governance. Sisi wants to be considered the leader of the third modern Egyptian state that is more mature than that of Muhammad Ali and Gamal Abdel Nasser. Like many others, I wanted a man to lead the people in accordance with the Constitution of the January and June revolutions. And so I voted for Hamdeen Sabbahi so that Sisi does not become worshiped like a god. For we cannot achieve any development without freedoms. We learned that from our experience with Nasser. The era of this kind of leaders era has long ended. The excesses and brutality of Sisi's security services have surpassed those of Nasser and Mubarak. Everyone from the ""Active Bloc"" was disappointed in him. And he will not make it without that bloc no matter what he tries to do externally because it is the only part that can think outside the box and direct the public towards development. Sisi will not lead the third modern Egyptian state unless he drops the psychology of hostility and recognizes as a statesman the plurality of the public with its violators and even most rebellious Ultras who are part of our nation. He must know how to attract them to his project, if he has a project in the first place. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"313",2015-02-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-sentences-10-juvenile-ultras-group-members-prison","A juvenile court sentenced 10 members of the Ultras White Knights group to two years prison terms on Tuesday, the head of the group's defence team said. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Lawyer Mohamed Rashwan said five of those sentenced were present in the session, while the other five were sentenced in absentia. The trial dates back to clashes that broke out between the ultras group members and security forces last August in Cairo's Shubra neighbourhood. Ultras White Knights, which supports the popular Zamalek Sporting Club, had called for a march to denounce the arrests of fellow group members over alleged complicity in an attempt on the club chairman's life. Prosecutors have accused the 10 defendants of violating the protest law by organising an unauthorised march, joining a group established in violation of the law and committing acts of violence. Tensions between ultras groups supporting football teams and security forces are not uncommon. On February 8, violence broke out ahead of a game between the Enppi and Zamalek football clubs, leaving at least 19 people dead. While the ministry of interior says large numbers of Zamalek fans attempted to storm the stadium, the ultras group says the police ""initiated firing teargas towards fans"" outside the stadium. Following the violence earlier this month, football activity across the country has been suspended. This content is from :Aswat Masriya"
"314",2015-02-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cabinet-approves-resumption-football-league-late-march","Egypt's Cabinet decided Wednesday to take the necessary measures to resume the premier football league after ending the 40-day mourning moratorium, following a Cairo stadium rampage that left dozens dead. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Once again, the games will be resumed without spectators, the Cabinet decided in a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Ibrahim Mehleb, reversing an earlier decision to allow a limited number of fans at the games. The government tasked the ministries of interior and youth, as well as the Egyptian Football Association with studying the procedures needed for resuming the league. At least 22 of Zamalek Sports Club fans were killed outside the Air Defense Stadium on 8 February while their team was preparing for a game with the ENPPI team. While the Interior Ministry blamed the deaths on a stampede when several fans attempted to enter the stadium without being searched by security, Ultras White Knights, Zamalek's organized fan group accused the police of indiscriminately firing tear gas at the crowds, suffocating the victims. Egypt's local football league, halted during the revolutions of 2011 and 2013, has seen several incidents of violence between fans and security, which prompted authorities to deny spectators entry to stadiums. The worst catastrophe occurred in February 2012 when 72 fans of Al-Ahly Sports Club were killed by angry rivals at Port Said Stadium during the team's premier league encounter with its host, Al-Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"315",2015-03-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/six-incidents-toppled-mohammed-ibrahim","After nearly two years and two months of terrorist attacks and scandals, the Interior Ministry has struggled to counter threats facing the nation. On Thursday, Prime Minister Ibrahim Mehleb made a limited cabinet reshuffle of eight ministers, including Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim, who was replaced by the General Magdy Abdel Ghaffar. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After serving two completely different regimes, Ibrahim withstood criticism for what critics say was security negligence of frequent terrorist attacks witnessed by the country after the 30 June 2013 uprising, as well as for the brutal security practices used against citizens. Six incidents stood out during Minister Ibrahim's tenure that arguably led to his dismissal; most recently the killing of political activist Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, the Air Defense Stadium massacre and bombing the High Court complex. The prison transport van In August 2013, 36 prisoners, mostly members of the Muslim Brotherhood, were killed outside the Abu Zaabal prison, suffocated with gas after having been detained inside a prison transport van for six hours. The Interior Ministry said at the time that the prisoners held an officer captive and fought in an attempt to escape, but the police forces managed to free the officer and take control of the situation with tear gas canisters, which led to the death of the prisoners as they stampeded to exit the van. The incident provoked anger among youth movements that demanded the dismissal of the interior minister and a fair investigation. On 22 October 2013, Prosecutor General Hisham Barakat referred four officers of the Heliopolis Police Station to trial on charges of manslaughter as a result of recklessness, lack of prudence and serious breach of job responsibility. On 29 October, the trial of the four officers began and the verdict was issued on 18 March 2014, sentencing the deputy sheriff of the Heliopolis Police Station to 10 years in prison and the other three officers to a suspended one-year imprisonment sentence. Yet the court rescinded the verdict and returned the case to the prosecutor general for further investigations. They were then acquitted. In January 2015, the Court of Cassation accepted the appeal submitted by the public prosecutor and ordered a retrial for the accused. National Security Officer Mohamed Mabrouk assassinated Two month passed and on 17 November 2013, National Security Officer Mohamed Mabrouk was shot dead by unknown assailants on his way to work in Nasr City, according to a statement issued by the Interior Ministry. Mabrouk was investigating the espionage case in which deposed President Mohamed Morsy and a number of Muslim Brotherhood leaders are accused. He also contributed to the arrest of the Nasr City terrorist cell. The bombing of the Daqahlia Security Directorate On 24 December 2013, at least 14 policemen were killed and 130 others wounded by a car bomb that blasted the Daqahliya Security Directorate. Security sources said the suicide bomber was an informant from National Security. His name was Imam Mahfouz, born in 1973 in Cairo. He lived on Youssef Awad Street in Matareya. And he was arrested twice before. The sources added that instructions from senior National Security leaders were given to the officers to release him on the grounds that he would work as an informant for the bureau. Al-Masry Al-Youm has posted a YouTube video of the attack. Activist Shaima al-Sabbagh's killing Nn the eve of the fourth anniversary of the 25 January revolt, The 32-year old Political activist Shaima al-Sabbagh and the member of the Socialist Popular Alliance Party (SPA) was shot dead during a march with floweres near Tahrir Square. The SPA held the security forces the responsiblity for the young activist killing and wrote on Facebook that she was shot with a police cartridge rifle while she was placing roses at the Tahrir Square memorial during a peaceful march. Meanwhile, The democratic current including AlDostor, AlKaramah the social popular alliance, Misr AlHoreya and justice parties declared they will not participate in the coming parliamentary elections unless the government responds to their demands including the dismissal of minister of interior Ibrahim, after video footages where a policeman appeared shooting the young killed protester. Al-Masry Al-Youm has posted a YouTube video documenting her death. Air Defense Stadium catastrophe A very short time passed before the situation exacerbated when the Air Defense Stadium massacre took place, killing at least 22 of the Zamalek Football Club's White Knights Ultras, after they were prevented from attending the match because they did not have tickets. The massacre sparked a wave of outcry from various political parties and coallitions who demanding Sisi dismiss Ibrahim. A video clip on Facebook showed the fans stranded in an iron cage and shouting: ""We are dying. The other fans demanded the police force to let them out, but minutes later the iron cage collapsed and the force fired tear gas canisters, cartridges and bullets, killing 19 people. The Egypt Revolution Party (Masr Althoura) blamed the head of Zamalek Club, Mortada Mansour, along the football association and the Interior Ministry for the massacre, while the Karama Party condemned the unjustified violence against the fans, demanding Ibrahim's dismissal. Following the masacre, the Dostour party along with the Egyptian Social Democratic, Egypt Freedom, and Life and Freedom parties issued a joint statement, also demanding the dismissal of Ibrahim and the ministry's restructure. Al-Masry Al-Youm has posted a YouTube video of the aftermath of the incident. Bombing of the High Court Complex The most recent terrorist attack was the bombing of the High Court Complex on Monday in broad daylight and amid intense security presence, killing at least one person and wounding nine others, including four conscripts, as well as destroying six cars. Al-Masry Al-Youm has posted a YouTube video of the aftermath of the incident."
"316",2015-03-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-charges-muslim-brotherhood-ultras-over-football-violence-deaths","Egypt's public prosecutor said on Tuesday 16 people, including members of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, were charged with killing and inciting violence in connection with the deaths of 19 football fans who clashed with security forces last month. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Brotherhood supporters and members of a fan group known as the Ultras were charged with carrying out the violence outside a stadium in order to create an image of instability before an investment summit held in Sharm el-Sheikh at the weekend."
"317",2015-03-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cabinet-egypt-s-premier-league-return-march-30-without-spectators","Egypt's cabinet decided on Wednesday to resume the country's football premier league on March 30, yet without spectators. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The cabinet said in a statement the league would return after coordination between the Youth and Sports Ministry, the Interior Ministry and the Egyptian Football Association (EFA). The EFA had announced on February 9 the indefinite suspension of all football activity after at least 19 were killed in deadly violence involving football fans and security forces the night before. Prosecutor General Hisham Barakat referred to trial 16 defendants over the incident on Tuesday, 12 of whom are in custody Barakat accused the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood of coordinating with Zamalek Sporting Club's Ultras group to commit acts of violence. This was the first football game for Zamalek club where fans were allowed to attend, since February 2012. On February 1, 2012 over 70 football fans were killed inside a stadium in Port Said, following a football game. In December 2014, the Interior Ministry said it will allow football fans to attend the second leg games of the Egyptian Premier League, but with a maximum of 10,000 fans in games played in Cairo and Alexandria. This content is from :Aswat Masriya"
"318",2015-03-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/families-stadium-massacre-victims-we-know-killer","""God wanted my son to go to the match to die there. Only God is able to avenge him,"" says Emad al-Sayyed, father of Abdel Rahman, one of the 20 people killed googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); outside a Cairo stadium last month. On Sunday, the prosecution referred 16 Muslim Brotherhood members and White Knights Ultras to trial over their involvement in the riots outside the Air Defense Stadium, during a match between Zamalek and ENPPI. Sayyed adds that he learned about the prosecutor's decision from the TV, saying that he is not going to take any action against it. According to him, the prosecution has ignored the role of the police in the massacre, while medical reports indicated that the victims had died from asphyxia and injuries sustained in the stampede. Meanwhile, Ahmed, Abdel Rahman's brother, says: ""Why would we hire a lawyer? He will do nothing."" He does not believe it is possible to prosecute anyone in relation to his brother's killing. ""I know who killed my daughter. We have all watched the videos and we know who fired gas on our sons, while they were kept inside a cage that they could not escape, till they died of asphyxia,"" said Amer Hebeishy, father of Hala, another victim. ""All what we hear are lies. However, there is nothing we can do."" He wonders,""How would ordinary people have access to tear gas? And if they did, how and why would they hide among the police securing the stadium to use it against the fans without the police stopping them?"" He said that his daughter was the only one whose body did not undergo an autopsy, as she was transferred to a nearby hospital in the Fifth Settlement district by a passer-by. In the hospital, the doctor concluded she had died out of asphyxia. ""Mortada Mansour [Head of Zamalek Club] told me he will file a lawsuit to defend the rights of the victims,"" he said, accusing police of killing his daughter. According to Abdel Hakim, Hala's brother, the decision made no reference to the role of the police. ""We know who killed the young people in the stadium, I have seen them with my own eyes."" The brother of Hala and Sara, who accompanied them to the match, said: ""My sigblings were not involved in any riting, especially when they were locked inside a cage and killed."" An anonymous member of Ultras member added: ""There is an ongoing effort to do away with the White Knights group. It started with detaining dozens of our members and sentencing them in prisonr."" Riham Hussein, the mother of 19-year old Omar Sherif, who was referred by the prosecutor to the Criminal Court, told Al-Masry Al-Youm: ""My son entered the match with Mortada Mansour and I showed the picture proving this to the prosecution. He had a ticket. I also showed a certificate from his university, proving his good behaviour."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"319",2015-03-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/windows-10-coming-190-countries-111-languages","Microsoft says its new Windows 10 operating system will be coming ""this summer"" in 190 countries and 111 languages. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In a blog post late Tuesday, Microsoft executive vice president Terry Myerson said the operating system designed for multiple devices would also have a ""small footprint"" for connected devices. ""We continue to make great development progress and shared today that Windows 10 will be available this summer in 190 countries and 111 languages,"" he said. Microsoft has yet to provide a precise date for the launch of the operating system, which is aimed at powering PCs, smartphones and also connected devices such as bank machines and medical equipment. ""For the first time, a new version of Windows for small footprint IoT (Internet of Things) devices will be available - for free - when Windows 10 launches,"" Myerson said. ""Windows 10 will offer versions of Windows for a diverse set of IoT devices, ranging from powerful devices like ATMs and ultrasound machines, to resource constrained devices like gateways."" Microsoft is also working with fast-growing Chinese smartphone maker Xiaomi to test Windows 10 on its devices. The US tech giant also announced partnerships with Chinese-based Tencent and Lenovo to help customers in China upgrade to Windows 10. The company also said Tuesday that Windows 10 will allow users to sign in to a device without a password by using biometrics, including facial recognition."
"320",2015-03-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-club-chairmen-sentenced-year-prison-insulting-lawyer","An Egyptian misdemeanour court sentenced on Saturday the chairman of the Zamalek Sporting Club to a year in prison and a one thousand Egyptian-pound bail for insulting a lawyer. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The club's chairman, whose name is withheld due to a ban enforced by the Egypt's Press Syndicate against its use in publication, was also ordered to pay a 10 thousand Egyptian-pound fine. Lawyer Tarek al-Awady, who represents Zamalek Sporting Club's Ultras fan group, Ultras White Knights (UWK) had accused the defendant of libel. Awady had also won a libel lawsuit filed against Ahmed Moussa, television host in a private-owned satellite channel. An Egyptian misdemeanour court sentenced the television host to six months' hard labour on a 5,000 Egyptian-pound bail last December for insulting Awady. This content is from :Aswat Masriya"
"321",2015-04-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahlawy-ultras-storm-prince-abdullah-hall-cheer-their-team-against-sporting","Large numbers of the Ahlawy Ultras have broken into the Prince Abdullah Hall in the Al-Ahly Club on Thursday, to cheer their handball team playing against the Sporting Club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Security failed to prevent the crowd from entering, due to their large numbers. Previously, due to security concerns, the club had decided to prevent the group from attending football and handball matches. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"322",2015-04-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-green-eagles-protest-support-port-said-massacre-defendants","The Green Eagles Ultras, a group of Al-Masry Club football fans, staged a protest Friday evening to support defendants in the Port Said Stadium massacre. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The march kicked off at Mariam Mosque in the al-Monakh neighborhood where hundreds of Ultras members, families of the defendants and Wafd Party leaders participated. The protesters raised images outside Port Said Prison of defendants sentenced to death, as well as banners that demanded the prosecution of former Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim over the killing of 54 protesters. They chanted against presenter Ahmed Moussa and Zamalek Club chief and lawyer Mortada Mansour for receiving LE2 million to defend the accused without attending the sessions. The Green Eagles Ultras announced in a statement on its Facebook page it would continue to protest until the final verdict on May 30. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"323",2015-04-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/urgent-matters-court-declines-jurisdiction-ultras-ban-case","The Cairo Court of Urgent Matters declined on Monday to assume jurisdiction in a lawsuit demanding the disbandment of the Ultras footbal fan group and the banning of their activities. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The lawsuit was filed by lawyer Ashraf Farhat, who accused the Ultras of staging riots inside and outside stadiums and of burning the Football Federation and the Police Officers Club. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"324",2015-05-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-club-ultras-trial-adjourned-june-8","The Giza Criminal Court adjourned on Sunday the trial of 21 members of the Zamalek Club White Knights Ultras to June 8. They face charges of attacking and attempting to murder Club Chief Mortada Mansour. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The decision was made administratively as the trial session was not held due to the assassination attempt on the court judge early Sunday. The prosecution had referred the suspects to court after accusing them of possessing arms and ammunition, damaging public property, endangering citizens' lives and trying to murder Mansour while he was leaving the club. Edited translation from MENA"
"325",2015-05-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ten-port-said-massacre-prisoners-suffer-food-poisining-mostaqbal-prison","Ten of the Al-Masry football team ultras, convicted in the 'Port Said Massacre' case, currently held in the Mostaqbal Prison of Port Said, have shown symptoms of acute food poisoning, including vomiting and diarrhea. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); They were taken to the prison hospital for treatment, and returned back to prison after they recovered. Prosecutors are investigating the incident. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"326",2015-05-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-court-bans-popular-hard-core-ultra-soccer-fan-clubs","An Egyptian court has banned the country's hard-core soccer fan associations, known locally as ''ultras,'' over accusations that the groups are involved in terrorism. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ruling Saturday at the Court of Urgent Matters in Cairo outlaws the fan organizations for soccer clubs across the country. Ultras frequently clash with police inside and outside of stadiums. They are deeply politicized and many participated in the country's 2011 uprising that forced out autocrat Hosni Mubarak. Many consider them as one of the most organized movements in Egypt after the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, which the government outlawed as a terrorist organization following the 2013 military overthrow of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi. The case was filed by Mortada Mansour, the head of the Zamalek Football Club, one of Egypt's most popular teams."
"327",2015-05-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/inside-world-ultras","""An Ultras member works in the dark to provide light for the rest of his group. He does not care about himself or his career because all what he cares for is his club. He is the epitome of manliness and cooperation. The Ultras are not a group of savages and barbarians. They give meaning to patriotism and sacrifice without waiting for award."" googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); This was part of a lengthy introduction by Mohamed Gamal Bashir, author of the book ""The Ultras"" that was published in 2011, in which he says that what the Ultras do is not merely cheering for 90 minutes, but rather a creation of an overwhelming feeling that brings everyone together. There has been considerable controversy about the Ultras from the beginning of their appearance to the final court ruling that has banned their activities. The beginning Bashir says that cheering in stadiums was sporadic and unorganized until the late 1980s when certain fans spontaneously volunteered to lead it and became famous for it, such as Hussein of the Ahly Club fans and Ali Kuta of the Zamalek Club fans. And with the spread of the Internet in the third decade since its creation, young fans formed virtual groups, the first of which was known as ""ALU"" or Ahly Lovers Union. Then another group was formed in 2005 and called ""AFC"" or Ahly Football Club until the biggest group of Ultras Ahlawy was formed widely on the Internet. Their first strong presence was during the match between Ahly and Barcelona in 2007. In contrast, the Zamalek Football fans also formed a group and called themselves the ""White Nights"" whose first strong presence was during the match between Zamalek and the Sudanese Al-Hilal Club in 2007. They both met at the first derby between Ahly and Zamalek in 2007 when Zamalek lost 1-6. The slogans raised by each group are derived from the performance of their clubs. For example, when the Zamalek Club was defeated several times, the White Knights raised slogans like ""We Will Remain Loyal"" and ""With You Forever,"" whereas the Ultras Ahlawy raised slogans like ""Ahly Above All"" and ""The Greatest Club in the Universe,"" given it's repeated victories. Cheering tools In addition to cheering, those fans use tools to make the event more of a carnival. Among the tools they use are drums, megaphones, colored paper strips and flags that carry messages or drawings ridiculing the rival team. They raise them all at the same time to cover the whole part of the stadium where they are sitting. And very important is the way they enter the stadium in a dramatic show to give enthusiasm to their teams. Sources of funding People may wonder where those fans get money from to buy such expensive tools or pay for tickets and accommodation when their teams are playing outside Egypt. But Bashir says the Ultras are self-financed. They may sell T-shirts, scarves and jackets printed with the logo of their teams, or CDs of the songs they cheer, but they do not take money from the clubs or anyone else. Bashir says they choose to be financed independently so that they remain independent of the interests of the management of their clubs or other sports authorities. ""We are not for sale. We belong to our club only,"" is their motto. Against the media and the police The Ultras are always in the range of media fire, charging them with attempting to spread chaos in stadiums. But Bashir criticizes the media for not understanding the mentality and culture of those fans, which is almost the same like all other Ultras of the world. He says that most Ultras all over the world refuse to appear in the media because they fear they would be persecuted by the police. Some of them wear masks to hide their identities. Also, none of them likes to appear in the media so as not to assume some leadership status above the rest of his colleagues. He says that they consider themselves a key partner in the game, and that the security presence is but a blatant infringement on their right to enjoy it. In contrast, the police fear large gatherings and clash with them. This is why the Ultras consider every policeman a bastard, as they put it. The Ultras and the revolution Basir says that there are three types of Ultras in the world. The first are leftist groups that have left-wing political inclinations, the second are right-wing and are extremely racist, and the third have no political inclination whatsoever, which is the type of most Egyptian Ultras groups. However, they did take part in the January 25 revolution and demanded freedom and social justice along with the rebels. On January 22, 2011, an anonymous video clip was posted on YouTube, reassuring those who intended to take to the streets on January 25 that there are groups that will protect them from the police. The clip showed clashes between the Ultras of Ahly and Zamalek with security forces. Bashir says the Ultras did indeed clash with the police in many cities during the revolution and were in the frontline facing the security forces during the ""Battle of the Camel."" And after the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak, Ultras songs praising the revolution became common. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"328",2015-05-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-ultras-remember-february-stadium-deaths-new-song","The Zamalek Sports Club's hardcore fan group has released a new googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); song documenting the February catastrophe that left 20 group members dead in clashes with security outside a military-run stadium in Cairo. ""This is for the 20 Zamalek martyrs who died at the hands of police during the Air Defense Stadium Catastrophe. It relates what happened inside the death pathway on February 8, 2015,"" read the group's introduction to ""Open Up We're Dying"", the latest release by the Ultras White Knights (UWK). ""Open up, we're dying were his last words, they broke the silence"", read a couplet of the song. ""You guard a stadium with weapons of intimidation, we're the Ultras, keep that in mind, your suppressive state won't make you any good."" Clashes broke out shortly before a premiere league match between the Zamalek and ENPPI football teams. While the Interior Ministry said the fans did not hold tickets for the game and blamed the deaths on a stampede, the UWK accused police of indiscriminately firing tear gas at supporters crammed inside a narrow stadium gateway. On Saturday, a Cairo court accepted a lawsuit by Zamalek's chief, Mortada Mansour, which demanded Ultras groups be banned across the republic for involvement in incidents of violence. The groups, which began in 2007, have been at loggerheads with consecutive authorities that have taken over following the ouster of Hosni Mubarak. They were active contributors to the uprising that toppled the former president. In February 2012, 72 Ultras al-Ahlawy fans, supporters of Egypt's top al-Ahly soccer club, died in a stampede in Port Said Stadium while escaping a massive attack by opposing fans. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"329",2015-05-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sadat-metro-station-re-operation-postponed","The Transport Ministry has followed the instructions of the Interior Ministry not to re-open the Sadat Metro Station until further notice. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Transport Minister Hany Dahy had intended to reopen the station in February only for changing trains. He had also ordered the installation of 20 surveillance cameras and six metal detector gates, but the Interior Ministry had refused it after the Air Defense Stadium incident, fearing the Zamalek Club Ultras would storm the station. Sources said Dahy had again asked the new Interior Minister, but the Civil Defense Department requested him to change the fire extinguishers of the station from two bars to four bars, although all other stations have two-bar extinguishers. The sources added that the Interior Minister is being intransigent and does not want to alleviate the suffering of more than 300,000 passengers a day. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"330",2015-05-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/verdict-ultras-terrorist-groups-be-issued-june-16","The Administrative Court has set June 16 as the date to issue its verdict on considering all Ultras' associations terrorist groups as per a lawsuit filed by the chairman of the Zamalek Club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"331",2015-05-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/tv-presenter-ahmed-moussa-challenge-jail-sentence","TV presenter Ahmed Moussa said late Tuesday he was going to challenge a two-year sentence upheld by the Nasr City Appeals Court for libel charges. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In his show on the satellite TV channel Sada El-Balad, Moussa, a staunch supporter of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's government and a vocal opponent to the 2011 uprising against Hosni Mubarak, said ""I respect the Egyptian judiciary and there are other levels of litigation which I will resort to."" On Tuesday, the appeals court upheld a March verdict which sentenced Moussa to two years in prison for slandering Osama al-Ghazaly Harb, chairman of the Free Egyptians Party's board of trustees, in one of his TV episodes. ""Mr. Farid al-Deeb will take the necessary measures on the decision to uphold the sentence,"" Moussa said, referring to the lawyer who defended Hosni Mubarak and will likely defend Moussa as well. This is not the first time Moussa has received a sentence for attacking a politician. In February, he was handed a six-month prison term and a LE5,000 fine for libel and slander charges concerning Tarek al-Awady, a lawyer representing the Ultras White Knights' football fan group. In January, Moussa was fined LE15,000 in a lawsuit brought against him by activist Israa Abdel Fattah, a prominent opposition figure against the Mubarak regime and military authorities. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"332",2015-06-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/egypt-court-acquits-8-juvenile-football-fans-illegal-protest","A Juvenile Court acquitted on Wednesday eight defendants who belong to the Ultras White Knights group of the charge of violating Egypt's protest law. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ten members of the group were sentenced to two years in prison in February. Only eight of the defendants challenged the sentences. The defendants were being tried for clashes that broke out between the ultras group members and security forces last August in Cairo's Shubra neighbourhood. Ultras White Knights, which supports the popular Zamalek Sporting Club, had called for a march to denounce the arrests of fellow group members over alleged complicity in an attempt on the club chairman's life. Prosecutors have accused the 10 defendants of violating the protest law by organising an unauthorised march, joining a group established in violation of the law and committing acts of violence. Tensions between ultras groups supporting football teams and security forces are not uncommon. On February 8, violence broke out ahead of a game between the Enppi and Zamalek football clubs, leaving at least 19 people dead. An Egyptian urgent matters court banned last month the activities of all ultra's fan groups nationwide, accusing them of complicity in ""riots"" and vandalism. This content is from :Aswat Masriya"
"333",2015-07-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/yaqeen-network-director-detained-over-inciting-against-state","Qasr al-Nil prosecutor Samir Hassan has ordered the detention of Yaqeen News Network's (YNN) director Yehia Khalaf for four days pending an investigation into charges of publishing videos which incite against state and government institutions, in addition to impersonating a lawyer. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); According to investigations, Khalaf possessed a camera belonging to YNN, a mask to protect him from tear gas during protests, a logo belonging to YNN and a card that states he is a lawyer. All of these items were seized. Khalaf also possessed CDs of protests staged by Muslim Brotherhood supporters and the Ultras' football fan groups. He was accused of sending the materials he possessed to satellite channels and newspapers that incite against the state. The defendant was arrested at the headquarters of YNN in the Qasr al-Nil district and has denied the accusations against him during interrogation. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"334",2015-07-21,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/security-high-alert-decisive-soccer-match","The Interior Ministry has beefed up its security measures ahead of a much-anticipated, decisive football premier league encounter between arch rivals Ahly and Zamalek on Tuesday evening. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Interior Ministry's department in Alexandria has announced the deployment of 5,000 soldiers from Central Security Forces and armoured vehicles to secure the match hosted by the Borg Al-Arab Stadium, at the province's remote western region. Alexandria security chief Mohamed al-Sharqawy made a field visit to the stadium on Monday to follow up the security preparations, which included the installation of checkpoints as far as two kilometers from the stadium. Bomb squads combed the stadium's vicinity. The Ministry warned the two teams' hardcore fan groups, known as the Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights, of any attempts to violate its decision to hold the competition's matches without spectators. The warning came as Ahly fans asked through social media to allow them to attend the game. Tensions were already high between the two teams as Ahly had objected to holding the game at al-Gouna Stadium in Hurghada citing high temperatures, which sparked a verbal altercation between by Zamalek's chief Mortada Mansour and Ahly's Mahmoud Taher.The spat, which saw Ahly threatening to quit the game, was resolved with Prime Minister Ibrahim Mehleb's intervention to assign the Alexandria pitch. Zamalek is topping the league's chart with 83 points, and needs only one point from today's match to end an eleven-year league title drought and raise the club's total to 12 titles. Ahly won the title 37 times, the last being in 2014. Egypt's local football league, besides halting due to two popular uprisings in 2011 and 2013, has seen several incidents of violence between fans and security, which prompted authorities to deny spectators entry to stadiums indefinitely. The worst catastrophe occurred in February 2012 when 72 fans of Al-Ahly Sports Club were killed by angry rivals at Port Said Stadium during the team's premier league encounter with its host, Al-Masry. The current edition was also halted briefly after 22 Zamalek fans died in a stampede outside a Cairo military stadium in February that coincided with the firing of tear gas by police. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"335",2015-07-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/prosecutors-investigate-football-fan-riots","The Agouza prosecution in north Giza inspected, on Wednesday morning, the scene of riots that occurred Tuesday evening between the Ultras White Knights and the Ultras Ahlawy outside the Zamalek Club in the Meit Oqba area. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A number of private cars, as well as a motorcycle, were set on fire and eight rioters were arrested. The Ultras White Knights blocked the road outside the Zamalek Club to protest the loss of the Zamalek football team in a 0-2 match against the Al-Ahly Club team. Fighting broke out between the two groups of fans as they watched the match from cafes near the club headquarters. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"336",2015-07-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/afp-football-frenzy-waning-turbulent-egypt","Denied entry to watch his favourite football team, Osama Gamal glumly settled on a pavement outside and followed the match live on his phone as policemen guarded the near-empty stadium. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egypt once boasted some of the strongest teams in Africa and the Middle East, and the sport was adored by millions. But the bloody turmoil of the past four years has not spared the world's most popular sport, which in the minds of many Egyptian fans has become synonymous with deadly riots and stampedes. Games are now played in empty stadiums, with spectators banned. ""Although it is played for spectators, we no longer enjoy football, our only pleasure in life,"" said Gamal, 21. Two editions of the Egyptian Premier League have been cancelled since the 2011 uprising that ousted longtime president Hosni Mubarak. When the authorities did open some matches for spectators, they were marred by deadly violence. In February, police fired tear gas at fans who tried to push their way into a Cairo stadium. Nineteen people died in the ensuing stampede. It was the second such incident since the 2011 uprising. In the deadliest sports riot in Egypt's modern history, 72 fans were killed after a match in the canal city of Port Said in 2012. ""For the first time in my adult life, my favourite team Zamalek will win the premier league championship and we can't even celebrate,"" Gamal told AFP. Last week's game between Cairo clubs El-Nasr and Zamalek - expected to win the trophy for the first time in 11 years - was attended by only a few high-profile invitees, with police outnumbering spectators, an AFP correspondent reported. - 'Matches result in bloodshed'- Football has always stirred passions among Egyptians, and many still accuse Mubarak of using it to distract them from the political and economic woes that marred his reign. But that passion has turned to deadly violence in the political climate of recent years. ""I ran for my life from the teargas and chaos"" that erupted during the February stampede, said lawyer Mohamed El-Arabi. That match was among just a handful that had been open to the public, and the authorities reimposed the ban on spectators following the crush. Sixteen defendants are on trial on charges of starting the stampede. They are accused of being members of the Ultras White Knights - hardcore Zamalek supporters - and prosecutors allege they received funds from the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood to spark the rioting. For Egyptians football used to be a festive occasion when friends and families gathered to watch a match at homes or at stadiums. But Ashraf El-Sherif, professor of political science at the American University in Cairo, said Egyptians' attitudes to football has changed. ""People feel that the entire process involved in these football matches results in bloodshed and chaos, so they are losing interest,"" he said. The political turbulence that followed Mubarak's ouster and the overthrow of his Islamist successor, Mohamed Morsi, has deeply impacted the sport. Morsi's toppling by the army in July 2013 polarised Egypt for months, and an ensuing government crackdown targeting his supporters left hundreds dead and thousands jailed. Jihadists have also killed scores of policemen and soldiers in retaliatory attacks. - 'Football is dead' - In May, a court outlawed the Ultras, who were at the forefront of protests that toppled Mubarak and have openly displayed their hostility to the police. The national team has also suffered since Mubarak's fall, failing three times since 2011 to qualify for the African Cup of Nations it had once dominated. ""Local football no longer arouses the same passion,"" said Samir, a waiter in a cafe in the capital's Sayeda Zeinab district. Behind him a match involving El-Ahly, the most popular club in Egypt, is being broadcast live on television but few seem to care. ""We have more customers when Barcelona or Real Madrid play. There are no empty chairs left then,"" he said. ""Football is dead in Egypt,"" said Sameh Mamdouh, an engineer who previously never missed a match. ""My only pleasure now is to watch European football. Everything is more sophisticated with the European championship - the competition, the performance and the audience."""
"337",2015-08-25,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-fans-remain-tunisia-club-chief-demands-their-arrest","Hardcore fans of the Zamalek Sports Club football team have still not returned from Tunisia following an international game there, leading some to believe they fear calls by the club's president to arrest them upon arrival in the country, airport sources said. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Mortada Mansour has accused members from the Ultras White Knights (UWK) of insulting him, as well as Egyptian authorities, during the African Confederation Cup game on Sunday against Club Sportif Sfaxien, which Zamalek won 3-1. Mansour, speaking to the satellite TV channel al-Hayat 2 late Monday, said the fans would be arrested upon their arrival at Cairo International Airport, adding that al-Hayat's sports reporter, Mohib Abdel Hady, was the one who tipped him off about the names of the people who had insulted him. ""He informed me about the fans who attended the game and the offensive slogans against Egypt's police and army. I now have their names and all are wanted,"" Mansour said. ""The names of those who insulted President al-Sisi, the army and police are now with airport security who are waiting for their return,"" Mansour told the channel. Mansour's son, Ahmed, a board member at the club, also accused the fans of insulting his father and Egyptian authorities. He told satellite TV channel al-Nahar on Monday that reporters accompanying the team on its trip supported stories about derogatory slogans chanted by the fans during the game. The UWK group and Mansour have been at loggerheads as the club's chief has often accused the group of hooliganism. In August 2014, Mansour, a former court president and an influential lawyer known for his belligerent media rhetoric, accused the UWKs of attempting to shoot and kill him outside the club. The UWKs, meanwhile, accuse Mansour of complicity with the police in the death of 22 fans in a stampede outside the Air Defense Stadium in Cairo during a premier league match in February. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"338",2015-08-27,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-recommends-banning-zamalek-chief-tv-over-libel","The commissioners board at the Supreme Administrative Court in Cairo recommended on Wednesday banning Zamalek Sports Club chief Mortada Mansour from appearing in satellite channels, as well as suspending a TV show which hosted him, over libel charges. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Tarek al-Awady, a lawyer representing Ultras White Knights, the fan group of Zamalek Sports Club, said Mansour, who had been at loggerheads with UWK, insulted and made baseless accusations against him during a phone-in with media host Ahmed Moussa three earlier on the satellite channel Sada el-Balad. The commissioner's recommendations are judicially non-binding for the SAC which has the final say. Mansour and Awady had exchanged libel accusations in courts over the past months. Mansour's relation with the UWK further deteriorated days ago when he vowed to arrest group members upon their return from Tunisia after attending their team's encounter with Club Sportif Sfaxien. In August 2014, Mansour, a former court president and an influential lawyer known for his ferocious media rhetoric and court battles, accused UWKs of attempting to shoot him dead outside the club. UWKs accuse Mortada in complicity with police into the death of 22 fans in a stampede outside the Air Defense Stadium in Cairo during a premier league match last February."
"339",2015-08-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/big-motorbikes-rev-again-under-iranian-reforms","The joy of riding big Japanese and American motorbikes was just one of the pleasures taken away from Iranians after the country's Islamic revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); But three decades on, to the delight of enthusiasts, there are signs of restrictions being eased. This month a dozen bikers on pre-revolutionary and newer models were allowed a strictly regulated ride in Tehran. It was still a far cry from the open highways of ""Easy Rider"". Special permission is needed to ride just one weekend per month and the cruise is limited to specific streets during daylight hours. Women are still prohibited from riding bikes. It fits in, however, with other developments as Iran opens up to the West again under reform-minded President Hassan Rohani. The ban outlawing motorcycles with engines above the size of 250 cubic cm was introduced in the early years of the revolution to halt drive-by killings of Iranian officials by the opposition. It was also part of an effort to eradicate vestiges of an un-Islamic Western lifestyle that had prevailed under the monarchy overthrown in 1979. Women were barred from riding motorcycles as it was seen as incompatible with Shi'ite Islamic values. Motorbikes with big engine power were used exclusively by the Basij, the government's plain-clothes security force, which often paraded on them around Tehran in a show of power. Under the reprieve, authorities select members of the Tehran Motorcycling and Car Racing Association to license for street riding after running them through security checks, the association's manager Mehrdad Hemmatian said. Police and Interior Ministry agents monitor the riders while they are on the road. ""We are hopeful that the restrictions on full-sized motorcycles will be revised and lifted,"" Hemmatian said. ""The restrictions are outdated."" The government-linked association is also lobbying to bring down import tariffs on sports bikes to 6 percent from 100 percent. People involved with the government are mostly behind the demand for motorcycles as it is easier for them to obtain special permission and they are better able to afford the expensive American-made Harley Davidson motorcycles. Bikers who are not from the elite can manage to afford cheaper Japanese sports bikes for use on race tracks. ROUHANI REFORMS Under reforms initiated by Rohani, who successfully concluded an accord with world powers on curtailing Iran's nuclear program in July, life could become a bit easier for some Iranians as trade sanctions are lifted. Marginal advancements in allowing Western culture to seep into Tehran are mirrored in other ways, for example a knock-off version of fast food chain McDonald's called Mash Donald's in a posh neighborhood of the capital. Many Iranians now also have luxury Japanese and European cars as some of the policies instituted after the downfall of the Shah are relaxed. American dealerships for Harley or General Motors have been absent from Iran but a sanctions deal would open the gateway for such manufacturers to have a local presence. Businesses worldwide want to get into Iran, home to some 80 million people and with a sizable middle-class craving international brands. In a sign of its reconnection to the international world, Britain and Iran reopened their embassies in their respective capitals last week. DUBAI'S DESERT HIGHWAY While the motoring association is trying to have the ban fully lifted, Iranian bikers have found other ways to satisfy their passion. Symbolizing the love for U.S.-made Harley Davidson motorcycles, local bike manufacturer Tondar Shahab makes replicas with street-legal engine of 250 CC as opposed to the usual range of 883 and 1800 CC. Some ship in Harley parts from Dubai before assembling them in Iran - sometimes just to display the bike in a prominent place in their homes. Dubai is a main source for international brands that are barred from having official stores in Iran, such as Apple electronics. Often these are loaded onto small ships or dhows, which sail across the narrow Arabian Gulf to the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas and eventually make their way to Tehran. Dubai is also where some Iranians spend their holidays and indulge in their love of riding U.S- made motorcycles. There are scores of Iranian Harley owners in the city. Shabab, an Iranian enthusiast who lives in Dubai, often rides with his friend Shahbol on their Harley Ultras from the city to the desert resort of Bab Al Shams, a popular sheesha and drinks stop for riders. ""At the end of the day, when you have a passion you will find a way to ride whether it is in Dubai, in Europe or the United States,"" Shabab said. ""And someday also in Iran."""
"340",2015-10-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/breast-cancer-conference-be-held-cairo-october-14-15","Women's Health Outreach Program General Manager Naglaa Abdel Razek has announced that the first conference on spreading awareness of breast cancer will be held on October 14 and 15 under the supervision of the Health Ministry. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The conference will be held as part of the ministry's plan to spread awareness about the disease, which is considered the most dangerous cancer to afflict women in Egypt and the second leading cause of death in the country for women. The conference will host doctors specialized in breast cancer and women's health in Egypt, Arab countries, the US and Europe. Three workshops will be held to train doctors on mammograms, ultrasounds and MRIs. The conference will discuss the development of Egypt and the Arab world in the field of early detection of breast cancer, and address different challenges they will face, including financial support. Other topics of discussion include the application of a free early detection service for women in Egypt and the role genetics plays as one of the main causes of the disease. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"341",2015-10-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-fans-prefer-watching-team-training-over-voting","As satellite channels appealed to citizens to participate in the House of Representatives elections, criticizing in particular the absence of youth at polling stations, more than 10,000 young football fans gathered at the Mokhtar al-Touch Stadium at the Al-Ahly Club to watch the football team's first training since it won the Egyptian Super Cup. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The young Ahly fans responded to a short message published on the Ultras Ahlawy Facebook page stating that the training would occur at 4 pm Sunday, coinciding with the first day of the elections. ""Youth now sense no forthcoming hope with the current form of the elections. They are the segment most attacked and accused of treason daily on TV, whether engaged in political or sport activities,"" activist Khaled Talima wrote on his Facebook account. Talima added, ""How could they trust you and participate in the political process with you?"" Talima said that youth are not the only ones who are reluctant to particpate in the elections, all segments of society are feeling this way. The youth's reluctance reflects very weak political activity in Egypt, said Fatehy al-Sharkawy, a professor of political psychology and head of the public opinion unit at Ain Shams University. There is no real opposition due to the weakness of political parties, he added. The state is interested in establishing major projects like the new administrative capital, which does not reflect the ambitions of the youth, Sharkawy mentioned. The young men and women have not seen improvement in their living conditions or a decline in unemployment rates since June 30. They are not given channels to express their political views either, he said. Dostor Party leader Hany al-Gamal, who was recently released from prison over charges of protesting without a license at the Shura Council, said the political atmosphere has become very frustrating in Egypt and people do not feel that the upcoming Parliament will represent them. Not only are youth abstaining from participating in the elections, but all people feel excluded from political life, he added. People distrust the current regime due to its lack of credibility, Gamal mentioned. Young people are usually more aware than the older generations, the latter whom have faith in the political leadership and need more time to boycott, Gamal added. According to Gamal, older generations have started to become more aware of the political situation in Egypt, which has been reflected through the weak voter turnout in the ongoing elections. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"342",2015-10-24,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sisi-not-nasser-alain-gresh","Alain Gresh, editor of Le Monde Diplomatique googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , was born in Cairo in 1948 to a French family, of whom some were Jews and others were Christians. But he has developed Egyptian traits in his personality that he learned from his friends. His mother was a prominent member of the communist Democratic Movement for National Liberation and his godfather was Henri Curiel, the founder of the movement. His family left Egypt in 1962, although Gresh believed President Nasser was the leader of national liberation. He comes to Egypt every year, especially after the January 2011 revolution, in order to follow-up on developments in the Arab Spring. Gresh recently talked about the situation in Egypt and the Middle East in an interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm. Q: What can you tell us about your early years in Cairo? A: I was born to a French family, of whom some were Jews and others were Christians, but I have developed Egyptian traits in my personality that I have picked up from my friends. Q: Was your family forced to leave? A: Not forced as such. Nasser's socialist policies were hurting the businesses of the Jews. Also, it was not possible for the Jews to stay amid the hostility to them after the Tripartite Aggression, although not all of them were Zionists. I left with my family, although I believed Nasser was a leader of national liberalization. There was harmony among all citizens before that, with no distinction between Jews, Muslims and Copts. Q: Did the Egyptian Jews give great services to the country? A: By all means. There was no difference between Jews, Muslims and Christians. They were all living in social peace. There were 50,000 to 70,000 foreign and Egyptian Jews. Their problem was that they themselves were not united. Strangely enough, Zionist organizations worked in Egypt until the end of the 1940s under the nose of the government. Many Jews played an important role in the National Liberation Movement, not only in Egypt, but also in many other Arab countries. Some of them chose to stay in Egypt. Shehata Aaron, the father of Magda Aaron, the head of the Jewish community in Egypt, tried to volunteer in the army in April 1967 when there were signs of a problem with Israel, but was rejected. And on June 6, he was arrested because he was Jewish. Q: How do you see the January 25 revolution, four years after it broke out? A: I see that it has not achieved its goal of building a democratic state. The revolution wanted to topple the president and not the regime. And when this happened, there was no clear political vision. There was chaos. Chaos always comes after revolutions. Q: Has it failed? A: It is hard to tell now. Maybe in 20 years or so. The French Revolution of 1789 failed for 15 years before it succeeded. Q: How do you see the situation now after the June 30 revolution against the Muslim Brotherhood's religious fascism, and after more than a year under President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi? A: First, I do not think June 30 was a revolution, nor do I think there was religious fascism. The remnants of Mubarak's regime pushed for June 30 with the help of the military machine. This ended democracy for good. And as to the Brotherhood, it had but unqualified members and some armed militias. And there was a president ruling alone, with the military and all other state institutions standing against him. Q: But did not all the segments of the Egyptian people come out on that day and not just the remnants of Mubarak's regime? A: By the way, I am against the Brotherhood and the religious rule. All what I am saying is that there were methods other than the army's intervention. Q: Like what? A: A general strike, for example. Q: Did this not happen all over the country? Did the Suez Canal cities not declare rebellion against the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood? A: Still, the intervention of the army was wrong. It gave the world a message that the old regime was back with all its tools, which was reflected in the violence against all opposition and not just the Muslim Brotherhood. Many of the youth of the revolution were sent to prison. And the state media and the satellite channels make me laugh. Sometimes I wonder if Ibrahim Eissa is really a journalist. Q: Is it the people's fault? A: It is the fact that there was no political movement that drives the people towards a democratic goal. Q: But it was the people who asked the army for help. Did they not wait three days in the streets for the army to move? A: People? What people? In France, the supporters of the president are no more than 15 percent, yet the army does not interfere. The normal procedure is the elections. What did the millions who went out on June 30 fear? They are the majority and the Brotherhood is the minority. They could have easily won the elections. Q: Was the Arab Spring really a spring? A: I do not like the term Arab Spring. It brought civil wars in Libya, Yemen and Syria. But I do not deny that there were popular uprisings. Q: Uprisings or revolutions? A: They were uprisings because they did not lead to concrete results. There is no political vision, and there are no political parties. Q: What will happen to Syria? A: I do not think there is a solution in the near future despite the Russian strikes. I do not know why Russia is interfering. This will result in the United States interfering as well, which will lead to a catastrophe. Q: How about Yemen? A: Yemen's is an internal issue. It is not an Iranian plot, as Saudi Arabia claims. The Houthis are different than the Shi'ites than the Iranians. This does not mean that there is no Iranian interference. The issue needs a political solution, not military. They are hitting poor and miserable people. Q: How can we build a real democracy in Egypt? A: It will take a long time. But the interference of the controling powers will breed times worse than Nasser's time. Q: Do you think Sisi is like Nasser? A: I do not see people. I see circumstances. Nasser could make decisions like the nationalization of the Suez Canal because circumstances at that time allowed for it. Today, there is globalization and the power of capital. You need mature economic ideas rather than reminiscing on Nasser's days. Q: After more than half a century, do you think Nasser was a step forward? A: Nasser did many good things, such as national liberation, the elimination of colonialism and the pursuit of establishing a strong national economy. Q: Do you think the June 1967 defeat ended him? A: Certainly. Q: Is the time for charismatic leaders over? A: Bertolt Brecht once said there is nothing worse for people than to have charismatic leaders. Yes it is over. Q: What do you make of the Arab and Egyptian press? A: There is no community dialogue in the Egyptian newspapers that can stir the political situation. And Egyptian journalists are not independent. They should be. A: How? A: They should not be part of an ideological struggle. For example, I saw demonstrations by the Ultras. The next day the papers said the residents of the neighborhood stood against them. Mind you, the residents did not do anything. Q: How do you see Egypt's position internationally? A: I think things changed after July 3. The French President came to Egypt twice. The world sees Egypt as the gateway to the Middle East. As to the foreign press, it is not with the Egyptian regime. Mind you, it is not with the Brotherhood either. But Europeans do not like to see journalists and activists imprisoned. Q: Had you been the president of Egypt, what would you have done in light of terrorism and the economic problems? A: I think we need to define the term terrorism. The Israelis call the Palestinians terrorists. The Americans under Reagan called the African liberation movements terrorist. So did the West call the Kurds. Terrorism is not a political line. It is a means. It began in Sinai after July 3. Q: But Sinai was being prepared to be a huge arms store, and there were terrorist operations before July 3. What would you say to that? A: Maybe just a few. Q: What would you do if you were president? A: Whoever seeks to become Egypt's president is crazy because there are too many problems to solve. I am a journalist, not a president. Q: Do you think the Americans changed their stance after June 30 or July 3? A: Yes. I know that you in Egypt think the Americans are the ones who brought the Brotherhood to power. I do not think so. The White House supported Mubarak until the last minute. Then it supported the Muslim Brotherhood because it was the main force in the street, given the weakness of the political parties. Q: What will happen to the Brotherhood? A: It has proven that it was stupid and did not have a vision for ruling. Its future depends on how it will handle this. Q: And what about the Brotherhood's international organization? A: It holds futile meetings in the capitals of the world, that is all. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"343",2015-12-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultrasound-may-be-useful-supplemental-test-breast-cancer","A new study adds to the evidence that ultrasonography can help diagnose cancer in women with dense breasts. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Researchers examined data from 2,809 women from across the U.S., Canada and Argentina. All of them had dense breasts, plus at least one other risk factor for breast cancer. Each woman had three screenings over three years with mammography and ultrasonography, according to a report in The Journal of the National Cancer Institute. Overall, 111 breast cancers were found. Most - 80 percent - were invasive. Both tests identified about the same number of cancers, with 129 women needing an ultrasound or 127 women needing a mammography for doctors to find one cancer. Mammography was better at picking up cancers with so-called calcifications, such as are characteristic of ductal carcinoma in situ (DCIS), the most common non-invasive form of breast cancer. DCIS may spread and become invasive cancer, but is not life-threatening on its own - and some researchers question whether it should be called ""cancer"" at all. Ultrasound was better at detecting invasive cancers and those without calcifications, said lead author Dr. Wendie Berg, of Magee-Womens Hospital of the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center. ""It's likely the cancers we find on ultrasound will make a bigger difference than those we find in mammography,"" Berg said. However, ultrasound also produced more false alarms - or false positives. For example, during the first year, 9 percent of biopsies ordered based on ultrasound findings confirmed a cancer diagnosis, compared to about 29 percent of biopsies for positive mammograms. Berg said the rate of biopsies would likely decrease as women receive ultrasounds, because doctors wouldn't biopsy a suspicious area on an image if it doesn't change over time. ""If we know it's always been there, we're less likely to order a biopsy,"" she said. Dr. Stephen Feig, who was not involved with the new research, told Reuters Health that the results are encouraging. ""The people who are hesitant about ultrasound say 'it's finding all these cancers, but look at all the false positives,'"" he said. ""That's true, but it's a matter of judgment."" For example, some women with dense breasts may decide finding a more invasive cancer is worth the risk of a false positive and biopsy, said Feig, director of breast imaging at the University of California, Irvine Medical Center in Orange. ""But before you make national guidelines we need large studies,"" Feig cautioned. In the meantime, Berg urges women with dense breasts to consider supplemental screening with ultrasound but says high-risk women who follow the American Cancer Society recommendation to receive a supplemental MRI don't need ultrasound screening. Advancements in technology may also mean breast cancer screening with ultrasound is an acceptable alternative for women in developing countries, the researchers say. ""It seemed like a particularly relevant question because in many countries there is no mammography available,"" Berg said. ""There are now low-tech ultrasound devices that produce images of similar quality to devices used in this study,"" she told Reuters Health."
"344",2016-01-11,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/defendants-hurghada-attack-visited-city-prior-attack-investigation","The Supreme State Security Prosecutors' interrogation of the second defendant in Friday's attack on three tourists in Hurghada revealed that the first defendant, who was killed, and second defendant visited Hurghada a few days prior to the incident. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); They left the resort and returned to it on Friday by bus. They rented an apartment in the Sheraton area and entered a famous supermarket in front of the hotel but did not find any tourists so they left, according to investigators. They visited many areas in Hurghada looking for tourists to attack, but they could not find any. They decided to storm Bella Vista Hotel after they spotted tourists in the restaurant. According to the investigation, the defendants were not able to travel abroad to join a jihadist organization so they decided to plan an attack in Hurghada. The defendant said he met the first defendant through the Ultras White Knights, a football fan group. The defendants came to Hurghada to target Russian tourists in revenge for Russian attacks in Syria, according to investigations. The attack left two Austrian tourists and a Swedish tourist injured, said the Interior Ministry in a statement published on its official Facebook page. Security forces killed one of the armed men and injured the other."
"345",2016-02-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/sisi-urges-dialogue-ultras-anniversary-stadium-massacre","President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has proposed initiating a dialogue with hardcore football fans, known as the Ultras, on the fourth anniversary of the Port Said Stadium rampage that killed 72. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""Delegate 10 of you to brief the (Ultras) on the results (of investigations) ... It is no secret, they (the Ultras) have the right to know everything under the presidency's auspices,"" the president told presenter Amr Adib in a phone call on Al-Youm channel late Monday. ""I was close to the Port Said Ultras massacre issue, and nothing was achieved,"" continued the president, who was military intelligence chief at the time of the incident. ""There was no clear truth that we can assuredly settle on. Somebody is hiding something that we do not know of."" In June, the Port Said Criminal Court sentenced 11 people to death over charges of murdering 72 Al-Ahly Club fans after attacking them during the team's premier league encounter with Port Said hosts Al-Masry. The court sentenced 41 people to 5-15 years hard labor and acquitted 21 others of all charges. The Ultras have been at loggerheads with security authorities since their participation in the 2011 uprising, praticipation which some analysts attribute to the uprising's success, chanting anti-police slogans and being involved in several stadium encounters with security since then. ""As a state, we have failed until now to properly address that issue,"" Sisi stated, commenting on the conflict with the Ultras. ""What matters is that someone, like an official or a club president, finds a way to outreach to the Ultras' minds, they are our sons."" Sisi's call came after Ultras Ahlawy fans invaded Al-Ahly club's pitch during a team training exercise on Monday to mark the catastrophe's anniversary, chanting anti-regime slogans. Commenting on Sisi's call, Zamalek Club President Mortada Mansour, a harsh opponent to the Ultras, opposed the invitation. ""I disagree with you, Mr. President. I had met with the Ultras many times, and every time their response was insulting the army,"" Mansour told LTC channel on Monday. ""No dialogue with a terrorist group, dialogue with them should be to put them in jail."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"346",2016-02-04,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-mps-oppose-sisi-s-outreach-ultras","Parliament members from Port Said have voiced their objection to President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's call for dialogue with the Ultras football fan groups. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Meeting with Prime Minister Sherif Ismail late Wednesday, the MPs asked to convey their opposition to Sisi, pointing out that ""a state of tension among the people of Port Said that requires the president to deliver a statement elaborating on his initiative or pay a visit to the province."" ""I delegate 10 of you to brief the (Ultras) on the results (of investigations) ... It is no secret, they (the Ultras) have the right to know everything under the presidency's auspices,"" the president said in a phone call on Al-Youm channel late Monday, addressing the Ultras groups. His call was referring to the investigations into the death of 72 members of Ultras Ahlawy (Ahly Club Ultras) during a match with Port Said's Al-Masry in February 2012, believed to be Egypt's worst sports-related catastrophe. ""I was close to the Port Said Ultras massacre issue, and nothing was achieved,"" continued the president, who was military intelligence chief at the time of the incident. ""There was no clear truth that we can assuredly settle on. Somebody is hiding something that we do not know of."" In June 2015, the Port Said Criminal Court sentenced 11 people to death over charges of murdering 72 Al-Ahly Club. It sentenced 41 people to 5-15 years hard labor and acquitted 21 others of all charges. The president's call drew mixed reactions from Ultras fans, with the group releasing a statement in response late Tuesday that seemed to show conditional approval. ""For four years, we have been calling for retribution against all of those implicated in the Port Said massacre. If there is a real intention to resolve the case or rerun investigations, priority should be given to interrogating security leadership, the names of whom were mentioned in the prosecution's investigations,"" read the statement. Those convicted in the 2015 ruling already include three police officials. But Ultras Ahlawy had expressed rage agains the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which was running the country at the time of the massacre, calling for its officials to be held accountable. ""There are (state) bodies that are aware of the details of that tragic day, but until now no punishment has been made to those who killed 72 Egyptian youths,"" read the statement. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"347",2016-02-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/lawyer-claims-ultras-ahlawy-implicated-port-said-2013-riots","Ultras Ahlawy, a group of Al-Ahly Club football team fans, could be implicated in the case known publicly as ""Storming Port Said Prison"" where 52 people were killed in Port Said city, lawyer Ashraf al-Ezaby claimed on Tuesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ezaby is the lawyer of the defendants in the case. Ultras Ahlawy no longer chants the slogan ""We either bring back their rights or die like them"", which referred to the 72 killed Ultras Ahlawy members in Port Said in 2012, Ezaby said in his argument before the court Tuesday. Ezaby suggested that Ultras Ahlawy avenged the killing of its members by murdering 52 people in Port Said in January 2013 so they stopped chanting that slogan. Ultras Ahlawy might have hired thugs to carry out the killings, said Ezaby, adding that no doubt those who committed the killings were not citizens from the city of Port Said because they would not shoot each other. The testimonies of toppled President Mohamed Morsi and former Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim on how Ibrahim informed Morsi of the incident are contradictory, which proves that one of them is lying, he added. The defendants in the case are accused of deliberately killing over 40 people including police officers Ahmed Balky, Ayman Abdel Azim and Ahmed Afify during riots in Port Said from January 26-28, 2013. Violence erupted in Port Said on January 26 after 21 local youths were sentenced to death over charges of killing the 72 Al-Ahly football team fans. Families of the defendants sentenced to death attempted to storm the area of the Port Said prison where their sons were incarcerated in protest of the ruling. A Cairo court had sentenced 21 defendants to death for the killings of 72 Al-Ahly football fans in the aftermath of a match with Port Said's Al-Masry club in February 2012. Police fired tear gas to disperse the families of the defendants and ultras supporting Al-Masry who had gathered around the prison in Port Said. Riots continued for several days in the governorate during which dozens were killed. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"348",2016-02-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-orders-re-investigation-2015-stadium-massacre","Cairo Criminal Court has ordered that investigations into the Air Defense Stadium massacre case be restarted, stating that there is insufficient evidence and too few documents to try the case in court. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The court decided to halt the trial of 16 defendants accused of murder and violence at the stadium in February 2015. The defendants will remain in custody for a six-month period will investigations are re-run. Fighting errupted outside the Air Defense Stadium in Cairo before a league encounter between Zamalek Sports Club and ENPPI, leaving 22 fans dead. Hisham Barakat, the previous general prosecutor, had referred the defendants to trial on charges of murder, rioting, sabotage and the possession of explosives. Police investigations blamed Zamalek Sporting Club's hardcore fan group, the Ultras White Knights, for causing a deadly stampede that caused the deaths. However, the fans accused the police of causing the catastrophe by firing tear gas at fans as they passed through a metal passageway leading to the stadium's gates. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"349",2016-02-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/back-its-roots-how-zika-may-threaten-africa","Florzinha Amado is eight months pregnant and trying to stay calm about whether the Zika virus infection she contracted at 21 weeks could have harmed her unborn child. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); But Amado isn't Brazilian. She lives on the volcanic archipelago of Cape Verde, 570 km west of Senegal, and is one of 100 pregnant women in the capital of Praia who have contracted Zika there. Their fears, and those of West African authorities seeking to prepare the region's defenses, are shared by global health experts who say it could have unknown consequences in countries ill-equipped for another public health emergency following the Ebola epidemic. Zika, a mosquito-borne virus, was first identified by two Scots, virologist George Dick and entomologist Alexander Haddow, in a forest near Entebbe in Uganda in 1947. The disease itself is mild and 80 percent of those infected do not feel ill, but it has shot to the top of the global health agenda after an outbreak in Brazil was suspected of causing a spike in birth defects. And now, nearly 70 years after its discovery in mainland Africa, it is threatening to return to its roots - this time apparently in a changed form causing large-scale outbreaks. ""Cape Verde has historical links with Brazil and it seems very likely it has got there from Brazil,"" said Nick Beeching of Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, a Zika expert for the European Society of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. According to new data from Cape Verde's health ministry, more than 7,000 cases of Zika have been recorded in the country since the beginning of the epidemic in October 2015, with heavier than normal rains last summer boosting mosquito numbers. Beeching believes it is highly probable Zika will soon be back on the African mainland, thanks to regular flight connections from the Atlantic islands, potentially triggering a new chain of transmission. Regional health officials told Reuters they were most worried about Zika being exported to Senegal or Guinea Bissau, which shares the same Portuguese heritage as Cape Verde. A regional meeting on Zika took place in Dakar on February 9, with African and Western partners discussing preparations for possible imported cases, according to officials. Abdoulaye Bousso, the coordinator of the health emergency operations center in Senegal, said his country had an active surveillance program with several ""sentinel sites"" being established as early warning points for an outbreak. ""We do not have cases in the country currently but the risk is there,"" he said. Many Mosquitoes Africa is fertile ground for Zika. Researchers have found more than 20 different mosquito species carrying the virus there, although whether they all transmit the disease effectively to humans is unclear. Ultimately, how much damage Zika may cause on this vast continent will depend on the level of immunity among African populations - and that hinges, crucially, on the extent to which Zika's genetic make-up has mutated on its round-the-world trip. A warning from World Health Organization experts in a paper published online on February 9 that the virus ""appears to have changed in character"" is heightening concerns. The exact nature of the shift has yet to be unraveled but Mary Kay Kindhauser and colleagues said Zika had altered as it moved through Asia - from an infection causing limited cases of mild illness to one leading to large outbreaks and, from 2013 onwards, linked to babies born with neurological disorders and abnormally small heads. Jimmy Whitworth, a British-based researcher now at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine who studied Zika in Uganda back when it was still a ""virological curiosity"", said the ground was shifting and the risks increasing. ""There are a few genetic differences between the African and Asian lineages, and it looks like the Asian lineages may be better able to transmit and flourish in a human population,"" he told Reuters. What this means on the ground is uncertain. In theory, there may be some cross-protection between different Zika strains, which could protect Africans from the latest version. But Beeching noted that dengue fever, a closely related mosquito-borne virus, had four recognized strains and there was only limited and temporary cross-protection between them. ""We just don't know how Zika will spread if it gets to Africa,"" he said. Another big question is why there is no apparent link in Africa between Zika and birth defects, since the continent has been home to sporadic cases of Zika for decades, if not centuries or millennia. It may be that any past cases of small heads in newborns, known as microcephaly, or of the neurological condition Guillain-Barre syndrome may have been missed in Africa given its limited healthcare infrastructure. But Whitworth hopes to go back and take a retrospective look, since countries including Malawi, Kenya and Uganda have good population records, head measurement data and serum banks that should make checks possible. Back in Cape Verde's Central Hospital in Praia, clinical director Maria do Ceu says there is so far no evidence from scans of any microcephaly among the country's infected mothers-to-be, who are due to deliver their first babies this month. Amado is optimistic. ""The doctor encouraged me to do morphological ultrasound and told me that I am okay,"" she said. ""It happened suddenly. I started having blotchy skin and then I went to the maternity ward. I was followed up and thank God everything is fine."""
"350",2016-02-15,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/fifteen-ultras-white-knights-sentenced-one-year-prison-0","Giza Criminal Court, headed by Judge Moataz Khafagy, sentenced 15 members of the Ultras White Knights football fan club to one year in prison on Monday for trying to storm the Zamalek Sports Club's headquarters and conspiring to kill MP Mortada Mansour, former head of the club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Eleven of the defendants were given jail sentences for plotting to kill Mansour, while four were jailed for trying to storm the club's headquarters. The Ultras White Knights is a group or ardent football fans supporting the Zamalek football club, and has been involved in various controversial events in recent years. At the court on Monday, defendants shouted angrily from their dock, as did their families who had gathered outside the court, accusing the court of favoring Mansour. The defendants were previously sentenced to one year in prison, but they challenged the ruling and a retrial was ordered by a higher court. The prosecutors accused the defendants of using violence and conducting surveillance on Mansour with a view to killing him using weapons they had prepared. Members of the Ultras White Knights gathered outside Zamalek Sports Club in August 2015 in an apparent attempt to storm it, after Mansour made a statement saying he would not allow them to watch a football training session for the Zamalek team. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"351",2016-03-05,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/new-range-serious-fetal-abnormalities-linked-zika-study","Fetuses in 29 percent of pregnant women with Zika virus infection were found to have a range of severe abnormalities, according to preliminary results from a small study that raised new concerns about the potential link between Zika and serious birth defects. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The list of ""grave outcomes"" found in the study of pregnant women in Rio de Janeiro, published in the New England Journal of Medicine on Friday, included fetal death, calcification of the brain, placental insufficiency with low to no amniotic fluid, fetal growth restriction and central nervous system damage, including potential blindness. ""These were women infected in the first and second trimester of pregnancy,"" Dr. Karin Nielsen, lead author of the study, said in a telephone interview. ""We also saw problems in the last trimester, which was surprising to us,"" added Nielsen, noting two cases of fetal death very late in pregnancies in which there was no sign of brain malformation in earlier ultrasound tests. ""We have found a strong link between Zika and adverse pregnancy outcomes, which haven't been documented before,"" said Nielsen, professor of clinical pediatrics at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA. ""Even if the fetus isn't affected, the virus appears to damage the placenta, which can lead to fetal death."" Zika infection has been linked to numerous cases in Brazil of the birth defect microcephaly in babies, a condition defined by unusually small heads that can result in developmental problems. Much remains unknown about Zika, including whether the virus actually causes microcephaly. Brazil said it has confirmed more than 640 cases of microcephaly and considers most to be related to Zika infections in the mothers. Brazil is investigating more than 4,200 additional suspected cases of microcephaly. Nielsen said microcephaly may be one of many abnormalities in what she referred to as Zika Virus Congenital Syndrome. A separate case study reported last week in the journal PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases described a stillborn baby from a Brazilian mother infected with Zika in which the skull was filled with fluid but had no brain. The new study was conducted by researchers at UCLA and at the Fiocruz Institute in Brazil. It followed 88 women who went to a Rio de Janeiro clinic between September 2015 and last month, 72 of whom tested positive for Zika. No fetal abnormalities were detected in any of the 16 women who tested negative for Zika. Among 42 Zika-positive women willing to undergo fetal ultrasound testing, a total of 12, or 29 percent, had abnormal readings. Eight of the women in the study have delivered babies, including the two stillbirths and two who appeared healthy. Two were born undersized, while a third was born at normal weight but with severe microcephaly, including eye lesions that could indicate blindness. Another was delivered by emergency cesarean section due to no amniotic fluid. ""We do have more babies who seem to have microcephaly that haven't been born yet,"" Nielsen said."
"352",2016-03-29,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/telemedicine-could-expand-access-medical-abortions","Women in the US without reproductive health services close to home might have an easier time getting medical abortions if they could consult with doctors online instead of scheduling in-person visits, some providers argue. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Although surgical abortions require clinic visits, roughly one quarter of abortions are done with medication and might be provided with telemedicine - using webcams and video chats to diagnose and treat these patients, Dr. Elizabeth Raymond of Gynuity Health Projects in New York and colleagues argue in JAMA Internal Medicine. ""The use of telemedicine is growing,"" Raymond said by email. ""It has tremendous potential to make many essential services more accessible, more convenient and cheaper. Medical abortion is such a service."" For many US women, obtaining an abortion is difficult because they live at least 100 miles away from the nearest clinic, the authors note. Mississippi, Missouri, South Dakota and North Dakota each only have one abortion clinic, and Wyoming has none. Medical abortions performed before 10 weeks of gestation with two drugs - mifepristone and misoprostol - can be self-administered at home. Healthcare providers can use telemedicine to interview patients and assess potential safety issues by reviewing lab test results and ultrasounds before prescribing medication, the authors note. In the two-step medical abortion regimen typically used in the US, women first take mifepristone. This pill works by blocking the hormone progesterone, which causes the lining of the uterus to break down and makes it impossible for the pregnancy to continue. Then, 24 to 48 hours later, women take misoprostol, which causes the uterus to empty. Women are usually advised to have a clinic visit within two weeks to confirm the pregnancy was terminated. In rare cases when ultrasound or a blood test shows the medical abortion didn't succeed, women require surgical abortions. In 2008, a Planned Parenthood affiliate in Iowa initiated the first formal telemedicine abortion program in the US with physicians reviewing labs and imaging then speaking to patients to determine if the clinic should be authorized to dispense medical abortion pills. In the first year, this program nearly tripled the number of sites in Iowa offering abortion services, from six to 17, the researchers report. Among 233 women with follow-up, the treatment was successful 99 percent of the time. One patient had a blood transfusion in an emergency department, and there were no other serious adverse events reported. Direct-to-patient telemedicine programs for medical abortions are available in the Canadian province of British Columbia and in Australia, the authors note. But in the US, regulators require that abortion medications be dispensed to patients in clinics, medical offices and hospitals. Widespread use of telemedicine for medical abortions in the US is also restricted because some states require in-person exams or have banned telemedicine abortions, the authors note. ""Currently, more than half of rural women don't have access to reproductive health services anywhere in their county,"" said Katy Kozhimannil, a researcher in health policy at the University of Minnesota School of Public Health in Minneapolis who wasn't involved in the study. ""For these women, telemedicine can make medication abortions more accessible,"" Kozhimannil added by email. ""Non-clinical factors, including state and federal regulations, influence requirements such as exams and in-person clinician visits,"" Kozhimannil said. ""Many of these decisions are influenced by political factors, and not explicitly made based on medical evidence."""
"353",2016-03-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/writer-fatima-naoot-file-fresh-appeal-against-contempt-religion-sentence","The lawyer of Egyptian writer Fatima Naoot, who faces a three-year prison sentence for contempt of religion, has vowed to file a fresh appeal after the first appeal was rejected on Thursday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Lawyer Sherif Adib said that the decision by Cairo Misdemeanor Appeals Court on Thursday was of no consequence, because the appeal had been heard in the absense of Naoot, who was in Canada for a conference. He said the appeal was dismissed as a matter of routine because neither he nor Naoot turned up for the hearing, and that he would file a fresh appeal within 10 days, according to standard judicial procedure. On hearing the news on Thursday, numerous journalists and literary and artistic figures spoke out in support of Naoot, defending her right to free speech and condemning outdated laws. Naoot was sentenced to three years in prison and a fine of LE20,000 on January 26, after a court case revolving around statements she made condemning the mass slaughter of animals during the Muslim festival of Eid al-Adha. In October 2014, she made comments through her Facebook and Twitter accounts condemning the slaughter of sheep, but later took the comments down after a harsh reaction. She was later arrested for contempt of religion, and while she admitted during interrogation that she had posted the statements, she denied that she had intended to insult Islam, saying that her comments did not violate Islamic Sharia. ""Happy massacre anniversary. In a while, millions of innocent beings will be escorted to the most earth-shattering massacre committed by humans for ten centuries,"" she wrote. The slaughter of sheep during the feast is in memory of the Biblical story of Abraham, who was willing to slaughter his own son for the sake of God, but was given a sheep to sacrifice instead, having demonstrated his strong faith. Naoot also wrote an article in Al-Masry Al-Youm commenting on the Biblical tale and its modern-day commemoration. ""A yearly massacre because a good man once had a nightmare about his good son, and although the nightmare has passed for the good man and his son, the [sheep] pay their lives as a price for that holy nightmare,"" Naoot wrote. Moral support After Thursday's ruling was announced in her absence, Naoot responded via Facebook, thanking the many people who had been offering her support. She said she was ""fine"" and that ""morale is very high, thanks to your love, which is my greatest treasure."" She added that she had just arrived at Toronto airport to take part in a conference of Canadian-Egyptian nationals, at which she would be the guest of honor during the first session. Naoot said that she had missed the first appeal session due to her travel schedule, claiming that the court had not yet given a final ruling on her appeal, and that she would try again within 10 days. Columnist Khaled Montasser criticized the prison sentence for contempt of religion, saying that such cases confirm that ""Egypt is not a civil state but a theocratic state par excellence."" ""We see religion 'brokers' and 'traders' widespread all around Egypt. We became the only religion which antagonizes the modern state. We will never have art, science or innovation as long as these ideas exist,"" Montasser said in a phone-in on Mehwar television channel on Thursday evening. He continued: ""Intellectuals and writers have nothing but a pen to express their opinions. Is it necessary to act like the Ultras so the president talks to us? Or do we need to deal severely with the state so that officials meet with us and solve our problems?"" Activists and writers declared their solidarity with Naoot via social media on Thursday, using a hashtag bearing her name. Naaot's trial was preceded by the trial of actress Entissar, who was accused of inciting debauchery. Meanwhile, TV host Islam al-Beheiry was given five years in prison for contempt of religion, and writer Karam Saber was sent to jail for his collection of short stories titled ""Where's God?"" Mohamed Salmawy, writer and advisor to the Arab Writers Union said of Naoot's case, ""The ruling is not a mere sentence against a well-known poet and writer or a public intellectual figure. It actually reflects a disdain for renewing the religious discourse,"" a reference to the much-vaunted project of revising and modernizing religious attitudes in Egypt through public debate. Salmawy said that Egypt applies archaic laws that establish a theocratic state and contradict the Constitution, claiming that the charges agaisnt Naoot are unconstitutional. Salmawy said that the law allows for much lighter sentences than three years, or even aquittal, but the court chose to give Naoot a harsh sentence. He said that the court's ruling suggests that Egypt is now a theocratic state, despite the fact that such a situation is supposed to have ended with the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood government in June 2013. Meanwhle, Mohamed Faeq, the chairman of the National Council for Human Rights, refused to comment on the subject, stating that he did not wish to interfere with the work of the judiciary. However, the said that Egyptian laws need to be changed in order to make them compatitble with the Constitution and modern thinking. ""Although we want to preserve heritage, culture, and religions, we want to move forward,"" he said. Faeq demanded a specific definition of the notion of ""contempt of religion"" in law. Activist Dalia Ziada commented on her Facebook account, saying that the court ruling on Thursday rejecting Naoot's appeal was the worst news she had ever heard. ""What happened to Islam al-Beheiry and many other respectful intellectuals before him because of this article is quite enough, since it harms the reputation of Egypt and is inconsistent with President Sisi's calls to reform the religious discourse,"" she said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"354",2016-07-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/tv-host-amr-adib-quits-orbit-channel-after-two-decades","TV host Amr Adib has ended his 20-year association with the Orbit television channel, saying that he will not renew his contract, which ended recently. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Adib, who has been hosting talk shows for the channel for the past two decades, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that he will not sign a new contract and may take a break from media work altogether. Adib orginally asked to terminate his contract with Orbit in June 2015, but the channel managers convinced him to stay for another year, he said. ""I was the first in the Arab world to present talk shows,"" said the TV host. ""I received my full [financial] entitlements and there is no money due to me from the channel."" He told Al-Masry Al-Youm that, after covering several tense and traumatic years in Egyptian history, he was ready for a break. ""Up to this moment, I am not sure when I am going back to my media work. I need a break... especially since we are going through a calm stage in the media. ""Earlier, we wanted to topple the Muslim Brotherhood, and prior to that was the January 25 revolution. But now its calm,"" he said. Adib is a veteran TV presenter and well-known across the region, thanks to the popular TV show ""Al-Qahera Al-Youm"" (Cairo Today), one of the most durable television talk shows in the Middle East, running for two decades. Adib started his career as a journalist, becoming editor-in-chief of Al-Alam Al-Youm newspaper, where he worked with his wife and influential TV host Lamis al-Hadidi. Al-Qahera Al-Youm was a smash hit, largely as a result of its trenchant criticism of the government's performance, especially during the Muslim Brotherhood's reign. Adib once said during his show that he had received a series of threats calling on him to halt criticism of President Mohamed Morsy and Muslim Brotherhood members. However, one key draw for his viewers was Adib's sarcastic sense of humor, intertwined with blunt - sometimes even blatant - tone. Adib is well-known for his supportive stance toward President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi since the ousting of Morsy on June 30, 2013. On July 3, after Morsy had been removed from office, Adib shouted ""God is Great! Long live Egypt!"" proudly spreading the Egyptian flag across his shoulders. Sisi appeared in phone interviews with Adib twice during 2016. During the first interview, Sisi proposed initiating a dialogue with Ahly's hardcore football fans, known as the Ultras, on the fourth anniversary of the Port Said Stadium rampage. During the second one, he unveiled a LE10bn development plan for Sinai."
"355",2016-07-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/smoking-during-pregnancy-may-hurt-your-chances-grandkids","Women who smoke during pregnancy run the risk of having boys with low sperm production in adulthood, an Australian study suggests. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""It is harder for men with low sperm counts to conceive children, or it may take a longer time to make the partner pregnant,"" said Dr. Christine Wohlfahrt-Veje, a researcher at the University of Copenhagen who wasn't involved in the study. ""If women want to have grandchildren, they shouldn't smoke,"" Wohlfahrt-Veje added by email. To see how exposures in the womb might influence men's reproductive system later in life, researchers contacted men in their early 20s whose mothers had participated in a maternal and infant health study during pregnancies two decades earlier. They collected sperm samples from 365 men and did testicular ultrasounds on 404 men. Researchers looked at median sperm production, or the amount produced by at least half the men in the study. It was about 19 percent lower among the men whose mothers smoked during pregnancy. In utero development Men born prematurely, a risk that goes up when women smoke during pregnancy, also had lower testosterone in adulthood. Low testosterone levels are associated with erectile dysfunction, reduced sex drive and decreased sperm count. Men who were a healthy size in utero were also less likely to have low sperm counts than men who were unusually small or large as they developed during pregnancy, the study found. Smoking can stunt growth in utero. Maintaining a healthy weight during childhood may also help with reproductive health, researchers note in the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism, online June 24. Men who consistently had a healthy weight during childhood and adolescence tended to have larger testicular volume and higher testosterone levels in adulthood. One limitation of the study is that some men dropped out or opted out of the testicular function tests, which may bias the results, the authors note. Even so, there's plenty of solid evidence proving that women shouldn't smoke during pregnancy. Among other things, it can increase the odds of complications during pregnancy and premature birth, impair brain development in utero and increase the odds of breathing difficulties and other childhood health problems like hyperactivity. The study findings should give women yet another reason to avoid smoking during pregnancy, said lead study author Dr. Roger Hart of the University of Western Australia. ""It is a general healthy lifestyle message that women should not smoke in pregnancy, they should only start to try to conceive when they are in their optimal health, and when any co-existing medical conditions have been optimized, as this is associated with good fetal growth through pregnancy and a reduced risk of premature delivery,"" Hart said by email. ""Plus of course they should not smoke when pregnant - and should ideally cease before they start to try to conceive,"" Hart added."
"356",2016-07-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/buying-abortion-virtual-world-facebook","With 28 million Facebook users in Egypt, advertisers have clocked the social networking website as a powerful tool for promoting their products. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The prospect of this unimpeded medium for self-publishing, coupled with the difficulties authorities face in catching anonymous online perpetrators, has made Facebook a lucrative platform on which illicit traders can stealthily promote illegal products and practices. Among the illicit products sold through Facebook now is abortion. Over the last few years, advertisers have scattered their promotion pages across the social network, claiming to perform ""secret abortions"" to anyone who will pay. Abortion remains illegal according to the Egyptian Penal Code, and individuals found guilty of attempting to terminate a pregnancy could face prison sentences of six months to three years. Doctors implicated in abortion cases could face imprisonment for up to 15 years. But the demand for the practice remains high, meaning that those looking to terminate an unwanted pregnancy must resort to illegal measures. Since the proliferation of the internet, this has come to take the form of a labyrinthine online market of illegal abortion services. Techniques advertised include Cytotec and Misotac pills for the early stages of pregnancy and operations for women beyond their first three-month phase. Some of these groups offer a mobile number to contact them. ""We have Cytotec pills available at LE300. Anyone interested in buying them, please call us,"" reads one announcement written on many abortion-related Facebook pages. Cloak-and-dagger procedure ""Doctor Abortion"" is one of the frequently visited Facebook pages of this kind, run by an anonymous administrator and offering services to any client. ""Without surgery, any one to three-month pregnant woman can undergo a self-administered abortion using pills at home,"" it promises. The page, or Facebook ""group"", claims to be able to terminate pregnancies as advanced as the forth month with no need for surgery. ""Doctor Abortion"" says their office is based in Cairo and that they do not have any other branches outside Egypt. ""Your pills can be delivered to any address in Egypt, the Arab world or further abroad. Send me a private message and I'll answer instantly,"" reads the advert. The page is subscribed to by a large number of Egyptians and some Facebook users from other Arab countries, with some subscribers inquiring publically on the webpage about the price of the pills, details of the procedures on offer and requests for an ""urgent operation"". To find out more about the work of ""Doctor Abortion"", Egypt Independent made contact with the webpage in the guise of a woman wanting to terminate a pregnancy after having been refused by her doctor. The conversation revealed that the webpage is run by an intermediary who asks for various details about a client's pregnancy before putting her in touch with the doctor. Egypt Independent's reporter was asked a series questions, including whether this was her first pregnancy. ""Don't worry,"" she was told, ""You'll undergo an operation by a senior gynecologist in a [fully equipped] theatre. The price will depend on how many weeks pregnant you are - less than ten weeks will cost LE3,500, and up to 15 weeks will cost LE4,500,"" the administrator said. ""Dr Abortion"" asked the reporter to have an ultrasound carried out to determine exactly how far along her pregnancy was. ""I'll tell you [further] details after you have the ultrasound done,"" he said, not disclosing any information about the place or the name of the physician. A dangerous trade Five days ago, Egyptian media reported the death of a pregnant woman who had taken so-called ""abortion pills"" to end a problematic pregnancy. The woman was reported to have felt fatigued after taking the drugs, and was admitted to hospital in the governorate of Monufiya where she died later on. Speaking to Egypt Independent, gynecologist Amr Hassan said that this medication works by inducing contractions of the uterus (typically felt in the form of painful cramps) after which the cervix opens and expels the embryo in the form of a bloody discharge. In legal medical practice, explained Hassan, the pills are used to terminate pregnancies that would pose health risks to the mother or child. ""We use this form of medication when a mother is suffering from cancer or a form of heart disease, or if she has miscarried"". Article 29 of the Doctors' Ethical Code allows doctors to perform an abortion in such cases, backed up by a detailed report specifying the reasons for the decision and necessary health care to be administered after the procedure. In non-life-threatening cases, the expecting woman is required to obtain official letters of approval from two physicians. According to Hassan, abortion medication is available in few pharmacies because Cytotec has to be obtained from abroad and is very expensive - costing as much as LE8 per capsule and LE200 per blister pack. Misotac, he said, is a cheaper Egyptian alternative. Both drugs are sold only to patients with a prescription signed by a gynecologist. ""The wrong dosage of the medication may lead to severe bleeding and cause a uterine rupture, and possibly the women's death,"" he said. Hassan urged the Doctor's Syndicate and Interior Ministry to carry out cyber crime investigations to crack down on the people selling illegal abortion drugs that threaten people's health and condone indiscretion in the practice of abortion. Soaring popularity Despite the medical and legal dangers associated with the practice, the figures on abortion rates in Egypt appear to be on the rise. A study conducted by the Population Council in collaboration with the Egyptian Fertility Society in 1998 found that the abortion rate in Egypt had seen a surge in the years leading up to the publishing of the report. It was calculated that for every 100 babies born, 14.8 babies were aborted. Another study, conducted by the Cairo Institute on 1,300 women (both married and unmarried) revealed that one-third had attempted abortion, and of study participants from rural areas, 14 percent had administered abortion drugs to themselves at least once. In the latest studies by the modern medical encyclopedia, it was discovered that 46 million abortions are currently performed worldwide each year, 20 million of which are considered to be unsafe. Apart from those seeking to terminate pregnancies out of wedlock, a common factor in the studies was that a considerable proportion of women seeking illegal abortions in Egypt are married. This raises questions about the rate of unwanted pregnancies within marriage and their causes. The issue is a complex tangle of economic, social and religious causes, but in broad terms, factors such as poverty, insufficient contraception, lack of access to family planning and the traditional gender roles that assign wives to a submissive, non decision-making position have been identified. While an assortment of strategies have been adopted over the years to address the issue of unwanted pregnancy, (not least former President Mubarak's regimental contraception and family planning campaigns of the 1990's) there has been little dialogue about the legalization of abortion as a means of protecting women from the dangers associated with illicit abortions. The weighty influence of Islam and Orthodox Christianity on Egyptian society dominate the debate to a large extent. In 2010, the Islamic institute of jurisprudence, Dar al-Iftaa, issued a fatwa (ruling) stating that a child cannot be aborted after it has reached 120 days old - the point when it is believed to possess a soul. Prior to that point, a woman is permitted to undergo an abortion if her doctor deems the pregnancy a danger to her or the child's health."
"357",2016-08-02,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/veteran-tv-talk-show-host-amr-adib-joins-ontv-channel","Veteran TV talk-show host Amr Adib has joined ONTV Channel, having recently ended a 20-year association with rival TV channel Orbit. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The arrival of Adib at ONTV was announced by Ahmed Abu Hashima, the channel's owner, through his instagram account. Abu Hashima published photos of himself, Adib and business tycoon Naguib Sawiris, who is a partner in ONTV. Abu Hashima commented on the photos saying, ""A new step toward the forefront for ONTV which signed [a contract] with the great host Amr Adib"". He took the opportunity to announce two more business breakthroughs for ONTV. The company recently signed a contract for exclusive advertising rights with advertising agency Promomedia, and bought the exclusive broadcast rights for Egyptian football league matches, he said. Amr Adib left Orbit television channel in June after two decades as a presenter, gaining high viewing figures with his lively coverage of political events. He is well-known across the region, thanks to the popular TV show ""Al-Qahera Al-Youm"" (Cairo Today), one of the most durable television talk shows in the Middle East. Adib started his career as a journalist, becoming editor-in-chief of Al-Alam Al-Youm newspaper, where he worked with his wife and influential TV host Lamis al-Hadidi. Al-Qahera Al-Youm was a smash hit, largely as a result of its trenchant criticism of the government's performance, especially during the Muslim Brotherhood's reign. Adib once said during his show that he had received a series of threats calling on him to halt criticism of President Mohamed Morsy and Muslim Brotherhood members. However, one key draw for his viewers was Adib's sarcastic sense of humor, combined with a blunt - sometimes even blatant - tone. He is well-known for his supportive stance toward President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi since the ousting of Morsy on June 30, 2013. On July 3, after Morsy had been removed from office, Adib shouted ""God is Great! Long live Egypt!"" proudly spreading the Egyptian flag across his shoulders. Sisi appeared in phone interviews with Adib twice during 2016. During the first interview, Sisi proposed initiating a dialogue with Ahly's hardcore football fans, known as the Ultras, on the fourth anniversary of the Port Said Stadium rampage. During the second one, he unveiled a LE10bn development plan for Sinai. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"358",2016-08-17,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-coach-martin-jol-quits-after-fans-storm-pitch-during-training","Ahly's Dutch coach Martin Jol decided to end his contract with Egypt's leading sporting club after fans stormed the pitch during training on Tuesday evening and physically assaulted some players. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The team's manager met with Ahy's President Mahmoud Taher after the incident and informed him of his decision, stressing his right to the penalty clause in the contract. Taher and the board of directors said on Wednesday that they are trying to convince Jol to remain at the club. They have given him 24 hours in which to reconsider his position. Jol started coaching Ahly in February this year, but he came under fierce criticism from the team's ""Ultras"" fan group after a series of failures. Ahly lost its derby against his rival club Zamalek in the final of Egypt Cup on August 8. Ahly also went out of the African Champions League after their 2-2 draw last Friday against Zesco United of Zambia. Rumors on Taher modifying the team's coaching staff went viral this week, with former star striker Mohamed Abo Trika tipped by some as a potential coaching recruit. However, a source close to the star said he refuses to take up any position with the club. According to the source, Trika believes that the team's performance is being held back by various circumstances within the club."
"359",2016-10-03,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/zamalek-football-fan-gets-prison-sentence-attack-club-chief-mansour","Giza Criminal Court has sentenced Mohamed Hamdy to two years with labor for assaulting Mortada Mansour, the head of Zamalek Sporting Club, and for breaking into the club's premises. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Hamdy was given one year in prison for each offense. Judge Moataz Khafagy said that the court sympathized with the suspect. The prosecution earlier accused the suspect of using force, harming the victim and endangering his life, as well as possession of weapons. The incidents go back to August 2015 when several members of the White Knights Ultras gathered outside the club in protest against remarks by Mansour, who had said he would be attending training sessions for the Zamalek football team. The remarks from Mansour sparked outrage among the Ultras, who gathered at the club and sought to force their way inside. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"360",2016-11-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cholesterol-drug-shows-promise-help-reverse-heart-disease","For the first time, a new drug given along with a cholesterol-lowering statin medicine has proved able to shrink plaque that is clogging arteries, potentially giving a way to undo some of the damage of heart disease. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The difference was very small but doctors hope it will grow with longer treatment, and any reversal or stabilization of disease would be a win for patients and a long-sought goal. The drug, Amgen Inc.'s Repatha, also drove LDL, or bad cholesterol, down to levels rarely if ever seen in people before. Heart patients are told to aim for below 70, but some study participants got as low as 15. ""There doesn't appear to be any level at which there is harm"" from too little LDL, and the lower patients went, the more their plaque shrank, said one study leader, the Cleveland Clinic's Dr. Steven Nissen. Results were published Tuesday by the Journal of the American Medical Association and discussed at an American Heart Association conference. Statins such as Lipitor and Crestor curb cholesterol production. Repatha and a similar drug, Praluent, block PCSK9, a substance that interferes with the liver's ability to remove cholesterol from the blood. Too much cholesterol, along with other substances, can build up and form plaque in arteries. The new drugs have drawbacks, though. Statins are pills sold as generics for as little as a dime a day. The new ones are biotech drugs that are expensive to make - Repatha costs $14,000 a year and insurers often won't pay. They must be given as shots every two weeks or once a month. People can do it themselves with a penlike device. In the study, about 900 heart disease patients were given a strong statin and monthly shots of either Repatha or a dummy solution. Ultrasound images were taken of an artery with plaque at the start of the trial and 18 months later. The average for bad cholesterol stayed around 93 for people given only the statin, but dropped to 37 for those on both drugs. The amount of artery plaque stayed about the same for the statin-only group but shrank 1 percent in those also given Repatha. Some people with more dramatic LDL declines saw plaque shrink 2 percent. ""It's small, but it probably took patients 60 years to accumulate that plaque,"" so to see any change after just 18 months of treatment is good, said a cholesterol expert, Dr. Raul Santos of the University of Sao Paolo. Dr. Vincent Bufalino, president of Advocate Medical Group, a large cardiology group in suburban Chicago, agreed. ""It sounds small but it's a beginning"" and still a win, he said. Amgen sponsored the study, and Santos has consulted for the company. Nissen said his fees for doing the study were donated to charity. The best test of the new drugs' value will be large studies underway now to see whether drops in cholesterol will lead to fewer heart attacks and deaths. Results are expected next year. Also at the conference, doctors gave results of a safety study of an experimental treatment aimed at rapidly removing cholesterol after a heart attack to help prevent a second one. ""When you have a heart attack, your ability to get cholesterol out of plaque is actually worsened. Your plaques grow more plump....the pipes are getting even more clogged,"" said Dr. C. Michael Gibson, professor of medicine at Harvard University. He led a study in 1,250 people testing infusions of ApoA-1, the main component of HDL, or good cholesterol, which helps remove the bad kind. The substance is taken directly from human blood, not synthesized in a lab. An earlier version showed side effects on the liver; this one was modified to try to avoid that, and no safety roadblocks were seen, said Gibson, who consults for the treatment's maker, CSL Behring. remove the bad kind. The substance is taken directly from human blood, not synthesized in a lab. An earlier version showed side effects on the liver; this one was modified to try to avoid that, and no safety roadblocks were seen, said Gibson, who consults for the treatment's maker, CSL Behring."
"361",2017-01-31,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/5-ultras-ahlawy-fans-taken-custody-day-port-said-stadium-massacre-anniversary","West Cairo Prosecution ordered for five members of the Ahly Club fan group, Ultras Ahlawy, to be taken into custody for 15 days pending investigations into accusations of forming and leading an illegal group. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The indictment includes harming public peace, possessing unlicensed explosives, and inciting protests on February 1 without permission. On Monday, Ultras Ahlawy said it will commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Port Said Stadium massacre on Wednesday. 72 fans of Ahly were killed after a game between the club and Masry Club at Port Said Stadium on February 1, 2012. In June 2015, Port Said Criminal Court sentenced 11 suspects involved in the lawsuit to death and 10 others to life. However, the suspects challenged the verdict. The ruling is scheduled for February 20. In related context, the group posted on Facebook saying: ""We don't consider the martyrs of Ahly, killed in February 2012, solely as victims of the group, but of a whole country. Five years after the massacre, no retaliation has occurred against the killers. Five years passed and we don't know how many years should the victims' family should wait until [justice is reached]."" Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"362",2017-02-01,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-not-commemorate-port-said-stadium-massacre-anniversary-due-police-crackdown-0","The Ultras Ahlawy group announced it will not commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Port Said stadium massacre, which takes place on Wednesday, according to a statement on its Facebook page, as reported by Aswat Masriya googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); February 1 marks the fifth anniversary of the massacre which claimed the lives of 72 al-Ahly fans in the aftermath of a football match between al-Ahly and Masry clubs. ""The homes of a number of the group members have been raided over the past few days. Their relatives were arrested if the members were not home,"" the statement read, stating the reason behind the group's decision. ""As a matter of fact, we do not understand the Interior Ministry's statement about the anniversary ... it said troops will be present at the [stadium] to prevent clashes with security ... The ministry has decided to attend the fifth anniversary to prevent clashes, even though the anniversary has been commemorated over the past few years without any security presence,"" it added. However, the group declared it will not be present there, or elsewhere, to commemorate the anniversary. On Monday, the group said it will commemorate the fifth anniversary of the incidents at al-Titsh stadium. A day after, the West Cairo Prosecution placed five members into custody pending investigations into charges of founding and leading an illegal group. The indictment includes harming public peace, possessing unlicensed explosives, and inciting protests on February 1 without permission. Edited translation from Aswat Masriya"
"363",2017-02-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-upholds-death-sentences-10-port-said-stadium-massacre-suspects","The Court of Cassation has rejected challenges submitted by 10 suspects involved in the Port Said Stadium massacre, which occurred in 2012 when 72 fans of al-Ahly Club were killed, upholding the death sentences. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In June 2015, the Port Said Criminal Court sentenced 11 suspects to death, 10 to life in prison, while 10 others were dealt harsh prison sentences and hard labor. Twelve suspects, including the Port Said security chief and security officials, were sentenced to five years hard labor, while 20 suspects were cleared. The prosecution earlier accused the suspects of premeditated murder, attempted murder, robbery, sabotage and thuggery. It indicated the suspects; intentions to kill al-Ahly fans in revenge for previous conflicts, adding that they used force against the Ultras fan group using edged weapons, explosives, rocks and other tools. The first verdict was issued on March 9, 2013, which saw 21 suspects sentenced to death, five others to life, 10 suspects to 15 years in prison, six suspects to 10 years, two suspects to five years, one suspect for one year with labor, and 28 suspects cleared. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"364",2017-03-12,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/180000-women-checked-breast-cancer-10-years-health-ministry","As part of the national program for early breast cancer checks, 180,000 women older than 40 have been examined for free since October 2007, the Health Ministry declared. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Advisor to the Health Minister, Abeer al-Maghawry, said the program began with four mobile clinics providing digital mammograms, which then increased to 12 mobile clinics, in addition to other units across other governorates. As of January 2017, the number of cases diagnosed with tumors is 2,993. Women diagnosed with breast cancer were referred to Qasr al-Aini, Ain Shams University hospitals, National Cancer Institute (NCI) and tumor centers across other governorates. The checkup and treatment is offered for free. All workers in the program are women, Maghawry said, adding that three ultrasound devices were obtained as a grant from the UN High Commission for Refugee Affairs. Egypt is the first country in Africa and the Arab world to obtain such devices, she said, indicating the total costs of all the devices reach LE8 million. Maghawry highlighted Egypt's experience in the program during a conference held at the previous Arab Hospitals Federation, attended by Arab health ministers. She also urged women above the age of 40 to visit the nearest checkup vehicles, citing some locations: next to the Finance Ministry, at Haram Hospital, at the Health Department in Borg al-Arab, at Luxor International Hospital, at Qosiya Hospital in Assiut, next to the National Council of Women in Banha city and at the main headquarters next to NCI. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"365",2017-04-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/11-zamalek-ultras-imprisoned-conspiring-kill-mortada-mansour","Egypt's Court of Cassation on Sunday upheld an earlier ruling for Giza Criminal Court sentencing 11 members of Ultras White Knights to one year in prison for conspiring to kill MP Mortada Mansour, said the head of Zamalek Sports Club. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Giza Criminal Court in February 2016 sentenced 15 members of the Ultras White Knights football fan club to one year in prison for trying to storm the Zamalek Sports Club's headquarters and conspiring to kill Mansour. Eleven of the defendants were given jail sentences for plotting to kill Mansour, while four were jailed for trying to storm the club's headquarters. Today's ruling came as the 11 defendants appealed the court verdict of last year. The Ultras White Knights is a group or ardent football fans supporting the Zamalek football club. They have been involved in various controversial events in recent years. The prosecutors accused the defendants of using violence and conducting surveillance on Mansour with a view to killing him using weapons they had prepared. Members of the Ultras White Knights gathered outside Zamalek Sports Club in August 2015 in an apparent attempt to storm it, after Mansour made a statement saying he would not allow them to watch a football training session of the Zamalek team. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"366",2017-05-08,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/striker-mohamed-salah-receives-death-threats-rome","Ahead of Sunday's match against AC Milan, Egyptian striker to Roma football team Mohamed Salah, known as ""Momo"", along with two of his teammates Radja Nainggolan and Daniele de Rossi, received anonymous death threats. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After the club's defeat to Lazio football club last week, three dummies donned in the jerseys of the football players were found hanging in the Colosseum area along with a large banner saying: ""Un consiglio senza offesa ... dormite sempre con la luce accesa"". Translated, this means: ""Some advice with no offense ... always sleep with the lights on"". According to the Italian media, Rome police opened up an investigation into the death threats as it dispatched to the Colosseum area. Other Italian media outlets have reported that the Lazio football team Ultras, ""Curva Nord Lazio"", claimed responsibility for the incident; they released a statement saying that they would not apologize and it was ""healthy banter"". ""Amazed and stunned by such narrow-mindedness, from the sensationalism and animosity that creates Italian journalism, the 'irriducibili' of Lazio's Curva Nord claim responsibility for the banner that appeared last night and clarify that everything should be confined to the healthy banter that creates the capital derby,"" the statement read, according to Italian media. It added: ""There was no threat to any Roma player; there were inflatable dolls which aimed to highlight the depressive state of [Roma's] fans and players on the other bank of the River Tiber. It represented the continuation, not the end, of some healthy banter, that now three derbies have now passed."" The statement said the banner with the words ""sleep with the lights on"" was to prevent nightmares from disturbing their sleep. ""We won't apologise to anyone because, even if it's bad for some, it's all in our healthy right to ridicule our eternal rivals."" Related Stories FIFA lifts Messi four-game international ban In Egypt, a large number of Salah Fans launched a hashtag ""Mohammd Salah is redline"" which went viral and topped the list of the trending hastags in Egypt a few hours after the news broke. Most of the tweets were supporting the footballer and warning against attempts to harm him. Moreover, the Facebook page of Curva Nord Lazio recevied dozens of comments from Egyptians criticizing and cursing their act and warning them against ever approaching Salah. A source at the Egyptian National Football team told Youm 7 that the head coach Hector Cooper phoned Salah and advised him not pay attention to these threats and only focus on the coming matches, so as not to be emotionally affected by these threats which usually come from fanatical masses. He said that senior and professional players used to receive similar threats and none of them were ever harmed. Salah scored 13 goals in the Italian league this season with Roma football club leading it to be the second in the domestic league with 75 points score. In 2016 Salah was selected as the best player in Roma team in a popular referendum."
"367",2017-07-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/20-fans-of-zamalek-football-club-arrested-7-injured-following-riot","Riots took place Saturday night, following the football match between the Egyptian football club of Zamalek and the Libyan club of Ahly Tripoli in Alexandria. 20 fans of Zamalek club known as 'Ultras White Knights' were arrested for their participation in these 'riot acts.' googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The acts took place at Borg Al-Arab stadium, where the match between the two aforementioned teams was held, and led to the injury of seven people as a result of mutual clashes between Zamalek fans and officials from the stadium. According to the state-run newspaper of Akhabr Al Youm, the riots erupted directly after the end of the match between the fans of the two teams, as the Egyptian team of Zamalek's fans expressed outrage after their team tied with the Libya Ahly Tripoli. The tie between the two teams pushed fans of the Zamalek team ['Ultras White Knights] to start destroying seats of the stadium and launching fireworks in different parts of the arena, located in Alexandria. The injured people were transferred immediately to the nearest hospitals and 20 fans of the Egyptian team of Zamalek were arrested by police forces following participation in riots within the stadium. Related Stories 11 Zamalek Ultras imprisoned for conspiring to kill Mortada Mansour The Ultras White Knights is a group or ardent football fans who support the Zamalek football club. They have been involved in various controversial events in recent years. In February 2015, the Zamalek Sports Club's hardcore fan group lost 20 group members in clashes with security outside a military-run stadium in Cairo. Clashes broke out shortly before a premier league match between the Zamalek and ENPPI football teams. The Interior Ministry said that the fans did not hold tickets for the game and blamed the deaths on a stampede, the UWK accused police of indiscriminately firing tear gas at supporters crammed inside a narrow stadium gateway."
"368",2017-07-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/judge-sends-ultras-white-knights-military-prosecution","Alexandria Public Prosecution on Thursday sent 235 Zamalek football club fans to the military prosecution to commence an investigation on the ""Borg al-Arab incident"", Judge Mohammed Salah Gaber, the first attorney-general of West Alexandria prosecutions, announced. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police arrested the fans after they carried out violence following a Zamalek vs. al-Ahli football game during the CAF Champions League in Tripoli. Clashes erupted on July 9 between Zamalek fans and Borg al-Arab stadium officials, leading to the injury of seven people. The Public Prosecution accused the Zamalek fans of damaging Borg al-Arab stadium, disturbing public peace and security, spreading 'Ultras White Knights' propaganda and of wearing T-shirts decorated with the images of 20 martyrs. The 'Ultras White Knights' is a group of ardent football fans who support the Zamalek football club. In February 2015, the Ultras White Knights lost 20 group members in clashes with security outside a military-run stadium in Cairo. The Court of Urgent Matters in Cairo banned the hard-core soccer fan association, known locally as ""Ultras"", in May over accusations that the group is involved in terrorism. Related Stories 20 Zamalek football club fans arrested, 7 injured following riot in Alexandria Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"369",2017-08-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/lion-rescued-syria-zoo-gives-birth-jordan-reserve","The odds had been stacked against Hajar, a lion cub born just hours after her mother Dana, rescued from a defunct zoo in war-torn Syria, was released into a wildlife reserve in Jordan. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Dana and 12 other animals, including four other lions, two bears and two tigers, had barely survived under harsh conditions in the Syrian city of Aleppo, until a few months ago a major battleground in the country's civil war. They were transported from Syria to Turkey and then to Jordan by the international animal charity Four Paws, stuck in cages during the three-week journey. They arrived at the al-Ma'wa reserve in northern Jordan on Friday. Dr. Amir Khalil, a vet who accompanied the animals, said Sunday that he had been worried during the transport that Dana would give birth while in a cage. In such a case, it's unlikely the cub would have survived, he said. Instead, Hajar, Arabic for ""the immigrant,"" was born sometime in the night from Friday to Saturday, in the tranquility of the wooded reserve. Staff at the reserve discovered the cub when they checked on Dana on Saturday morning. Khalil said he believes the lioness waited for a safe space to give birth. ""She is a mom, she had the instinct,"" he said. ""It's a miracle."" The cub is white, a color that might change later, and weighs an estimated 1.5 to 2 kilograms (3.3 to 4.4 pounds), said Khalil who hasn't been able yet to examine Hajar. The gender is still unknown. On Sunday, the cub was mostly sleeping next to the mother in a cage in the reserve. The mother has been bonding with the cub, nursing and cleaning it. An ultrasound performed on Dana during the stopover in Turkey showed that she carried two cubs. Khalil said it's unclear whether the second cub is still waiting to be born or whether it was born dead close to the time of Hajar's birth and was eaten by the mother. The vet said the team will wait for a possible second birth until Monday and, if that hasn't happened, conduct an ultrasound to determine the next step. The reserve now has 25 lions, tigers and bears rescued from war zones across the conflict-scarred region, including Iraq and the Gaza Strip. The birth of the cub is a powerful symbol of hope, said Khalil. ""After the dark, there is light,"" he said with a wide smile."
"370",2017-09-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/attacked-bed-safe-feet-away-cuba-mystery-deepens","The blaring, grinding noise jolted the American diplomat from his bed in a Havana hotel. He moved just a few feet, and there was silence. He climbed back into bed. Inexplicably, the agonizing sound hit him again. It was as if he'd walked through some invisible wall cutting straight through his room. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Soon came the hearing loss, and the speech problems, symptoms both similar and altogether different from others among at least 21 US victims in an astonishing international mystery still unfolding in Cuba. The top US diplomat has called them ""health attacks."" New details learned by The Associated Press indicate at least some of the incidents were confined to specific rooms or even parts of rooms with laser-like specificity, baffling US officials who say the facts and the physics don't add up. ""None of this has a reasonable explanation,"" said Fulton Armstrong, a former CIA official who served in Havana long before America re-opened an embassy there. ""It's just mystery after mystery after mystery."" Suspicion initially focused on a sonic weapon, and on the Cubans. Yet the diagnosis of mild brain injury, considered unlikely to result from sound, has confounded the FBI, the State Department and US intelligence agencies involved in the investigation. Some victims now have problems concentrating or recalling specific words, several officials said, the latest signs of more serious damage than the US government initially realized. The United States first acknowledged the attacks in August - nine months after symptoms were first reported. It may seem the stuff of sci-fi novels, of the cloak-and-dagger rivalries that haven't fully dissipated despite the historic US-Cuban rapprochement two years ago that seemed to bury the weight of the two nations' Cold War enmity. But this is Cuba, the land of poisoned cigars, exploding seashells and covert subterfuge by Washington and Havana, where the unimaginable in espionage has often been all too real. The Trump administration still hasn't identified a culprit or a device to explain the attacks, according to interviews with more than a dozen current and former US officials, Cuban officials and others briefed on the investigation. Most weren't authorized to discuss the probe and demanded anonymity. In fact, almost nothing about what went down in Havana is clear. Investigators have tested several theories about an intentional attack - by Cuba's government, a rogue faction of its security forces, a third country like Russia, or some combination thereof. Yet they've left open the possibility an advanced espionage operation went horribly awry, or that some other, less nefarious explanation is to blame. Aside from their homes, officials said Americans were attacked in at least one hotel, a fact not previously disclosed. An incident occurred on an upper floor of the recently renovated Hotel Capri, a 60-year-old concrete tower steps from the Malecon, Havana's iconic, waterside promenade. The cases vary deeply: different symptoms, different recollections of what happened. That's what makes the puzzle so difficult to crack. In several episodes recounted by US officials, victims knew it was happening in real time, and there were strong indications of a sonic attack. Some felt vibrations, and heard sounds - loud ringing or a high-pitch chirping similar to crickets or cicadas. Others heard the grinding noise. Some victims awoke with ringing in their ears and fumbled for their alarm clocks, only to discover the ringing stopped when they moved away from their beds. The attacks seemed to come at night. Several victims reported they came in minute-long bursts. Yet others heard nothing, felt nothing. Later, their symptoms came. The scope keeps widening. On Tuesday, the State Department disclosed that doctors had confirmed another two cases, bringing the total American victims to 21. Some have mild traumatic brain injury, known as a concussion, and others permanent hearing loss. Even the potential motive is unclear. Investigators are at a loss to explain why Canadians were harmed, too, including some who reported nosebleeds. Fewer than 10 Canadian diplomatic households in Cuba were affected, a Canadian official said. Unlike the US, Canada has maintained warm ties to Cuba for decades. Sound and health experts are equally baffled. Targeted, localized beams of sound are possible, but the laws of acoustics suggest such a device would probably be large and not easily concealed. Officials said it's unclear whether the device's effects were localized by design or due to some other technical factor. And no single, sonic gadget seems to explain such an odd, inconsistent array of physical responses. ""Brain damage and concussions, it's not possible,"" said Joseph Pompei, a former MIT researcher and psychoacoustics expert. ""Somebody would have to submerge their head into a pool lined with very powerful ultrasound transducers."" Other symptoms have included brain swelling, dizziness, nausea, severe headaches, balance problems and tinnitus, or prolonged ringing in the ears. Many victims have shown improvement since leaving Cuba and some suffered only minor or temporary symptoms. After the US complained to Cuba's government earlier this year and Canada detected its own cases, the FBI and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police traveled to Havana to investigate. FBI investigators swept the rooms, looking for devices. They found nothing, several officials briefed on the investigation said. In May, Washington expelled two Cuban diplomats to protest the communist government's failure to protect Americans serving there. But the US has taken pains not to accuse Havana of perpetrating the attacks. It's a sign investigators believe that even if elements of Cuba's security forces were involved, it wasn't necessarily directed from the top. Cuba's government declined to answer specific questions about the incidents, pointing to a previous Foreign Affairs Ministry statement denying any involvement, vowing full cooperation and saying it was treating the situation ""with utmost importance."" ""Cuba has never, nor would it ever, allow that the Cuban territory be used for any action against accredited diplomatic agents or their families, without exception,"" the Cuban statement said. After half a century of estrangement, the US and Cuba in 2015 restored diplomatic ties between countries separated by a mere 90 miles of water. Embassies were re-opened and restrictions on travel and commerce eased. President Donald Trump has reversed some of those changes, but left others in place. Mark Feierstein, who oversaw the Cuba detente on President Barack Obama's National Security Council, noted that Cuban authorities have been uncharacteristically cooperative with the investigation. If the Trump administration felt confident Raul Castro's government was to blame, it's likely the US would have already taken major punitive steps, like shuttering the newly re-established American Embassy. And the US hasn't stopped sending new diplomats to Cuba even as the victim list grows. ""Had they thought the Cuban government was deliberately attacking American diplomats, that would have had a much more negative effect,"" Feierstein said. ""We haven't seen that yet."""
"371",2017-09-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/cuba-mystery-theories-us-investigators-pursuing","There must be an answer. Whatever is harming US diplomats in Havana, it has eluded the doctors, scientists and intelligence analysts scouring for answers. Investigators have chased many theories, including a sonic attack, electromagnetic weapon or flawed spying device. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Each explanation seems to fit parts of what's happened, conflicting with others. The United States doesn't even know what to call it. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson used the phrase ""health attacks."" The State Department prefers ""incidents."" Either way, suspicion has fallen on Cuba. But investigators also are examining whether a rogue faction of its security services, another country such as Russia, or some combination is to blame, more than a dozen US officials familiar with the investigation told The Associated Press. Those officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to publicly discuss the investigation. The AP also talked to scientists, physicians, acoustics and weapons experts, and others about the theories being pursued. Perhaps the biggest mystery is why the symptoms, sounds and sensations vary so dramatically from person to person. Of the 21 medically confirmed US victims, some have permanent hearing loss or concussions, while others suffered nausea, headaches and ear-ringing. Some are struggling with concentration or common word recall, the AP has reported. Some felt vibrations or heard loud sounds mysteriously audible in only parts of rooms, and others heard nothing. ""These are very nonspecific symptoms. That's why it's difficult to tell what's going on,"" said Dr. H. Jeffrey Kim, a specialist on ear disorders at MedStar Georgetown University Hospital, who isn't involved with the investigation. To solve the puzzle, investigators are sorting symptoms into categories, such as auditory and neurological, according to individuals briefed on the probe. There can be a lag before victims discover or report symptoms, some of which are hard to diagnose. So investigators are charting the timeline of reported incidents to identify ""clusters"" to help solve the when, where and how of the Havana whodunit. While Cuba has been surprisingly cooperative , even inviting the FBI to fly down to Havana, it's not the same as an investigation with the US government in full control. ""You're on foreign soil,"" said David Rubincam, a former FBI agent who served in Moscow. ""The quality of the information and evidence you collect is limited to what the host government will allow you to see and hear and touch and do."" Especially when you don't even know what you're looking for. ___ SONIC DEVICE The first signs pointed to a sonic attack. But what kind? Some victims heard things - signs that the sounds were in the audible spectrum. Loud noise can harm hearing, especially high-decibel sounds that can trigger ear-ringing tinnitus, ruptured ear drums, even permanent hearing loss. But others heard nothing, and still became ill. So investigators considered inaudible sound: infrasound, too low for humans to hear, and ultrasound, too high. Infrasound often is experienced as vibration, like standing near a subwoofer. Some victims reported feeling vibrations. And it's not impossible that infrasound could explain some of what diplomats thought they heard. Though infrasound is usually inaudible, some people can detect it if the waves are powerful enough. For example, individuals living near infrasound-generating wind turbines have described pulsating hums that have left them dizzy, nauseous or with interrupted sleep. Such effects have prompted fierce scientific debate. The balance problems reported in Havana? Possibly explained by infrasound, which may stimulate cells in the ear's vestibular system that controls balance, scientists say. But there's little evidence infrasound can cause lasting damage once the sound stops. And the pinpointed focus of the sound, reported by some? Infrasound waves travel everywhere, making them difficult to aim with precision. ""There's no efficient way to focus infrasound to make it into a usable weapon,"" said Mario Svirsky, an expert on ear disorders and neuroscience at New York University School of Medicine. If not infrasound, maybe ultrasound? At high-intensity, ultrasound can damage human tissue. That's why doctors use it to destroy uterine fibroids and some tumors. But ultrasound damage requires close contact between the device and the body. ""You cannot sense ultrasound from long distances,"" Svirsky said. No victim said they saw a weird contraption nearby. None of these sound waves seems to explain the concussions. Usually, those follow a blow to the head or proximity to something like a bomb blast. ""I know of no acoustic effect or device that could produce traumatic brain injury or concussion-like symptoms,"" said Juergen Altmann, an acoustic weapons expert and physicist at Germany's Technische Universitaet Dortmund. ___ ELECTROMAGNETIC WEAPON It may sound like Star Wars fantasy, but electromagnetic weapons have been around for years. They generally harm electronics, not humans. The electromagnetic spectrum includes waves like the ones used by your cellphone, microwave and light bulbs. And they can be easily pinpointed. Think lasers. Such waves can also travel through walls, so an electromagnetic attack could be plausibly concealed from afar. There's precedent. For more than a decade ending in the 1970s, the former Soviet Union bombarded the US Embassy in Moscow with microwaves. The exact purpose was never clear. What about the sounds people heard? Microwave pulses, short, intense blasts, can cause people to ""hear"" clicking sounds. According to a two-decade-old US Air Force patent, the American military has researched whether those blasts could be manipulated to ""beam"" voices or other sounds to someone's head. But when electromagnetic waves cause physical damage, it usually results from body tissue being heated. The diplomats in Cuba haven't been reporting burning sensations. ___ SOMETHING ELSE The stress and anxiety about the disturbing incidents could be complicating the situation. Diplomats may be taking a closer look at mild symptoms they'd otherwise ignored. After all, once symptoms emerged, the US Embassy encouraged employees to report anything suspicious. Many of these symptoms can be caused by a lot of different things. At least one other country, France, tested embassy staffers after an employee reported symptoms. The French then ruled out sonic-induced damage, the AP reported . ___ Not knowing what's causing the crisis in Cuba has made it harder to find the culprit. If there is one at all. ___ THE CUBA THEORY It was only natural that American suspicion started with Cuba. The attacks happened on Cuban soil. The two countries routinely harassed each other's diplomats over a half-century of enmity. Despite eased tensions over the past couple of years, distrust lingers. Diplomats reported incidents in their homes and in hotels. Cuban authorities would know who is staying in each. But what's the motive? When symptoms emerged last November, Cuba was working feverishly with the US to make progress on everything from internet access to immigration rules before President Barack Obama's term ended. Officials still don't understand why Havana would at the same time perpetrate attacks that could destroy its new relationship with Washington entirely. Cuban President Raul Castro's reaction deepened investigators' skepticism, according to officials briefed on a rare, face-to-face discussion he had on the matter with America's top envoy in Havana. Predictably, Castro denied responsibility. But US officials were surprised that Castro seemed genuinely rattled, and that Cuba offered to let the FBI come investigate. Then, Canadians got ill. Why them? The warm, long-standing ties between Cuba and Canada made it seem even less logical that Castro's government was the culprit. ___ THE ROGUES If not Castro, could elements of Cuba's vast intelligence apparatus be to blame? Investigators haven't ruled out that possibility, several US officials said. It's no secret that some within Cuba's government are uneasy about Raul Castro's opening with Washington. ""It's entirely possible that hard-line elements acted,"" said Michael Parmly, who headed the US mission in Havana until 2008. But mounting unauthorized attacks, tantamount to aggression against a foreign power, would be a risky act of defiance in a country noted for its strong central control. Cuba's surveillance of US diplomats in Havana is intense. The government tracks US diplomats' movements and conversations. So at a minimum, if Americans were being attacked, it's difficult to imagine Cuba's spies being left in the dark. ___ THE OUTSIDERS Who else would dare? US investigators have focused on a small group of usual suspects: Russia, Iran, North Korea, China, Venezuela. Russia, in particular, has harassed American diplomats aggressively in recent years. Moscow even has a plausible motive: driving a wedge between the communist island and ""the West"" - nations such as the United States and Canada. Russia also has advanced, hard-to-detect weaponry that much of the world lacks and might not even know about. None of the officials interviewed for this story pointed to any evidence, however, linking Russia to the illnesses. The same goes for the other countries. ___ SPYING GONE AWRY? Maybe no one tried to hurt the Americans at all. Several US officials have emphasized the possibility the culprit merely surveilled the US diplomats using some new, untested technology that caused unintended harm. You might think eavesdropping devices simply receive signals. But the world of espionage is full of strange tales. During the Cold War, the US Embassy in Moscow discovered Russia listening to conversations through a wooden plaque that the American ambassador received as a gift. The plaque had a tiny ""microphone"" and antenna embedded, but no power source, making it hard to detect even when the room was swept for bugs. The Russians had developed something novel. They remotely beamed electromagnetic waves to activate the device, which then transmitted sound back via radio frequencies. Yet if the Cubans or anyone else were equally as innovative, it's unclear why the incidents would have continued once the United States and Canada complained."
"372",2017-10-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/parliamentarians-call-president-sisi-release-ultras-football-fans","Egyptian parliamentarians called on President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to allow football fans or ""Ultras"", as they are sometimes called, to attend matches and release the ones who had been imprisoned. The request was put in during the Monday's session, after the Egyptian Football Team qualified for the 2018 World Cup in Russia. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After House of Representatives' First Deputy, Al-Sayed al-Sheref praised the efforts of the armed forces and police to secure the football match between Egypt and the Congo on Sunday, after first congratulating President Sisi and the Egyptian people. Haitham al-Hariri, a House of Representatives member, asked President Sisi to give a presidential pardon to the Ultras for Egypt's qualification to the 2018 World Cup. Parliamentarian Muhammad al-Husini said, ""We want President Sisi to release the Ultras tomorrow or the day after tomorrow."" He called on the members to honor the Egyptian football team, Muhammad Salah and Issam al-Hadari in particular, inside the House of Representatives.Edited Translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"373",2017-10-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dangerous-sound-americans-heard-cuba-attacks","It sounds sort of like a mass of crickets. A high-pitched whine, but from what? It seems to undulate, even writhe. Listen closely: There are multiple, distinct tones that sound to some like they're colliding in a nails-on-the-chalkboard effect. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Associated Press has obtained a recording of what some US Embassy workers heard in Havana in a series of unnerving incidents later deemed to be deliberate attacks. The recording, released Thursday by the AP, is the first disseminated publicly of the many taken in Cuba of mysterious sounds that led investigators initially to suspect a sonic weapon. The recordings themselves are not believed to be dangerous to those who listen. Sound experts and physicians say they know of no sound that can cause physical damage when played for short durations at normal levels through standard equipment like a cellphone or computer. What device produced the original sound remains unknown. Americans affected in Havana reported the sounds hit them at extreme volumes. Whether there's a direct relationship between the sound and the physical damage suffered by the victims is also unclear. The US says that in general the attacks caused hearing, cognitive, visual, balance, sleep and other problems. The recordings from Havana have been sent for analysis to the US Navy, which has advanced capabilities for analyzing acoustic signals, and to the intelligence services, the AP has learned. But the recordings have not significantly advanced US knowledge about what is harming diplomats. The Navy did not respond to requests for comment on the recording. State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert wouldn't comment on the tape's authenticity. Cuba has denied involvement or knowledge of the attacks. The US hasn't blamed anyone and says it still doesn't know what or who is responsible. But the government has faulted President Raul Castro's government for failing to protect American personnel, and Nauert said Thursday that Cuba ""may have more information than we are aware of right now."" ""We believe that the Cuban government could stop the attacks on our diplomats,"" said White House chief of staff John Kelly. Not all Americans injured in Cuba heard sounds. Of those who did, it's not clear they heard precisely the same thing. Yet the AP has reviewed several recordings from Havana taken under different circumstances, and all have variations of the same high-pitched sound. Individuals who have heard the noise in Havana confirm the recordings are generally consistent with what they heard. ""That's the sound,"" one of them said. The recording being released by the AP has been digitally enhanced to increase volume and reduce background noise, but has not been otherwise altered. The sound seemed to manifest in pulses of varying lengths - seven seconds, 12 seconds, two seconds - with some sustained periods of several minutes or more. Then there would be silence for a second, or 13 seconds, or four seconds, before the sound abruptly started again. A closer examination of one recording reveals it's not just a single sound. Roughly 20 or more different frequencies, or pitches, are embedded in it, the AP discovered, using a spectrum analyzer, which measures a signal's frequency and amplitude. To the ear, the multiple frequencies can sound a bit like dissonant keys on a piano being struck all at once. Plotted on a graph, the Havana sound forms a series of ""peaks"" that jump up from a baseline, like spikes or fingers on a hand. ""There are about 20 peaks, and they seem to be equally spaced. All these peaks correspond to a different frequency,"" said Kausik Sarkar, an acoustics expert and engineering professor at The George Washington University who reviewed the recording with the AP. Those frequencies might be only part of the picture. Conventional recording devices and tools to measure sound may not pick up very high or low frequencies, such as those above or below what the human ear can hear. Investigators have explored whether infrasound or ultrasound might be at play in the Havana attacks. The recordings have been played for workers at the US Embassy to teach them what to listen for, said several individuals with knowledge of the situation in Havana. Some embassy employees have also been given recording devices to turn on if they hear the sounds. The individuals weren't authorized to discuss the situation publicly and demanded anonymity. Cuban officials wouldn't say whether the US has shared the recordings with Cuba's government. Another big question remains: Even if you know you're under attack, what do you do? Still dumbfounded by what's causing this, the United States has been at a loss to offer advice. The embassy's security officials have told staff if they believe they're being attacked, they should get up and move to a different location, because the attack is unlikely to be able to follow them, the commenting individuals said. The AP reported last month that some people experienced attacks or heard sounds that were narrowly confined to a room or parts of a room. The State Department has said 22 Americans are ""medically confirmed"" to be affected and that the number could grow. The symptoms and circumstances reported have varied widely, making some hard to tie conclusively to the attacks. The incidents began last year and are considered ""ongoing,"" with an attack reported as recently as late August. Cuba has defended its ""exhaustive and priority"" response, emphasizing its eagerness to assist the US investigation. Cuban officials did not respond to requests for comment for this story but have complained in the past that Washington refuses to share information they say they need to fully investigate, such as medical records, technical data and timely notification of attacks."
"374",2018-01-16,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/court-orders-retrial-26-ultras-white-knights-members","The Court of Cassation accepted on Tuesday the appeal of the Public Prosecution against the ruling issued by the Sahel Misdemeanor Court in Cairo, acquitting 26 fans of the Zamalek football team, with the court ordering the retrial of the defendants. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The acquitted are members of the ""Ultras White Knights"", a hardcore fan group that supports the Zamalek Club in all sports, mainly football. The defendants were accused of organizing a march without a permit from authorities in the Dawaran Shubra area on August 28, 2013. The Sahel Misdemeanor Court said it acquitted the defendants due to the lack of evidence against them. The investigation lacked detailed information about the circumstances of the arrests, which were carried out randomly. No weapons were found in possession of the defendants during the arrest and there was no proof that the defendants belong to an illegal group. None of the defendants has a criminal record, the court mentioned before acquitting the defendants. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"375",2018-03-10,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/7-ultras-ahlawy-arrested-following-clashes-police-prosecution-orders-investigation","Egypt's prosecutor general Nabil Sadek ordered an investigation into clashes that broke out between security forces and fans from the Ahly football club during a match between Ahly SC and Gabon's CF Mounana in Cairo stadium on Tuesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); According to Al-Masry Al-Youm, security forces attempted to arrest a dozen of spectators after they moved into the upper deck of the stadium, a prohibited area, which consequently sparked a fight between the fans and the police. Fans reportedly set two police vehicles on fire, lit firecrackers, and chanted against the police. Lawyer Mohamed Hafez said on Facebook on Friday that seven members of the Ultras Ahlawy are still being held in an unidentified location following their arrest. Egypt's prosecution said in a statement that the clashes were a matter of ""national security,"" but asserted that the incident has nothing to do with the Ahly Club. The Ultras' official Facebook Page released a statement following the clashes on Wednesday claiming that those detained were ""merely arrested because they are well-known,"" adding that their whereabouts are not known. ""It makes no sense that Ahly fans would be the ones to create such a crisis after we have been determined to make it back to the games for over six years,"" the statement read, referring to a ban on crowds attending football games following riots in Port Said in 2012. ""If some irresponsible people participated in this transgression we apologize, but the real Ahly fans are the ones who wanted to come back."" Ali Darwish, head of the Cairo Stadium Authority, said in a media statement on Thursday that the clashes have caused LE650,000 in property damage to the stadium. ""The incident reveals the truth about these political groups, which is that they run and are funded by forces of evil that are hostile to the state,"" Egypt's Parliament Youth and Sports Committee said on Wednesday. However, Ultras Ahlawy insisted that it did not want the issue to be ""used in any political way."" Since 2012, football fans have been banned from attending domestic league games after over 70 Ahly fans died in clashes between fans at the Port Said Stadium while security forces reportedly looked on without intervening. The ban was partially lifted in 2015, but soon reimposed after 20 Zamalek fans died in clashes that erupted between police and crowds lined up to enter a match against the Enppi club. The Ahly Club stated following Tuesday's incident that violations by the isolated group are undermining state and management efforts to assist in the return of the public's attendance to football games."
"376",2018-03-13,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/video-8-ahly-fans-detained-stadium-rioting-mounana-match","The Supreme State Security Prosecution in Egypt ordered on Monday eight fans of al-Ahly Club to be detained for 15 days pending investigations over riots that erupted after Ahly's match against Gabon's CF Mounana at the Cairo Stadium on March 6. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Egypt's Ahly and Mounana faced off at the first-leg of the first round of the CAF Champions League. Ahly won the game 4-0. The match witnessed offensive slogans by some fans, along with some clashes, which resulted in mass damages in the stadium, making the prosecution to open an investigation into the events. Ahly's football ultra, 'Ultras Ahlawy', issued a statement apologizing for the trouble which it said was caused by some individuals who don't represent the Ahly fans. According to preliminary investigations, some fans from Ultras Ahlawy went to a part of the stadium not reserved for the spectators and clashed with security personnel. They then started hostile chants, and clashed with police after they ignited fireworks and smashed chairs. Investigations said some of the fans included members of the Muslim Brotherhood, and planned to attack security forces. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"377",2018-03-18,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/five-additional-ultras-ahlawy-fans-detained-over-football-riots","Egypt's Supreme State Security Prosecution ordered on Sunday five additional hard-line fans of the al-Ahly Club (Ultras Ahlawy) to be detained for 15 days pending investigations over their alleged participation in riots that erupted after a match against Gabon's CF Mounana at the Cairo Stadium on March 6, making the total number of suspects detained climb to 17. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The suspects face several charges, including joining and leading a group that aims to incite the disregard for the constitution and law, to prevent state institutions and public authorities from carrying out their work, and threatening the safety and security of society. Egypt's Ahly and Mounana faced off at the first leg of the first round of the CAF Champions League with Ahly winning the game 4-0. Some of the fans reportedly shouted offensive slogans, and clashes broke out, which resulted in substantial damages to the stadium, making the prosecution open an investigation into the events. The Ultras Ahlawy group issued a statement apologizing for the trouble which it said was caused by individuals who do not represent Ahly fans. According to the preliminary investigations, some Ultras Ahlawy supporters went to a part of the stadium not reserved for spectators and clashed with security personnel there. They then started to chant hostile slogans and ignited fireworks and smashed chairs. Investigations said some of the fans included members of the Muslim Brotherhood and planned to attack security forces. Crowds have been banned from attending Egyptian football matches since clashes at a Port Said stadium in on 1 February 2012 left 74 people dead when fans of Port Said's home team al-Masry stormed the pitch following a victory over Cairo-based Ahly. Eye-witness accounts said that security forces failed to intervene as the violence transpired. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"378",2018-04-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-freezes-activities-in-effort-to-mend-ties-with-government","Hardcore football fan group Ultras Ahlawy announced on Monday that it is freezing its activities for an unspecified period after alleged unnamed ""foreign channels"" attempted to exploit its situation to cause harm to the Egyptian state. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); ""The group's activity was frozen for an unspecified term,"" Ultras Ahlawy stated on Facebook. Sources said that the statement aims to turn a new page in the relationship with the government. The group's statement added that Ahly fans supported the government in its war against terrorism as they wore black bands during the football game against the Tunisian club al-Nejm al-Sahli in Alexandria, commemorating the martyrs of the al-Wahat incident in October 2017. The group did not commemorate 74 victims of the 2012 Ahly-Masry football game clashes in the Ahly club headquarters after the Egyptian Minister of Interior asked them not to. The group urged President Abdel al-Fattah al-Sisi to issue a presidential pardon for releasing the club's fans who were randomly arrested during the club's games. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm"
"379",2018-06-09,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/us-fears-mystery-weapon-revived-new-china-diplomat-cases","A US health alert issued for China over a mysterious illness has revived fears of a rumoured sonic weapon that first surfaced after a scare involving American diplomats and their families in Cuba two years ago. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Staff who fell ill after hearing strange sounds are being examined by doctors at a consulate in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, with several evacuated to the US and at least one diagnosed with brain trauma. The new cases eerily echo the odd noises and subsequent illnesses suffered by 24 US diplomats evacuated from Cuba since 2016, deepening a baffling medical enigma. But the incident also poses a diplomatic conundrum - how to respond to what some fear may be a deliberate attack against Americans by shadowy foes on Chinese soil. According to a New York Times report, US officials have privately raised questions about whether China, or Russia, might have separately or in tandem targeted the diplomats. Washington has so far taken care not to implicate Beijing, which has told US officials it is investigating the incident. ""Until they are certain of the cause, it seems premature to make accusations,"" said Bonnie Glaser, a China expert at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. ""I don't think the US is calling it an 'attack'."" It is in stark contrast to the US handling of the Cuba case, when the State Department lashed out at Havana for failing to protect its diplomats. Washington expelled 15 Cuban diplomats, arguing the authoritarian state must have either carried out the assaults or known who was behind them. President Donald Trump said he held Cuba responsible, although Havana denied any involvement. There are clear reasons for the US to avoid rocking the boat so readily this time. As a rising superpower, Beijing possesses significantly greater clout than impoverished Havana, with the cases coming at a precarious moment in US-China relations. Ongoing talks to avoid a full-blown trade war are balanced on a knife edge, and Beijing's cooperation is likely to be key if hopes for North Korea's denuclearisation ahead of next week's summit between Trump and Kim Jong Un are to be realised. - Many theories, no proof - Still lacking proof to support allegations against Cuba, US officials could also be facing up to claims there were no ""sonic attacks"" after all. Although the American victims heard strange noises - described as static or the sound of metal sheets waving - studies have cast doubt on the ""acoustic weapon"" hypothesis. A University of Pennsylvania team examined 21 affected staff from the Cuba embassy, and found they suffered symptoms typical of concussion such as headaches and memory loss. ""There is no known mechanism for audible sound to injure the brain,"" said study author Douglas Smith. ""We are pretty certain that it was not the sound itself that caused the injury."" A Canadian investigation into similar illnesses among its own diplomats in Cuba in April said a sonic attack was ""now considered unlikely"", while FBI agents sent to Havana reportedly found no evidence to support the theory. This has not stopped speculation about other possible weapons potentially using microwaves, infrasound or ultrasound, despite technical difficulties in projecting these types of energy over long distances and through structures. A University of Michigan study in March posed an alternative theory, suggesting the illnesses could be caused by bugging or surveillance jamming devices. The study showed ultrasonic signals from such devices could clash with each other to create the strange sounds heard by diplomats. Importantly, this theory would suggest there was no malicious intent - and even that the US's own equipment could be the cause. Others have claimed the illness may simply be psychological and dismissed the whole affair as mass hysteria. - China sceptical - In China, analysts have queried the absence of a suitable motive for an attack. ""If the Chinese government did it, then why?"" said Zhu Feng, a professor of international relations at Nanjing University. ""Is it happy to drive the diplomats out of China? I can't see the reason behind it."" ""The Chinese government will not express its dissatisfaction with the US in this way,"" added Wu Xinbo, a US politics expert at Fudan University. ""I think the whole event is nonsense."""
"380",2018-06-23,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/protests-across-spain-sexual-abuse-gang-released-bail","Protesters hit the streets across Spain for the second day running on Friday, after five men sentenced to nine years in prison for sexually abusing a young woman at Pamplona's bull-running festival were released on bail. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The men, who called themselves ""The Pack"" in a WhatsApp messaging group, had been accused of raping a woman, then 18, on July 7, 2016, at the start of the week-long San Fermin festival, which draws tens of thousands of visitors. All five, aged between 27 and 29, were convicted of sexual abuse in April but were acquitted of the more serious crime of sexual assault - which includes rape - as the court did not consider the victim to have been subjected to intimidation or violence. The men appealed their jail terms and a Pamplona court on Thursday ordered the five to be released on bail of 6,000 euros ($7,000) pending the outcome of the appeal. Thousands of people of all ages demonstrated outside the justice ministry in central Madrid on Friday evening, shortly after the five men left jail after spending nearly two years in custody. ""I was stunned"" by the court ruling, Aratz Beranoaguirre, a geologist, told AFP at the Madrid protest. ""Men have been educated with the idea that we can do anything, and with this ruling we have seen that you can rape and nothing happens."" The crowd chanted: ""They don't believe us if they don't kill us."" Other protests were held in the southern city of Seville, the hometown of the five men, Pamplona - where the crowd held a large banner that read: ""No is no. Justice!"" outside of city hall - Granada, and elsewhere. Thousands of people had already protested in Pamplona, Bilbao, Barcelona and other cities on Thursday after the court issued its ruling. Women's groups took to social media to call the protests with the slogan: ""If the pack hits the streets, we will as well."" Marches after the verdict in April brought tens of thousands of protesters out on to the streets. - 'Not fair' - ""It is not fair that they are released with a sentence of nine years, and just a few days before San Fermin, they can even go there,"" said Lucia Rodriguez, a 60-year-old protester in Madrid, referring to the upcoming running of the bulls festival which gets underway on July 6. In its decision on Friday, the Navarre court said the five had been allowed out on bail because the social pressure on them made it ""practically unthinkable"" they would risk re-offending. The men will remain under judicial monitoring. They have had their passports withdrawn and must report to court three times a week. They are also banned from travelling to Madrid, where the victim lives. One of the men is a policeman with the Guardia Civil - who is currently suspended - and another was once in the army. Several are ""ultras"" or hardcore fans of FC Sevilla. The fact that the men videoed the attack on their smartphones and bragged about it within their WhatsApp group added to the outrage over the case. - 'Not enough' - The mayor of Pamplona, Joseba Asiron, said Friday his office would appeal the decision to release them, saying there was ""a growing distance... between society itself and certain decisions taken by the courts"". An online petition calling for the five to be kept behind bars had garnered 657,000 names by Friday night. New socialist Justice Minister Dolores Delgado has not commented on the court decision, speaking only of a need to ""change mentalities"". The first step announced by the government of Pedro Sanchez, who took office earlier this month at the head of cabinet that includes 11 women, was to train magistrates in awareness about violence against women. Noelia Garcia, 41, said she did not trust that the situation would change with a new government dominated by women. ""That is not enough. There needs to be a reform of the judicial system. Judges from another era need to be replaced,"" she added at the Madrid protest."
"381",2018-12-26,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/as-tiktok-videos-take-hold-with-teens-parents-scramble-to-keep-up","googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Millions of teenagers seeking their 15 seconds of fame are flocking to TikTok, but many of their parents are only now learning about the express-yourself video app - often to their dismay. The social network became the most downloaded on Apple's App Store in the first half of this year according to market analysis firm Sensor Tower, beating out titans like Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat. The site, owned by China's ByteDance, boasted 500 million users as of June following its purchase last year of Musical.ly, which greatly expanded its reach in the US. Analysts say it filled the void left by Vine, which introduced countless numbers of teens to the creative possibilities of ultrashort videos but failed to find a sustainable business model. ""TikTok capitalizes on short-term creative content that other platforms don't encourage, by their design and community,"" said Brian Solis at the US tech advisory firm Altimeter. ""If there is one thing Silicon Valley can learn from Chinese app development, it's that it is tuned in to viral-as-a-service, meaning that their most popular apps have really been about making content and personas viral and also hyper-engaged,"" he said. Yet critics say its surging popularity among young girls in particular exposes them to caustic comments and other potential abuse by their peers, while offering a choice hunting ground for sexual predators. The app itself promises a video-sharing community that's ""raw, real and without boundaries"" and claims to be appropriate for children aged 12 and older. Parents aren't always convinced, given the numbers of young girls suggestively singing along to sexually explicit lyrics which are often degrading to women. Such videos are the stock in trade of Halia Beamer, an American 13-year-old who has emerged as one of TikTok's stars, chalking up more than five million followers. 'Dangerous characters' Media reports have documented cases of users being bombarded with disturbing comments, while others have been asked for private contact details or to post provocative images. Last summer the Indonesian government banned the app after more than 170,000 people signed a petition saying that lip-syncing in revealing outfits was not suitable for children. It was lifted only after TikTok representatives from China flew to Jakarta and promised to hire more people to weed out inappropriate content. The US internet watchdog Common Sense says the combination of mature content and privacy risks means users should be at least 16. ""Because the age limit is so low, you attract a greater assortment of dangerous characters, and users lying about their age,"" Solis said. But raising the age limit would remove millions of people from the platform, and curb TikTok's exponential growth. In France for example, 38 percent of youths aged 11 to 14 have a TikTok account according to Generation Numerique, which tracks internet usage. Girls are by far the majority among French pre-teens, with 58 percent saying they have an account compared with just 15 percent for boys. French police warned parents last month about the dangers, saying their teens ""may be targeted by indecent sexual proposals"". ""TikTok promotes dancing and singing in particular, things which are still pretty feminine that boys don't always dare to do,"" said Cyril di Palma, Generation Numerique's president. Hard choices ByteDance, whose app is called Douyin in China, says it works extensively to protect its users, with software that monitors content and ""a continually growing team of moderators"". But Di Palma says many parents are still unaware of the risks, ""and are astonished to see their little angels in poses inappropriate for their age."" The effects of early exposure to social media are so new that ""parents, educators, even doctors... are either under-qualified or completely ignorant in the face of the need to guide a young generation in the dangers and possibilities of these new technologies,"" Solis said. William Soally, a French father whose 12-year-old daughter is a dance fan, took action after seeing alerts about TikTok among YouTube users. ""I talked about it with my daughter and we decided to remove the app from her phone,"" Soally, 35, told AFP, acknowledging the move had initially provoked tears and worries about ""a loss of social status"". ""The solution has to come from parents, who need to understand that the internet is not a world of Care Bears,"" he added, referring to the 1980s cartoon characters."
"382",2019-04-20,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/coming-soon-to-china-the-car-of-the-future","Global automakers are positioning for a brave new world of on-demand transport that will require a car of the future - hyper-connected, autonomous, and shared - and China may become the concept's laboratory. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); With ride-hailing services booming and car-sharing not far behind, the need for vehicles tailored to these and other evolving mobility solutions is one of the hottest topics among global automakers gathered for this week's Shanghai Auto Show. Nearly all agree that there is no better proving ground than China: its gigantic cities are desperate for answers to gridlock and its population is noted for its ready embrace of high-tech new services. To take advantage of this, manufacturers are competing not only to sell conventional and electric vehicles in the world's biggest auto market, but also to develop new technologies and even specific interiors designed for the on-demand world. ""We cannot just develop electric cars. They will have to be smart, interconnected and of course shared,"" Zhao Guoqing, vice president of Chinese auto giant Great Wall Motors, said on the auto show's sidelines. Discussion of China and ride-hailing inevitably involves Didi Chuxing, the country's omnipresent answer to Uber. The eagerness of Chinese travellers to hail rides with a smartphone click has unleashed a colossal market: on-demand transport reached $28 billion in turnover in China last year, or about half of global volume, and is expected to double by 2022, according to data firm Statista. Didi accounts for about 90 percent of the Chinese market. 'Enormous potential' The on-demand potential is bringing automakers and service providers together. Last year, Didi unveiled an alliance of Chinese and foreign manufacturers including Renault, Toyota and Volkswagen, dedicated to exploring ways forward. And in February, Chinese technology giants Alibaba and Tencent joined hands with several manufacturers to develop a future platform for on-demand transport. ""We can no longer be a conventional manufacturer, we must offer mobility solutions, connectivity,"" Stephan Wollenstein, director of Volkswagen China, told reporters. Although a relative newcomer to China's automotive market, French brand Renault is plunging ahead: its local joint venture with Chinese manufacturer Brilliance Auto delivered 600 personal minivans to Didi in February. ""Didi wants to develop such vehicles with many carmakers, which are more adapted to (Didi's) business, redesigned around the passenger,"" said Michael Dong, vice president of Renault-Brilliance-Jinbei. For one thing, most passenger cars today are designed to squeeze in a family, and thus feature limited space in the back because that's where the kids normally sit, said Lawrence Petizon, an analyst with AlixPartners. But for ride-hailing or car-sharing, more space is needed in the back to accommodate grown-up passengers. ""The family car is not the right answer,"" he said. Didi drivers typically supply their own vehicles, but Chinese authorities are encouraging service firms to build their own fleets, partly to spur the industry and push forward the futuristic transport concept. Some manufacturers are even dipping their toes into ride-hailing, with Germany's BMW offering a high-end service in the southwestern Chinese city of Chengdu, and Volkswagen and Mercedes-Benz doing so in Shanghai. ""Admittedly, the volumes ordered are still insufficient for mass production but the potential is enormous,"" says Dong. Robot-taxis The idea is not confined to China. Daimler and BMW announced in February they would jointly invest ""more than one billion euros"" to deepen cooperation between their Car2Go and DriveNow services in Europe, in which cars are available for short-term point-to-point use. One thing that seems to certain to eventually change is how cars are bought and sold. ""Car manufacturers will no longer provide customers with cars via a one-time sale, but rather with a brand that connects them to the users on a daily basis through the mobility services they offer,"" said a recent report by Eurogroup Consulting. This automotive evolution is expected to accelerate development of autonomous vehicles, which are already viewed as the future of overall car transport, but seem especially suited for urban car-sharing services. Valeo, the French manufacturer of ultrasonic sensors, cameras, and navigational technology, said it received orders totaling one billion euros last year related to the development of ""robot-taxis"". Francois Marion, president of Valeo China, said the global advent of driverless cars is just around the bend. ""They will hit the road in carefully charted urban environments, with dedicated lanes on the streets, connected infrastructures guiding them, and programmed itineraries,"" he said of the futuristic vision. ""And the companies operating them will always be able to intervene if anything happens to one of the vehicles."" Valeo also is working with Meituan, China's leader in meal deliveries, to develop a robotic vehicle."
"383",2019-05-22,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/boy-or-girl-hong-kong-at-centre-of-banned-china-gender-test","Shady middle-men are openly advertising on Chinese social media to smuggle blood samples of pregnant women to Hong Kong to skirt the mainland's ban on gender testing, an AFP investigation has found. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The business thrives on a well-organized underground network that serves the huge demand for illicit sex-selective abortion in mainland China -- driven by limits on family size and an entrenched cultural preference for sons. Chinese authorities vowed to crack down on the trade in 2015. But dozens of blood smuggling agents are openly advertising services on the Twitter-like platform Weibo and on websites, despite China's proven ability to scrub digital content. Gender testing - except on medical grounds - is outlawed in China, where sex-selective abortions have helped create a surplus of about 31.6 million men, with some 115 boys born for every 100 girls last year. A long-standing one-child policy was eased to permit two children in 2016 but gender testing continues, with many parents of daughters trying for a son the second time around. Gender testing is legal in Hong Kong, with some clinics apparently turning a blind eye to the origins of the smuggled samples. AFP / Laurence CHU Chin's surplus boys Three agents contacted by an AFP reporter posing as a customer offered to arrange in-person appointments with medical testing labs or transport blood samples to Hong Kong for around US$580, promising results starting from six weeks into pregnancy. Upon payment of a deposit, the agent sends a testing kit to the client through a delivery service. One advised using an app to hire a nurse who could come to the patient's home in mainland China to extract blood. 'Nothing will go wrong' The client sends the blood sample to Shenzhen from where it is smuggled across the border to Hong Kong. The agents did not directly address questions about how the samples would be transported, but assured the reporter they would arrive safely at their destination. ""They will be taken to the lab in a designated vehicle, the samples can be safely sent over for testing, nothing will go wrong,"" one representative said, adding that results would be sent out in one working day. Other agents use human smugglers. In February, a 12-year-old girl headed to Hong Kong was caught at the Shenzhen border carrying 142 vials of blood samples from pregnant women in her backpack. The tests analyze small fragments of fetal DNA in a pregnant woman's blood and can detect the presence of a Y chromosome. They are also used to screen for chromosomal disorders such as Down's syndrome. AFP / ISAAC LAWRENCE Some agents use human smugglers to transport the blood illicitly over the border from mainland China to Hong Kong, where it can be tested to determine the sex of the fetus They can often accurately predict the gender of a fetus weeks before doctors can see the sex organs in an ultrasound. Some mainlanders take the legal option of traveling directly to Hong Kong for gender testing. ""I have three daughters already. To be honest I want a son,"" a 39-year-old man surnamed Wang told AFP outside a lab in Kowloon where his wife was getting her blood tested. Wang, who circumvented the one-child policy as many well-connected or wealthy Chinese families do, said he was under intense parental pressure to produce a male heir and had made the journey from the southern province of Guizhou. ""Chinese people still want to have a son to carry on the ancestral line, this is an antiquated way of thinking, but back home there are lots of people who think this way,"" he explained. He added he and his wife would terminate the pregnancy in China if it turned out be a girl. ""Right now she's only about 50 days along, so it can be solved by taking some medicine,"" he said. 'Ethically unacceptable' The trade raises questions over the willingness of Hong Kong labs to ignore their own rules. According to industry guidelines, laboratory technicians should not test blood without a patient referral from a local doctor, and risk losing their license if they do. It is illegal to mail or transport blood samples out of China without a permit, but Hong Kong only outlaws importing blood samples if a person has reason to suspect that it contains an infectious agent. The city's Department of Health told AFP the number of cases it investigated every year has tripled since 2016 but none was prosecuted due to insufficient evidence. A lab that one agent claimed to be working with told AFP it does not perform tests on couriered samples and denied working with mainland middle-men. AFP / ISAAC LAWRENCE The illicit trade raises questions over laboratories in Hong Kong willingness to ignore their own rules - a patient's blood should not be tested unless the lab gets a referral from a local doctor, otherwise they risk losing their license Multiple Chinese government departments did not respond to requests for comment. Hong Kong lawmaker Kwok Ka-ki, who is also a doctor, called on the territory's government to work with mainland authorities to take down the networks. ""Ethically this is completely unacceptable because this will only encourage more people to perform gender selection,"" he told AFP. ""And in mainland China, gender selection has already led to many tragedies and a skewed population with more males than females - they are all directly affected, so how can we abide this?"""
"384",2020-04-28,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/as-virus-cases-rise-uae-adjusts-to-a-new-normal-in-pandemic","DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) - In a Dubai industrial park, workers weld, drill and build what one entrepreneur sees as key to the near future of this desert city-state amid the coronavirus pandemic: disinfection gates. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Husam Zammar's company builds such gates for government and commercial clients. He believes the new safety measures will find wide acceptance, just as metal detectors did after the 9/11 terror attacks. ""If we consider two people, one has a knife and one has coronavirus, the second one is a hundred times dangerous than the first one,"" he said. Fear of the virus is palpable in Dubai and elsewhere in the the United Arab Emirates, a federation of seven sheikhdoms where foreigners make up 90 percent of the population. Yet even as confirmed coronavirus cases spike, the UAE is opening up its cavernous malls and restaurants in a gamble to stimulate its economy while still trying to fight off the pandemic. That's led to a new normal here of temperature checks, social distancing monitors at supermarkets and marked-off empty seats on the city's driverless Metro. But crowds already have come to the malls and others are leaving their homes after weeks of a lockdown, eager to party in a city known for its nightlife and increasing the risk of the virus spreading. In lifting more stringent restrictions, the UAE cited the holy Muslim fasting month of Ramadan, which began late last week. Dubai also lifted a weekslong quarantine order on a neighborhood along the Dubai Creek that's home to many low-wage workers late Sunday, saying it had detected no new coronavirus cases there for two days. But the detection rate for cases continues to spike due to mass testing. Authorities say more than one million tests have been administered - a number expected to rise. On Monday, Abu Dhabi's Department of Economic Development ordered companies outside of free zones to test all their employees. So far, the UAE has reported over 10,800 confirmed cases of the virus with 82 deaths. Recent days have seen numbers rise around 500 daily, in part as the testing reaches the UAE's population of low-paid laborers, who remain particularly at risk as they can live with up to 10 people in a single room like in other Gulf Arab countries. The UAE isn't yet like Wuhan, China, from which the first cases of the virus emerged. There, biosecurity checkpoints are everywhere that spray people with disinfectant or have them walk through a box of grey decontaminant gas like an airlock. Similar gates or tunnels have been constructed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey, Kenya and elsewhere, aimed at killing traces of the virus on people's clothes or their body. Hoping to fill an anticipated demand in the UAE, Zammar's firm Guard ME constructs the gates out of metal frames, galvanized steel and temperature-checking equipment from China. Someone trying to enter a business or office with such a gate first must undergo a temperature check, then walk through a fog of disinfectant created ultrasonically. While that won't detect an asymptomatic carrier of the coronavirus, it still will offer people peace of mind, said Zammar, a Syrian entrepreneur based in Dubai. ""In the next two or three months, we will [feel] that if they didn't check your temperature, there is some problem in this building,"" he said. In all of China, each person also has a ""health code"" that uses geolocation and other mobile phone data to assign an infection risk by color, with red resulting in a 14-day, closely monitored quarantine. In the UAE, such mobile phone apps remain voluntary. However, images from Zammar's gate or a helmet-based temperature checker now used by Dubai police could be fed into a facial-recognition database. The UAE already has such a database from its national ID card system, which residents use for fast immigration clearance at Dubai International Airport. That fuels worries about privacy and surveillance in the UAE, which has been internationally criticized for targeting journalists and human rights activists and was linked to a suspected spying app. Still, the country is slowly opening up as people in masks and gloves now go to the mall. Barber shops have also reopened, with scissors and hair clipper attachments individually sterilized and wrapped like surgical tools. What this all means for Dubai's nightlife and bar scene, a crucial economic driver, remains in question. A famed Irish bar chain in the city-state called McGettigan's quietly opened its main location in Dubai's Jumeirah Lakes Towers neighborhood on Friday, but soon saw a line of people queuing up to enter. The bar closed early, before a 10 pm nightly curfew. And like other bars in Dubai, it hasn't been serving alcohol since the 24-hour, police-enforced lockdown lifted. Signs out front tell customers that masks ""must be appropriately worn at all times."" The company said in a statement that it's complying with the guidance from local authorities. ""The health and safety of our customers is the priority - from temperature checks to social distancing of tables, sanitization of the venue and all other regulations,"" it said. ___ By JON GAMBRELL Associated Press writers Sam McNeil in Beijing and Fay Abuelgasim in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed to this report. Image: In this Monday, April 27, 2020 photo, an Associated Press journalist examines a gate system made by Guard ME that conducts temperature checks and fogs disinfectants on users, in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. (AP Photo/Jon Gambrell)"
"385",2020-05-14,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/dentists-re-open-in-france-after-two-month-lockdown","PARIS (AP) - Anyone who suffered through France's two-month lockdown with a toothache or other oral affliction of a non-emergency nature has a hope of licking the pain. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Dental practices around the country are cautiously reopening and accepting appointments after the French government eased restrictions on some businesses, services and public activity. Yet getting back to work in the age of coronavirus requires caution, especially for over 40,000 dentists in France who are among the health professionals at highest risk of becoming infected. Because respiratory droplets are a way the virus spreads among people, dentistry demands protecting patients and especially practitioners. That means not only disinfecting tools and surfaces, but layer upon layer of extra screens, wraps, gloves and masks. The World Health Organization has recommended specialized face masks for health care providers performing medical procedures such as ventilation and intubation that produce fine, airborne particles, which might transmit the coronavirus. Drilling teeth for fillings is also known to generate aerosolized viral particles. Paris dentist Sabrine Jendoubi said the trade-off for safety is the discomfort of additional head and body wear. ""A surgical suit is something that we wear in the operating theater. Today, we wear it for everything."" Jendoubi said. Of the various filtering face masks certified to protect against viruses in the air, she finds the FFP2-rated model ""the most complicated, as it's really tight."" ""It filters out every virus and bacteria, so it's quite heavy to wear but it protects us and the patients,"" Jendoubi said. The additional precautions are also an added expense. An operator of medical clinics and offices in France, Doctocare, said it is costing 50,000 euros (US$54,000) to supply each of the company's centers with the hygiene and protective equipment recommended by the French government. ""We will communicate to the government these difficult adjustments in terms of profitability, but for now we're focused on this public health issue,"" Carine Benharrous, director of dental operations at Doctocare, said. The limited distance between the faces of dentists and their patients also is a potential concern, as some experts have theorized that people who get a bigger infectious dose of the coronavirus may become more seriously ill with COVID-19. In Britain, all routine dental care has been suspended except for telephone consultations and prescriptions. While dentists in Denmark are returning to their offices, they are wearing protective suits and plastic face shields while tending to patients lying with their mouths wide open. Cleaning teeth to remove plaque is being done by hand instead of with ultrasonic devices that would increase the risk of producing spit. Yet in some European countries, dental practices never closed because of the virus. Dentists in Italy, one of the nations hit hardest by infections and virus-related deaths, reduced their services to take only urgent cases in person, managing other patients by telephone. Proof that a pandemic wasn't an excuse to avoid an Italian dentist chair was an April 23 photo on Twitter of US Ambassador to the Holy See Callista Gingrich wearing a protective hairnet and paper drape. ""A trip to the dentist in Italy during the COVID-19 pandemic,"" Gingrich tweeted with emoji of an Italian flag and smiley face in sunglasses. ___ By THOMAS ADAMSON and NICOLAS GARRIGA Adamson reported from Leeds, England. Jan Olsen in Copenhagen, Nicole Winfield in Rome and Maria Cheng in London contributed. Image: In this Wednesday, May 13, 2020 photo, dentist Sabrine Jendoubi, left, and her dental assistant Margot Daussat inspect the teeth of patient Veronique Guillot, during a dental appointment, at a dental office in Paris. Those with toothache that suffered through France's two-month lockdown, finally have hope to end the pain. Dental practices are cautiously re-opening and non-emergency dentist appointments are now permitted around the country, as the French government eased confinement restrictions from Monday. (AP Photo/Michel Euler)"
"386",2020-06-19,"https://www.egyptindependent.com/india-china-himalayan-standoff-deadly-for-cashmere-herds","SRINAGAR, India (AP) - Antagonisms between Indian and Chinese troops high in the Himalayas are taking a dire toll on traditional goat herds that supply the world's finest, most expensive cashmere. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); This week, a deadly brawl between Indian and Chinese soldiers caused the deaths of at least 20 Indian soldiers in the Galwan Valley, an achingly beautiful landscape that is part of a border region that has been disputed for decades because of its strategic importance as the world's highest landing ground. The months-long military standoff between the Asian giants is hurting local communities due to the loss of tens of thousands of Himalayan goat kids died because they couldn't reach traditional winter grazing lands, officials and residents said. Nomads have roamed these lands atop the roof of the world, around the undemarcated borders with China and Tibet, for centuries, herding the famed and hardy goats that produce the ultrasoft wool known as Pashmina, the finest of cashmeres. Cashmere takes its name from the disputed Kashmir valley, where artisans weave the wool into fine yarn and exquisite shawls that cost up to $1,000 apiece in world fashion capitals in a major handicraft export industry that employs thousands. This latest bout of friction between the rival nuclear powers is adding to pressures from climate change and longer-term losses of grazing land for the Changpa, the nomadic herders who rear the Pashmina goats. With access to the usual breeding and birthing grounds blocked by militaries on either side, newborn goats are perishing in the extreme cold of higher elevations, herders say. ""Denial of pastureland has led to high mortality of goat babies. It's so scary, it has never been like this,"" said Sonam Tsering, the general secretary of All Changtang Pashmina Growers Cooperative Marketing Society. He said thousands of newborns died this year because most of the 300,000-strong herd of goats, which yields around 45 tons of fine feather-like wool each year, remained trapped in the extreme cold. Authorities in Leh, the capital of Indian-controlled Ladakh, would not give any information, saying they were still collecting data. But two officials with Ladakh's animal husbandry department said that according to field staff, the deaths were much higher than the usual five to 10 percent mortality rate among some 60,000 to 80,000 kids each year. They spoke on condition of anonymity because they said the Ladakh administration has barred them from speaking to reporters. Demand for the cashmere, which is painstakingly combed from the goats, sorted, cleaned and hand woven, has always outstripped supply, so shortages are a certainty, said several people working in the trade. ""It's going to be catastrophic for wool production,"" said Namgyal Durbuk, a village official in the region. India and China fought a border war in 1962 that also spilled into Ladakh. The two countries have been trying to settle their border dispute since the early 1990s without success, as their soldiers face off along a thousands-of-miles-long, undemarcated frontier that stretches from Ladakh in the north to the Indian state of Sikkim in the northeast. For most of the year the Changpa raise their herds in the vast cold desert of the Changtang plateau of Ladakh, which straddles Tibet at over 5,000 meters (16,404 feet) above sea level. The harsh, windy climate is what causes the goats to grow their super-soft wool. But the region becomes inhospitable from December to February, when temperatures can fall to minus 50 Celsius (-58 Fahrenheit). That's when the Changpas bring their livestock to slightly lower elevations and warmer grazing lands in the Demchok, Hanle, Korzok, Chumar and Chushul areas near the disputed border with China. This year, Indian authorities barred their passage for months, several people involved with herding said. The two sides blame each other for Monday night's clash, their deadliest conflict in 45 years. Tensions have surged since August, when India unilaterally declared the region a federal territory while separating it from disputed Kashmir. China is among a handful of countries that strongly condemned the move, raising it at international forums including the UN Security Council. Indian officials have kept a near-total silence on issues related to the confrontation with China. However, a security official in Ladakh, speaking on condition of anonymity in keeping with government regulations, said the grazing lands are close to the contested frontier and the restrictions in place in the area are to protect herders from Chinese soldiers. Around 1,200 Changpa families have lost access to grazing lands even in the areas that are controlled by the Indian military due to the confrontation, Tsering said. But the Chinese side also is interfering, he and other herders said. ""Our nomads in recent years have increasingly faced difficulty in accessing pastures in these places. Chinese soldiers have blocked them while bringing herders from Tibet into our lands,"" said Tsering. Phuntsog, a local farmer who uses only one name, said local elders have been complaining to the Indian government about Chinese incursions for years. ""They would ignore every time. Now see where the Chinese are. Worst, these hapless, beautiful creatures which sustain our livelihood are becoming victim of this political and military game,"" he said. China's foreign ministry said Thursday that such allegations are ""sheer fiction."" ""Chinese border troops have always only patrolled Chinese territories,"" the ministry said. Tsering said herders began losing terrain years ago, when Chinese began ""snatching our pasturelands in a concerted way over the years, like inch by inch."" He cited an example of a vast winter pastureland known as Kakjung, close to the Indus river. ""For the past four years it's a no-go-zone for us. They [Chinese] have taken full control of it,"" he said. ___ By AIJAZ HUSSAIN Associated Press reporters in Beijing contributed to this report. Image: In this July 21, 2007, file photo, an elderly man belonging to the Changpa, the nomadic herders who rear the Pashmina goats, holds his Himalayan goat as his son cuts its horn that was hurting the animal's eye in Kharnak, some 185 kilometers (116 miles) from Leh, India. A months-long military standoff between India and China in 2020 has taken a dire toll on local communities as tens of thousands of Himalayan goat kids die because they couldn't reach traditional winter grazing lands, officials and residents said. (AP Photo/Dar Yasin, File)"