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Empowerment and Gender Equality for Water and Sanitation in Rural India
Two Case Studies
WRPM Project Paper
in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the
Master of Science in Water Resources Policy and Management
Presented September 20, 2010
Commencement Fall 2010
Master of Science in Water Resources Policy and Management Project Paper of Abigail Brown
presented on September 20, 2010
Dr. Michael Campana, representing Geosciences
Dr. Denise Lach, representing Sociology
Dr. Rebecca Warner, representing Sociology
Abigail Brown, Author
Women and marginalized populations often encounter adversity associated with access,
planning, and management of water and sanitation (WatSan) resources in rural India. The
Government of India (GOI) has shifted to decentralized, participatory WatSan systems and
developed policies to include women and marginalized populations from rural areas in
WatSan. Many NGOs working on WatSan in rural India also strive to include women and
marginalized populations. Both the GOI and NGOs claim decentralized, participatory
programs lead to empowerment of women and gender equality. Through separate case
studies, this paper reviews WatSan programs started by two NGOs in different villages in
India. The two NGOs (NGO A and NGO B) aspire to empower women and achieve gender
equality in conjunction with WatSan programs. Mixed methods are used to evaluate
empowerment and gender equality in villages related and unrelated to WatSan programs.
The concept of empowerment is divided into two components: empowerment potential and
the empowerment process. Empowerment potential for WatSan is gauged using an
Empowerment Potential Index (EPI) that determines access to WatSan, access to WatSan
planning groups, and access to WatSan management groups for individuals using data from
household surveys. Women respondents in NGO A have higher ratings on the EPI. Women
respondents in NGO B have comparatively lower ratings on the EPI. This is likely correlated
to the time each NGO has been working in the WatSan sector. The empowerment process for
WatSan is gauged using a definition of self-worth, capacity, and transformation to analyze
data from individual interviews. Women participants in NGO A engaged in the empowerment
process largely through obtaining microcredit to make household and community financial
decisions unrelated to WatSan. Women participants in NGO B engaged in the empowerment
process mainly through individual communication about water issues with the vice-president
of their village government. Neither NGO has a clear definition of empowerment nor a
monitoring program in place to measure empowerment, but each NGO collects sex-
disaggregated data to measure gender equality. Both NGOs have fewer comments by women
related to self-worth when compared to comments related to capacity and transformation.
Both NGOs have lower occurrences of the empowerment process occurring on the political
level according to women in individual interviews. Gender equality for WatSan was improved
by each organization. NGO A implemented WatSan efforts that influenced gender equality and
empowerment through creation of community groups that provided loans for WatSan and
WatSan awareness. NGO B implemented WatSan efforts that influenced gender equality and
empowerment through access to WatSan and increased WatSan awareness.
Keywords: empowerment, gender equality, water, sanitation, India, WatSan, women
First, I would like to thank my dear friends and colleagues in India. Amitangshu Acharya
guided the development of my research proposal. He continuously backed my interest in
understanding gender, water, and sanitation in India. Amrtha Kasturi Rangan provided
essential assistance. She traveled to all field sites, acted as translator, and explained cultural
nuances. This project would not have been possible without her help. Praveena Sridhar
shared extensive knowledge about global development and social entrepreneurship. She
challenged my paradigm of thought on international aid and encouraged me to educate
myself about the importance of entrepreneurship.
Next, I would like to thank my committee members at Oregon State University. Dr. Michael
Campana has worked around the world on water issues and maintains a popular water blog.
His writing on global water is passionate, objective, and thorough. His work has impelled me
to strive for objectivity. Dr. Denise Lach is an expert at analyzing qualitative and quantitative
data. She helped me formulate a data-analysis process and provided extensive editorial input.
Dr. Rebecca Warner has researched global gender issues. She encouraged me to consider
concrete gender concerns throughout this study.
Finally, I would like to thank my friends and family. My father, David Brown, communicated
with me on a regular basis about my research and experiences at OSU. My two sisters,
Elisabeth Kate and Miranda, looked up to me as the first sibling to earn a college degree. My
dear friend, Moon St. Clair, was supportive during all stages of this study. He encouraged me
to pursue a master's degree and travel to India. Last but not least, I want to thank the
numerous other people who helped me throughout the research process. To the unnamed
many, thank you.
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................................................ 9
BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................................................................ 10
Gender and WatSan in India ........................................................................................................................................ 10
Participatory WatSan Management in India ......................................................................................................... 13
Empowerment and Gender Equality ........................................................................................................................ 15
Measuring Empowerment and Gender Equality ................................................................................................. 16
METHODS ................................................................................................................................................................................. 19
Data Collection................................................................................................................................................................... 19
Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................................................................... 20
Quantitative Data Analysis ....................................................................................................................................... 21
Qualitative Data Analysis .......................................................................................................................................... 23
Ethics of Study ................................................................................................................................................................... 24
CASE STUDY NGO A .............................................................................................................................................................. 25
Overview of Organization and WatSan Approaches .......................................................................................... 25
Village Implementation, Empowerment, and Gender Equality..................................................................... 27
Village Background ..................................................................................................................................................... 27
Empowerment Potential ............................................................................................................................................ 29
Empowerment: Self-Worth, Capacity, and Transformation ......................................................................... 31
Summary: Self-Worth, Capacity, and Transformation ................................................................................... 35
EPI, Individual Interviews, and Empowerment in WatSan ........................................................................... 36
Gender Equality Overview ......................................................................................................................................... 37
Empowerment and Gender Equality in WatSan ............................................................................................... 39
Sampling Strategy Limitations .................................................................................................................................... 40
CASE STUDY NGO B .............................................................................................................................................................. 40
Village Implementation, Empowerment, and Gender Equality ..................................................................... 43
DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................................................................................. 57
Common Strengths .......................................................................................................................................................... 57
Common Challenges and Opportunities ................................................................................................................. 58
IDEAS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH .................................................................................................................................. 62
REFERENCES........................................................................................................................................................................... 65
APPENDIX A Example of Semi-Structured Interview Questions ...................................................................... 69
APPENDIX B Demographics of Individual Interview Participants with NGO A .......................................... 70
APPENDIX C Demographics of Individual Interview Participants with NGO B ........................................... 71
Figure 1. Empowerment and Gender Equality Framework ................................................................................ 21
Figure 2. Empowerment Potential Index for WatSan ............................................................................................ 22
Figure 3. Empowerment Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO A................................................................ 31
Figure 4. Gender Equality Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO A ............................................................. 38
Figure 5. Empowerment Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO B ................................................................ 47
Figure 6. Gender Equality Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO B ............................................................. 54
Table 1. Post-1992 History of WatSan Policy in Rural India ............................................................................... 14
Table 2. Overview of Quantitative and Qualitative Methods .............................................................................. 20
Table 3. Empowerment Themes in Individual Interviews ................................................................................... 24
Table 4. Empowerment Potential by Population Category - NGO A ................................................................ 30
Table 5. Empowerment Potential by Annual Income - NGO A ........................................................................... 30
Table 6. Empowerment Potential by Population Category - NGO B ................................................................ 45
Table 7. Empowerment Potential by Annual Income - NGO B ........................................................................... 46
Name Definition
CBO Community-Based Organization (SHGs, VWSCs, etc.)
GOI Government of India
Gram Sabha Quarterly meeting of village members above 18 years of age.
M&E Monitoring and Evaluation
Microcredit Small forms of credit offered to individuals without collateral.
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
O&M Operation and Maintenance
Panchayat The administrative boundary of a village (aka Gram Panchayat).
Panchayati Raj Institution A system of local governance.
Pani Samitis A division of the PRI that governs water projects and is responsible
for O&M of water projects.
PRI Panchayat Raj Institution
Rs. India National Rupees
Sarpanch Chairperson of the Gram Panchayat (aka president).
SC Scheduled Caste
SHG Self-Help Group
ST Scheduled Tribe
Swajaldhara Rural water supply program promoted by the GOI.
Swaraj Self Rule
TG* Technical Group
UN United Nations
VWSC Village Water and Sanitation Committee
WatSan Water and Sanitation
WG* Water Groups
WSG* WatSan Group
*Items denoted with an asterisk are pseudonyms to protect the anonymity of the NGOs
referenced in this paper.
"You can tell the condition of a nation, by looking at its women"
"The day every one of us gets a toilet to use, I shall know that our
country has reached the pinnacle of progress"
- Jawaharlal Nehru 1
Access to clean drinking water and basic sanitation is a worldwide concern. Almost 2.6 billion
people in the world lack access to improved sanitation with fewer than one billion people
having access to safe drinking water for domestic purposes (WHO, 2010). In the year 2000,
member-states of the United Nations agreed to eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
to help alleviate global poverty. MDG Goal 7, to ensure environmental sustainability, has a
specific target (10) to halve the proportion of people unable to afford or reach safe drinking
water and without access to basic sanitation by 2015. With a national population of over 1.1
billion people, safe drinking water and basic sanitation are vital to the people of India.
According to the 2001 Census, only 73 percent of people had access to safe drinking water
and 21.9 percent of people had toilets attached to homes in rural areas (Census of India,
2001). Women and marginalized populations 2 are most impacted by a lack of water and
sanitation (WatSan) in the country (Ahmed, 2005a).
Early development initiatives of the 1950s and 1960s were dominated by males and failed to
take into account needs of women in water systems. A lack of research exists on "the impact
of water projects on social relations and, consequently, who does or does not have access to
water, how it is used and who benefits" (Coles & Wallace, 2005, p. 4). Development
specialists, governmental agencies, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) sometimes
maintain that WatSan programs lead to empowerment of women and gender equality. They
believe that access to resources or participation in decision-making will automatically lead to
empowerment and gender equality (Batiwala, 1993; Oxaal & Baden, 1997, Kabeer, 1999;
Malhotra, Schuler, & Boender, 2002).
1 Jawaharlal Nehru was an admired leader, along with Mahatma Gandhi, in the Indian
independence movement opposing colonization by the British. He was the first Prime Minister of India
2 Marginalized populations are defined in this paper as people in caste, class, racial and ethnic,
economic, or religious minorities excluded from societal practices and norms.
In two separate case studies, this paper aims to understand if WatSan programs started by
NGOs in rural villages in India lead to a process of empowerment for women and gender
equality. Two villages that received WatSan programs by two separate NGOs were selected
for this study. Prominent approaches used by each NGO for WatSan programs are examined,
and a historical background of WatSan programs in each village is provided. The
empowerment potential is examined using quantitative data collected in each village and
nearby villages. The empowerment process for women, related and unrelated to WatSan
programs, is defined using qualitative data collected in each village. The empowerment
potential and empowerment process for women, related to WatSan programs, are compared
using quantitative and qualitative data. Gender equality is reviewed, related and unrelated to
WatSan programs, using qualitative data and analyzed to see if gender equality, related to
WatSan programs, is a result of the empowerment process for women. Both NGOs are
compared to find strengths, challenges, and opportunities in their WatSan programs
regarding the empowerment process for women and gender equality. Limitations to this
research will be reviewed and suggestions for a more comprehensive version of this study
will be discussed.
Gender and WatSan in India
It is important to examine gender in the context of WatSan resources because gender affects
who has access to, who participates in the planning of, and who manages WatSan systems.
Many people confuse gender with sex. Sex is the classification of species as female or male
based on reproductive functions. Gender not only includes perspectives of women, but
women and men of varied socio-economic backgrounds. 3 Ahmed (2005a, p. 3) explains
gender as "the socially constructed identities, roles, and responsibilities of women, men, and
the relationship between them". Rights, roles, and responsibilities of women and men in
society are rooted in culture and history (Joshi, 2005, p. 135). Many factors determine which
women or which men have the best access or the most say in planning and managing WatSan
3 The scope of this paper does not cover transgender individuals, but this is an important and
valid issue when understanding gender concerns.
systems. Social constructs such as caste, class, race and ethnicity, income and wealth, or
religion influence interactions between women and men with regard to WatSan resources
(Ahmed, 2005a; Coles & Wallace, 2005; Joshi, 2005). These constructs may be nuanced by
nation, region, state, village, or household (Singh, 2006). All women and all men do not have
the same rights, roles, and responsibilities. Women and men form heterogeneous groups with
diverse needs and concerns. Researchers have found that women and marginalized
populations are disproportionately excluded from WatSan access, planning, and management
in India (Ahmed, 2005a; Coles & Wallace, 2005).
Often women and marginalized populations do not have equal access to water resources.
Women are the main users of water for domestic purposes (e.g. drinking, bathing, and
cooking) in rural areas in India, but in some locations they are barred from using public water
sources while menstruating (Joshi & Fawcett, 2005). This is bound to historical Hindu beliefs
that women are impure during menstruation and pregnancy (ibid). Women also use water for
production purposes (e.g., animal husbandry, agriculture, or fisheries), but those with higher
social status will have better access to water in rural India (Ahmed, 2005a). Similarly, women
are unable to purchase land or their ownership-rights are not acknowledged due to
patriarchal customs (Joshi & Fawcett, 2005). They are not able to participate in irrigation-
water management groups or their needs are often not considered when planning or
managing irrigation-water systems (Ahmed, 1999). Men and women in a marginalized caste
group known as Scheduled Castes 4 (SCs) are not allowed to access the same water sources
(e.g., wells or community stand-posts) as dominant caste groups in some rural villages in
India (Joshi & Fawcett, 2005). This is based in historical Hindu beliefs that SCs are
permanently impure and will pollute pure water sources.
Regularly women and marginalized populations also do not have equal access to sanitation
resources. Due to cultural norms, men in households do not feel as restrained to urinate or
defecate outside in rural India (Narasimhan, 2002). This may result in a lack of initiative to
4 A caste system is present among some Hindu, Christian, and Muslim communities in India
based on four hierarchical groups from Hindu teachings. These groups include Brahmans (teachers,
scholars, and priests), Kshatriyas (kings and warriors), Vaisyas (merchants and traders), and Sudras
(service providers and artisans). The lowest group of people, Dalits, are known as Scheduled Castes.
The caste system was outlawed in India in 1950, but it is still prevalent in rural areas.
construct an individual toilet for household use. One in ten young women attending a school
without adequate sanitation drop out once they hit puberty because there is no facility for
attending to the menstrual cycle (Lidonde, 2004). It is difficult for marginalized populations
lacking financial resources to afford to construct a toilet at their place of residence.
Inadequate access to WatSan has negative effects on women and marginalized populations.
Young women between the ages of 15 and 35 comprise the majority responsible for collecting
household water in India (Ahmed, 2005a). Health, access to education, and self development
of these young women is negatively impacted. Women bear the burden of waking early,
staying-up late, or traveling long distances to collect water. Women tend to prioritize water
for domestic or productive needs (e.g. washing clothing) over personal needs (e.g. bathing)
(Ahmed, 2005a). They work long and exhausting workdays. Joshi & Fawcett (2005)
document women who work fifteen to sixteen hours each day collecting water; gathering
firewood; cultivating fields; cooking; cleaning; taking care of children, the old, and the sick;
and looking after cattle in rural India (p. 50). Women without sanitation facilities may relieve
themselves in the night or early morning in fear of being seen by males. This puts them in
danger from sexual harassment or animal attacks. Women reduce food intake and hold
defecation or urination causing medical problems (Narasimhan, 2002). In some places in
India, SCs perform the job of manual scavengers picking up human waste outside putting
them at higher risk for sanitation-related illnesses (Chaplin, 1999).
Repeatedly women and marginalized populations are not consulted for WatSan planning and
management. Women, indifferent of caste or class background, may be excluded from WatSan
planning and management. Joshi & Fawcett (2005, p. 51) attribute this to a tradition of female
exclusion and that "such decision making is public and socially identified as masculine, the
domain of powerful men". Even if women do participate, it may not be meaningful where they
are able to voice opinions and have influence on decisions (Ahmed, 2005a). The most
vulnerable women (i.e., SC and landless women) do not help decide where to build stand-
posts or provide suggestions on pricing of water. Pour-flush toilets may increase workload if
a water source is not located nearby. Women are typically tasked with cleaning toilets. If the
wrong materials are used, the time taken to clean toilets will increase.
Involvement of women and marginalized populations in access, planning, and management of
WatSan systems has benefits (Ivens, 2008). Women and girls with increased access to water
have better health. Improved access to water allows women to become more involved in
income generation, and this stimulates the local economy (Asian Development Bank (ADB),
n.d.). Better access to sanitation gives young women the opportunity to attend school (Ivens,
2008). Inclusion of women and marginalized populations in WatSan planning and
management ensures systems are built and managed to serve the needs of the whole
community. It promotes community cohesion and allows people to take long-term ownership
of WatSan systems. Research has shown that WatSan systems with women involved in
planning and management are more sustainable over time (Wijk-Sijbesma, 1998).
Participatory WatSan Management in India
The Government of India (GOI) has advocated participatory local governance in rural areas,
and this has increased involvement of women and marginalized populations in WatSan
access, planning, and management. Informal governance systems have been historically used
in India, but decentralized institutions for rural areas were formally established in the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment Act of 1992. This Act endorses rural governance structures called
Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). There are three tiers of PRIs on village (Gram Panchayat),
block (Panchayat Samiti), and district levels (Panchayat Zilla). Elected officials form PRIs at
each tier. Leaders are chosen for five-year terms. One third of the seats are reserved for
women as well as representation for SCs and STs. Gram Panchayats (panchayats) may consist
of one village or several small villages. In the Act, panchayats were allocated 29
administrative responsibilities including WatSan, but WatSan governance on the local level
evolved over time (Table 1).
Table 1. Post-1992 History of WatSan Policy in Rural India
Passed 1992 Under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment, PRIs are restructured and gain
Enacted 1993 responsibilities for local drinking water and sanitation.
1992 to 1997 Eighth Five-Year Plan (FYP) recognizes drinking water and basic sanitation as vital
for human needs, indicates water is a commodity, and acknowledges the
importance of local water management.
9 July 1992 Sanitation subsidies reduced to 80 percent for rural people at the National
Seminar on Rural Sanitation.
1997 to 2002 Ninth FYP promotes water as economic good and suggests rural users pay 10
percent of capital costs and 100 percent of O&M costs for drinking-water systems.
1999 Department of Drinking Water Supply created to implement SRP.
1999 Sector Reform Project (SRP) pilots Total Sanitation Campaign in 250 districts and
pilots Swajaldhara in 75 districts.
2001 Total Sanitation Campaign implemented (after SRP) nationwide with emphasis on
education of rural households about toilets. It provides small subsides of Rs. 500-
600 (USD 10.75-19.90) for toilets to low-income individuals.
2002 Swajaldhara Act implemented (after SRP) nationwide to provide drinking water
and sanitation to rural communities. This Act allows direct access to central
resources by panchayats and encourages creation of VWSCs for WatSan
management. It requires users to pay 10 percent of capital costs and 100 percent
of O&M costs for drinking-water systems.
The 1999 Sector Reforms Project (SRP) piloted decentralized, participatory systems for rural
WatSan. The SRP 'water program' endorsed demand-driven approaches, advanced
participatory planning and management, and required rural villages to pay 10 percent of
capital and 100 percent of Operation & Maintenance (O&M) costs for water systems. It
focused on empowerment and encouraged women to participate on newly envisaged Village
Water and Sanitation Committees (VWSCs). VWSCs were created to plan and manage WatSan
and communicate with PRIs on WatSan issues. The SRP 'water program' was established
nationwide as the 2002 Swajaldhara Act. The SRP 'sanitation program' also suggested
participatory planning and management. It recommended rural users build and maintain
sanitation systems in collaboration with Community Based Organizations (CBOs). This
program focused on the privacy and dignity of rural women by furthering sanitation coverage
(GOI, 2010). The SRP 'sanitation program' was established nationwide as the 2001 Total
Sanitation Campaign. Across the country, NGOs have adapted similar approaches for
including women and marginalized populations in WatSan access, planning, and management
in rural areas. Like the GOI, they believe these approaches lead to empowerment and gender
Empowerment and Gender Equality
Empowerment has been defined in variety of ways. The root of the word empowerment is
power. Empowerment is a relational concept where people who previously lacked power are
able to obtain power (Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995; Rowlands 1996; Kabeer, 1999). This
could be power over physical, human, intellectual, financial, or ideological matters (Batiwala
1993). Kabeer (1999, p. 437) defines empowerment as a process of change "by which those
who have been denied the ability to make choices acquire such an ability". She states the
empowerment process includes obtaining resources (material, human, or social), securing
agency (sense of inner power, decision-making, bargaining and negotiation, deception and
manipulation, subversion and resistance, or reflection and analysis), and realizing
achievements (outcomes such as basic needs). Rowlands (1996) and Narayan (2005) deem
confidence and self-esteem essential to engage in the empowerment process. Scholars rarely
focus on psychological aspects of empowerment. "Self confidence and a sense of self-efficacy
are important precursors to action. The process of taking action and reaping the rewards
further reinforces these feelings, creating virtuous cycles of reflection and action" (Narayan,
2005, p. 20). The empowerment process, while often facilitated by external organizations,
should arise from within an individual or collective group of individuals (Rowlands, 1996;
Oxaal & Baden, 1997). The term is rooted in the work of Paolo Freire whose theory of
conscientization describes a process in which the poor challenge power structures and
control their own lives (Batiwala, 1993).
Gender equality has been described as: "The situation where women and men enjoy the same
status and have equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities for realizing their full human
rights and potential. It implies equal access to and control over resources by women and
men" (Ivens, 2008, p. 63). Malhotra et al. (2002) make the distinction between gender
equality and gender equity. Gender equality is equality under law, of opportunity, and of
voice (Malhotra et. al, 2002). Gender equity is acknowledging different gender needs and
devising plans that involve different treatment for women and men to influence equal
outcomes. Rights, roles, and opportunities of women and men are influenced by caste, class,
race and ethnicity, income and wealth, or religion. Gender is based in historical and social
constructs. These elements must be considered to distinguish gender equality or inequality.
Ideas of empowerment and gender equality are linked but not synonymous. Commonly,
gender equality and the empowerment process occur on multiple scales including household,
community, and political levels (Ahmed 2001; Malhotra et al., 2002; Narayan, 2005).
Conversely, empowerment of women is different than gender equality. Empowerment is a
process of change from disempowerment where women or marginalized populations can be
agents of change (Malhotra et al., 2002). An empowerment approach to development is
bottom-up. Women or marginalized populations realize power imbalances and work for
equitable allocation of resources and fair decision-making. A gender-equality approach to
development can be bottom-up or top-down. In a top-down gender equality approach,
women or marginalized populations are beneficiaries of projects, programs, or policies for
equal allocation of resources and fair decision-making. Empowerment on the individual level
may bring about gender equality on the community level, and empowerment on the
community level may bring about gender equality on the political level (Malhotra et al.,
Measuring Empowerment and Gender Equality
Numerous people across multiple disciplines (e.g., development, education, community work,
and social work) have attempted to measure empowerment (Rowlands, 1996). This paper
will measure the empowerment process for women using Kabeer's (1999) definition of
resources, agency, and achievements. Resources, such as access to WatSan, may appear easy
to count but should show prospect for agency and achievements to be a useful indicator
(Kabeer, 1999). Agency, such as a person setting a WatSan goal and acting on it, must be
evaluated within cultural and socio-economic constructs. Some scholars quantify agency
through calculations of decision-making, power, control, or choice. Achievements, such as
realizing WatSan goals, can include universal values such as nourishment, health, and shelter
to avoid cultural differences but "we have to keep in mind that such measurements… entail
the movement away from the criteria of women's choices, or even the values of the
communities in which they live, to a definition of 'achievement' which represents the values
of those who are doing the measuring" (Kabeer, 1999, p. 440). Achievements can also
encompass control and mobilization skills for people, development of networks for
organizations, or coalitions and shared resources for communities (Perkins & Zimmerman,
Difficulties measuring the empowerment process in this framework are plentiful. Malhotra et
al. (2002) believe resources are not empowerment but an avenue for empowerment.
Calculations of agency by only counting the number of women and marginalized people
participating in decision-making presents a simple window on a complex reality (Kabeer,
1999). Joshi and Fawcett (2001) say more women are participating in WatSan planning and
management, but this does not lead to empowerment. Their literature review shows four
empowerment themes for women in WatSan - role in skilled work, participation in decision-
making, increase in hygiene awareness, and income generation - but social factors such as
class, caste, age, and ethnicity limit actual participation by these women in India (Joshi &
Fawcett, 2001). Additionally, women might make unobservable decisions to the outsider.
Measurements of achievements should accept that all people might not the same decisions,
and empowerment is concerned with inequalities in capacity to make choices not differences
in actual choices made by individuals (Kabeer, 1999).
All the same, there are a few ways in which a researcher might succeed in documenting the
empowerment process. The three dimensions of resources, agency, and achievements are
connected and should be viewed together. It is important to cross-check indicators (Kabeer,
1999). A researcher might ask how resources influence agency or how agency influences
achievements. One particularly effective method at capturing the empowerment process is to
follow over time. This can be done through collection of empowerment indicators from two
separate periods or conducting life-history interviews with participants (Kabeer, 1999).
Qualitative data are useful to understand the empowerment process (Rowlands, 1996).
Studies should assess the empowerment process on household, community, and political
scales to provide robust analyses (Malhotra et al., 2002). Empowerment indicators are
usually more effective if they are devised for specific projects and programs (Oxaal & Baden,
Measuring gender equality is slightly less nuanced. This paper will use a definition of gender
equality as equal rights, responsibilities, opportunities, access, and control (Ivens, 2008).
Gender equality is situational. Social, geographical, historical, and cultural norms should be
taken into account. Gender inequality is when the above-referenced factors of gender
equality are not distributed equally between women and men in society. Sometimes forms of
gender inequality continue to exist because they accepted by women. "Women's
internalization of their own lesser status in society leads them to [accept their status and]
discriminate against other females in that society" (Kabeer, 1999, p. 441). This is internalized
subordination and occurs in patriarchal societies or cultures where women have learned to
cope with lower status.
Few organizations measure empowerment or gender equality, but monitoring and evaluation
(M&E) is needed to influence policymakers (Rowlands, 1996; Joshi & Fawcett, 2001).
Measurements help organizations support claims of empowerment and gender equality.
Organizations should continuously ask how projects affect lives of people and question the
empowerment process (Rowlands, 1996). Measurements of empowerment and gender
equality should happen simultaneously because they are related concepts. Measurements of
empowerment for women and gender equality in WatSan can determine if women realize
existing power imbalances and if WatSan programs lead to equitable outcomes. Joshi and
Fawcett (2001) assert many NGOs execute WatSan programs with empowerment goals, but
they are often only referring to numbers of women participating in programs not
empowerment. This study attempts to measure empowerment and gender equality through
quantifiable indicators. These indicators will allow us to understand if WatSan programs
implemented by two NGOs are leading to empowerment for women and gender equality.
Mixed-methods were used to collect data in this study. Johnson & Onwuegbuzie (2004, p. 17)
explain "mixed methods research is formally defined as the class of research where the
researcher mixes or combines quantitative and qualitative research techniques, methods,
approaches, concepts, or language into a single study". Narayan (2005, p. 25) commenting on
measuring empowerment states "a mix of data collection tools provides a more reliable and
complete picture of the phenomenon under study, as the tools balance out each other's
weaknesses". Ahmed (2005b) believes gender-equality measurements should include
quantitative indicators (such as number of people with water) and qualitative indicators
(such as perception of people impacted by WatSan programs). Qualitative indicators are
necessary to evaluate empowerment and gender equality as they represent empowerment
and gender equality as subjective towards participants (Ahmed, 2005b).
One quantitative method, a household survey, was used in each main village and nearby
villages (two with NGO A and one with NGO B). Two qualitative methods, a group mapping
project (GMP) and individual interviews, were used in each main village. The GMPs were
conducted first. Invitations were extended to the village through the NGO. GMPs are a
participatory technique in which village members draw a map identifying houses, resources,
agricultural areas, and community buildings. These maps are a helpful tool for transect walks
and groups discussions (Sijbesma & Postma, 2008). Individual interviews were held after the
GMP in each main village (Appendix A). The GMP was used to locate a variety of house types
(e.g., tiled, asbestos, thatched, kutcha 5 or colony house 6). It was a goal to complete household
surveys and individual interviews with an equal number of women and men from a variety of
house types within village boundaries. All villages were chosen for inclusion in this study
5 A kutcha house is a home in which the walls and/or roof are made of un-burnt bricks,
bamboos, mud, grass, reeds, thatch, or loosely packed stones (as defined by the GOI).
6 The government offers grants for construction of colony houses to some BPL families.
because they met the following qualifications: 1) the population was small, between 100 and
300 people, 2) the population was BPL7, and 3) the village was part of NGO WatSan programs.
Table 2. Overview of Quantitative and Qualitative Methods
Village Method Number
NGO A Main and Two Nearby Villages Household Surveys 27
Main Village Group Mapping Project 1
Individual Interviews 6
NGO B Main and One Nearby Village Household Surveys 18
Individual Interviews 13
Each NGO is analyzed as a separate case study. Primary approaches for WatSan programs
used by each NGO in rural villages are outlined. Quantitative data, in household surveys from
each main village and nearby villages, are examined to understand empowerment potential
through access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan
management groups. Qualitative data, in individual interviews from each main village, are
used to understand facets of empowerment related and unrelated to the WatSan programs.
Qualitative and quantitative data are compared to understand empowerment potential and
the empowerment process for women related to WatSan programs. Qualitative data, through
individual interviews from each main village, is used to understand gender equality related
and unrelated to WatSan programs and to see if gender equality for WatSan is a result of the
empowerment process for women.
In this study, the empowerment process for women is analyzed with Kabeer's definition of
empowerment as resources, agency, and achievements (Kabeer, 1999). Under the resources
dimension of her framework, household surveys were reviewed for access to WatSan, access
to WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan management groups representing
empowerment potential. Under agency and achievement dimensions of her framework,
individual interviews were reviewed for sense of self-worth (self-worth), capacity to make
7 Below Poverty Line (BPL) is a parameter used by the GOI to define individuals and
households that are economically disadvantaged and eligible for government aid.
decisions (capacity), and transformation of decisions to reality (transformation) representing
empowerment process. Finally, this study seeks to understand if the empowerment process
for women influences gender equality for WatSan. Figure 1 below shows how empowerment
and gender equality are operationalized in this study.
Figure 1. Empowerment and Gender Equality Framework
Household surveys provided an opportunity to evaluate empowerment potential in relation
to WatSan programs started by the NGO. Components pertaining to access to WatSan, access
to WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan management groups were chosen from
household surveys to represent empowerment potential. These components include the first
dimension of empowerment - resources - as defined by Kabeer (1999, p. 437).
Resources include not only material resources in the more conventional economic
sense, but also the various human and social resources which serve to enhance the
ability to exercise choice. Resources in this broader sense are acquired through a
multiplicity of social relationships conducted in the various institutional domains
which make up a society (such as family, market, and community).
This paper contends that access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to
WatSan management groups fall into the resources category of Kabeer's definition. This is
because these components only represent counts of people with access to WatSan or access
to WatSan planning and management groups. They do not represent empowerment merely
an increased empowerment potential (Joshi & Fawcett, 2001; Malhotra et al., 2002).
Empowerment is multi-dimensional and researchers must be careful in constructing scale or
index variables for measurement (Malhotra et al., 2002). Variables may cover-up effects of
interventions on different aspects of the empowerment process, and additional information
should be used to verify indicators (ibid).
With these caveats in mind, a simple index was constructed to measure empowerment
potential associated with WatSan programs. This Empowerment Potential Index (EPI) will be
used with qualitative analysis of the empowerment process to avoid problems that might
arise from using a stand-alone index (Figure 2). Each survey participant was given a rating
based on their access to WatSan, access to a WatSan planning group, and access to a WatSan
management group. Index components - access to individual water, access to individual
sanitation, access to a WatSan planning group, and access to a WatSan management group -
are rated equally at 1. These components are considered equally important in potentiating
the empowerment process. Access to shared water and access to a shared toilet are rated at .5
because they indicate an increased level of hardship. A rating of 1 on the EPI equals lower
empowerment potential with the participant having one index component. A rating of 4
equals on the EPI equals higher empowerment potential with the participant having all index
components. Scores of women and men were compared. Scores of Non-SCs and SCs were
compared. Scores provided an indication of access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning
groups, and access to WatSan management groups resulting in empowerment potential for
respondents.
Figure 2. Empowerment Potential Index for WatSan
It is beneficial to quantify numbers of individuals with access to WatSan, access to WatSan
planning groups, and access to WatSan management groups, but it is important to remember
that any of these components alone do not represent empowerment. Access to WatSan is the
starting place for empowerment and it "is change in the material reality of women's lives
through improved access to water and other productive resources" (Ahmed, 2005b, p. 222).
Access to WatSan planning groups and access to WatSan management groups do not identify
whether women have active or nominal participation for planning and management
(Agarwal, 2001).
While the visibility of women in community water management institutions is an
important starting point, it does not necessarily lead to their active participation in
water decisions, or challenge the gendered drudgery of water collection. (Ahmed,
2005a, p. 3).
These components only show whether respondents have been involved in a WatSan planning
or management group. Qualitative techniques should be used in conjunction with the EPI to
understand if WatSan access, planning, and management have initiated the empowerment
Qualitative Data Analysis
Individual interviews provided an opportunity to evaluate themes of empowerment and
gender equality. All transcribed interviews were analyzed using computer software called
NVivo. This is a computer-assisted qualitative data analysis program. This program allows a
researcher to code qualitative interviews and retrieve comments efficiently. Comments
describing empowerment - self-worth, capacity, and transformation - were coded in a
deductive manner among all women participants (Table 3).
Table 3. Empowerment Themes in Individual Interviews
Empowerment Theme Description of Comments
Sense of Self-Worth Value of the self as a person. Words and phrases that
might exhibit this feeling include pride, dignity, joy,
pleasure, value, happy, coming up in life, having a drive,
wanting better, having a better life, or not sitting down
with a thought.
Capacity to Make Decisions Ability to make and influence decisions. This might
include making choices on the household level,
participation in groups, communication during meetings,
or input in politics.
Transformation of Decisions to Reality Power shift to enable previously disempowered to see
their hopes or dreams to come to fruition.
Deductive coding is where a researcher picks out themes and searches for those themes in
qualitative data (Bernard, 2002). Themes of capacity and transformation used for individual
interviews include the second two dimensions of empowerment - agency and achievements -
as defined by Kabeer (1999). Rowlands (1999) and Narayan (2005) deem self-worth as
equally important in the empowerment process. Therefore, the theme of self-worth is also
included in review of qualitative data.
Comments pertaining to gender equality were coded in an inductive manner among all
women and men participants. Inductive coding is where a researcher allows main themes to
arise from the data itself (Bernard, 2002). This process was completed to identify areas of
gender equality or gender inequality as viewed by women and men in each village. Comments
in individual interviews that arose relating to gender equality and gender inequality were
placed into one of seven thematic categories: financial, production economy, land ownership,
politics, education, water, and sanitation (in no particular order).
Ethics of Study
This research entailed working with NGOs and people in five rural villages. Ethical challenges
in this study exist because the research may not directly benefit participants. Narayan (2000)
discuss four ethical challenges to research: 1) taking time from people, 2) raised expectations,
3) feedback to communities, and 4) action after research is complete. Each GMP and
interview took time from people that could be used for other purposes. Accordingly, no one
was required to participate in this study. Participants were asked if they were willing to take
part in the study. Sometimes people did not want to participate. On other occasions,
interviews were conducted while people were cooking food or getting ready for
engagements. It was clear some participants had raised expectations from our visit.
Questions requesting loans to complete projects, like building houses or constructing water
connections, were posed. Before individual interviews and group mapping projects, we
informed participants that:
Your participation in this study will not hurt or help your current access to or
management of the [water supply or sanitation] project. You will not be paid for being
in this study. You may not directly benefit from this study, but we hope that other
people will benefit in the future because we will know how to improve projects for all
Dialogue about the study direction was carried out with each NGO, and it is hoped that
information from this study is useful to them. A copy of this research study, with a brief two-
page summary, will be provided to both NGOs. This entire study is written to protect the
anonymity of respondents. All participants were told they could complete individual
interviews confidentially. All identifying names and locations have been changed to
pseudonyms.
CASE STUDY NGO A
Organization Overview and WatSan Approaches
NGO A has been working on WatSan in rural and urban areas in one state in India since 1987.
This organization originated with a concentration on rural development and focused on
WatSan programs shortly after formation. NGO A began to encourage microcredit 8 for water
connections and toilet construction in 2006. Their programs are funded through local and
international NGOs, government programs and subsidies, microfinancing through
independent bankers, and their own MFI 9. From 2006 to 2008, they completed a massive
8 Microcredit is the delivery of small loans to economically-disadvantaged people for income
and non-income generation purposes.
9 MFIs provide small loans, small savings, and other financial services to economically-
disadvantaged people.
project in 158 rural villages to promote WatSan programs with funding from one charitable
organization in India.
NGO A identifies the importance of empowerment of women and gender equality in their
vision statement, mission statement, and project documentation. Their vision promotes equal
gender rights and access to WatSan. Their mission envisages water, sanitation, and hygiene
for all people with an emphasis on empowerment of women, marginalized communities, and
children. In project documents for their 2006-2008 WatSan initiatives in rural villages, NGO A
aims to foster sustainable WatSan programs through PRIs and Self-Help Groups (SHGs 10).
They believe SHGs of women members are effective to advance community-managed water,
sanitation, and hygiene.
NGO A promotes collaboration between CBOs and local government for WatSan planning and
management. They hope WatSan programs are self-managed after the NGO discontinues
work in villages. To do this, they aim to strengthen CBOs and local government for WatSan
planning, management, and awareness. Based on this research and observations, their recent
strategies for supporting long-lasting WatSan programs include microcredit for WatSan and
non-WatSan related purposes; collaboration with villages, CBOs and local government; and
capacity-building for villages, CBOs, and local government. 11
NGO A offers microcredit for WatSan and non-WatSan related purposes through existing
SHGs. These SHGs are groups of women that are sponsored by NGO A. They have access to
small loans for income-generation purposes and non-income generation purposes (e.g.,
wedding, sicknesses, education, household maintenance, water connections, or toilets). NGO
A believes it is important that communities are able to access borrowed money from
reputable, low-interest sources for income generation and WatSan projects. NGO A organized
a Federation for SHGs. This Federation meets monthly as a forum for nominated leaders of
10 SHGs were first conceived of by Muhammad Yunus, founder of Grameen Bank, in the 1970s as
a way to provide low-interest loans to small groups of women for income generation activities.
11 They also completed WatSan construction and repairs in the past. This is not a major part of
current efforts, but they are still doing small projects such as constructing school toilets, installing
hand-pumps, and renovating existing hand-pumps.
SHGs. NGO A recently started a non-profit MFI to offer loans for WatSan purposes to SHG
members or family of SHG members. They issue loans for 24 months at 18-percent interest.
NGO A collaborates with villages, CBOs, and local government for WatSan initiatives. NGO A
helps villages plan WatSan programs through PRAs 12. All village members are invited to
PRAs. NGO A works on creating CBOs and collaborating with CBOs. Initially, they promoted
formation of Village Water and Sanitation Committees (VWSCs) for participatory WatSan
management. These groups consisted of key people, elders or other leaders from the village.
The VWSCs are now defunct. Instead, they created WatSan Groups (WSGs). Members of WSGs
are self-nominated and pay a small monthly fee for participation. Members may withdraw
money from a group savings for any need. WSGs are responsible for keeping villages free of
open defecation (OD), completing small water repairs, and notifying the government of water
problems. NGO A promotes collaboration between local government groups including PRIs,
Panchayat Level Federations, and Village Development Committees.
NGO A offers capacity-building for villages, CBOs, and local government. For villages, they
host camps on hand-washing, low-cost toilets, and proper garbage disposal. For CBOs, they
conduct OD outreach, deliver hygiene and sanitation programs, and host World Water Day
events. For CBOs and local government, they provide trainings on topics such as OHT
operation, soak-pit and solid-waste management, kitchen gardens, and vermiculture.
Village Implementation, Empowerment, and Gender Equality
Village Background
Individual interviews and household surveys were carried out in one main village 13 that
received WatSan interventions from NGO A through this study. This village is located in a
panchayat with six other villages. Main sources of livelihood are agriculture and livestock.
The village is surrounded by rice and banana fields. Households have annual incomes around
12 NGOs and development practitioners use PRAs (with methods like group maps, interviews,
and transect walks) to incorporate ideas of communities in planning and managing resources.
13 Household surveys were also conducted in two nearby villages.
Rs. 12,000-50,000 (USD 256-1,067). The religion of all families is Hindu. Castes are Most
Backward Caste 14 (MBC) and SC delineations. All SCs live on one side of the village, and MBCs
live on the other side of the village. There are 117 houses built with different materials
including concrete, mud, thatched-roofed, or tiled-roof. There are also colony houses. The
population of this village is likely between 200 and 300 people.
The rural location of this village, coupled with widespread poverty, has led to a slow
progression of WatSan interventions over the past twenty years. There was minimal
electricity in the village roughly 30 years ago. Residents would fetch water from a local canal
or a bore-well dug by the government. Water supply from the bore-well was limited and
brackish. Sometimes people would supplement their supply by taking water from agricultural
wells in fields. The village had three hand-pumps installed by the government, but they were
not working properly. In 1999, the government constructed a large overhead tank (OHT)
which increased water storage for the village, but WatSan conditions began to improve
around eight years ago. The government erected 14 street posts for water in 2001. People
started building individual water connections in 2002. Around 2006, an international NGO
and NGO A provided microcredit for water connections and toilets. About 45 water
connections and 70 toilets were constructed through this initiative. Toilet construction
continued later through SHG loans. Some people constructed toilets with savings. In 2006,
water infrastructure was improved (renovation of bore-wells, hand-pumps, and pipelines) by
NGO A. Today in the village, there are 14 community stand-posts, 62 individual connections,
and 102 toilets. Water is provided twice a day - once in the morning and once at night - for
one to three hours. Water supply is generally consistent except during low-rainfall months of
April, May, and June.
Several types of CBOs were created to counter poverty and lack of WatSan in the village. SHGs
were formed by NGO A to provide microcredit for income and non-income generation
purposes. The first two SHGs started in 2001, and the second three SHGs started in 2002.
SHGs are split by caste boundaries. All SCs are in an SHG together, and all MBCs are in an SHG
14 MBCs are castes identified by state government as encountering prevalent economic, social or
education difficulties. They are offered special government programs, schemes, and reservations to
help alleviate them from their disadvantaged positions in society. They are considered better off than
SCs in caste hierarchy.
together. The government and NGO A advised caste division of SHGs to ensure that SCs could
receive government subsidies. There are five SHGs with a total of 67 members (two SC
groups and three MBC groups). In 2003, SHGs started providing loans from NGO A for toilet
construction. Around 2005, NGO A sponsored a VWSC in the village. They completed OD
patrols, provided hygiene education, monitored water supplies, and motivated people to
build toilets. Members of the VWSC paid a monthly subscription fee. Around 2007, the VWSC
changed into a WSG. There are 15 members on the WSG. There is a small monthly
subscription fee, and members can submit savings. The WSG monitors OD, fixes small water
problems, take donations to build toilets for poor people, and sends official letters to the PRI
about major water problems. NGO A believes CBOs are a way to promote empowerment in
WatSan because they allow various people to access WatSan resources and have a say in
WatSan planning and management.
Empowerment Potential
The Empowerment Potential Index (EPI) indicates levels of access to WatSan, access to
WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan management groups for respondents. The
ability to access these components allow people greater potential for engaging in the
empowerment process. EPI information was collected from household surveys in the main
village and two nearby villages. The EPI does not define types of participation in WatSan
planning and management by respondents (i.e., it does not tell us if women have active or
nominal participation in decision-making). The EPI does find mean values of respondents
with access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan management
groups. This can give us a general idea of the empowerment potential related to WatSan for
respondents in the villages.
A mean of EPI ratings for respondents, women and men, in three villages receiving WatSan
interventions from NGO A equals 2.44 (Table 4). This might indicate respondents have
moderately decent access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to
WatSan management groups through interventions by NGO A. Women respondents with a
mean of EPI ratings at 2.65 fared slightly better than men respondents with a mean of EPI
ratings at 2.10. This could validate the knowledge that NGO A promotes SHGs for women in
villages. These SHGs allow women to take loans to construct toilets and participate in WatSan
planning and management groups. SC respondents had a minimally higher mean of EPI
ratings at 3.00 than non-SCs at 2.57. NGO A has created separate SHGs for SC women in the
communities. This has possibly led to SC respondents having modestly higher mean EPI
ratings.
Table 4. Empowerment Potential by Population Category - NGO A
Population Category Mean Rating
Females 2.65
Males 2.10
SCs 3.00
Non-SCs 2.57
Total of NGO A 2.44
The mean of EPI ratings was compared across respondents with different individual incomes.
Respondents with annual incomes greater than Rs. 37,000 (USD 804) have a slightly higher
mean of EPI ratings than those of lower incomes (Table 5). This could be because they can
afford to take and repay loans for construction of individual water connections or individual
Table 5. Empowerment Potential by Annual Income - NGO A
Annual Income in Rs. Mean Rating
<18,000 2.31
19,000-36,000 2.04
>55,000 3.00
The EPI cannot be used alone to assume empowerment in villages. It only represents
increased empowerment potential for respondents in relation to WatSan programs.
Individual interviews conducted in the main village helps provide a better understanding of
the empowerment process for women and gender equality related and unrelated to WatSan.
Empowerment: Self-Worth, Capacity, and Transformation
Individual interviews were conducted with six people - three women and three men - in the
main village. Participants were asked to talk about the history of WatSan changes in the
village and expand upon these topics. Afterwards, only interviews with women were coded to
understand self-worth, capacity, and transformation to comprehend the empowerment
process for women. The least talked about theme was self-worth (referenced 12 times from
all 3 female participants). The most mentioned theme was capacity (referenced 31 times
from all 3 female participants) and transformation was not far behind (referenced 27 times
from all 3 female participants) (Figure 3). These themes were analyzed to see how they were
related and unrelated to WatSan programs.
Figure 3. Empowerment Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO A
Themes of self-worth were mainly about financial security on the household level through
accessing loans for non-WatSan purposes from an SHG or WSG. In general, a level of financial
freedom on the household level was achieved through these loans. Two different women in
individual interviews mention:
Even when we were earning money, our husbands would take away the salary and
keep it for themselves. They would not give it to us. On the contrary, they would not
be worried about what was happening in the house or house management. So it was
fairly strong how it was one factor which drove me to come to this level.
For every little reason, I had to go to my husband. To ask even for, even if to buy little
eats for eating, for giving it to the children, and all that, I had to depend on my
husband. We were almost treated like slaves by the husbands. So joining, being in a
woman's group, I enjoy the benefit for whenever I want to spend money for a certain
reason, like I can always take a loan and spend that money, and I can always pay it
back. I don't have to depend on my husband.
Through these groups, women respondents access loans for household projects, for
children's snacks, or for children's studies. They were proud to access money and make
financial decisions in the household. This allowed them a degree of autonomy.
The second most mentioned topic in connection with themes of self-worth were related to
WatSan access and sharing WatSan awareness. One MBC woman was pleased to emphasize,
"Yes, we were one of the first families that brought this to the village. The first twenty-two,
patch of twenty-two toilets." She emanates a sense of pride at having a toilet built with
microcredit from an SHG:
So after that only, then everybody understood the meaning behind it and then slowly
one after the other everybody realized the importance and the need for a toilet, we
were able to build a toilet, and today we are happy that we don't run all around.
One SC woman, who was a leader of the first SHG in the village, talks about becoming brave in
order to teach others about WatSan:
By constant trainings of NGO A, you know - the animator trainings, the
entrepreneurial trainings and the various kinds of training through that - empowers
me to knowledge. And that knowledge which was put into me has opened up my
eyes of understanding. And that made us, you know all the groups in this village, take
a bold stance against anybody who speaks ill against water and sanitation
Another less mentioned topic in connection with themes of self worth was related to finding
joy in cooperation with other women. The same SHG leader states she started the group
because "when women come together, even after forming the groups, we found that there
was joy. All the women who came there were almost like-minded". Another woman replies
she joined a WSG because "it also gives me a chance to serve my community".
Themes of capacity were largely associated with women being able to make financial
decisions at household and community levels through accessing loans from an SHG or WSG.
One SC woman leader of an SHG says:
How long will I still have the same old rugged job? Can I think of becoming an
entrepreneur? Starting a small enterprise where a buyer can also make an additional
income so I can support my children's studies even if they want to go to a higher
level. Because earlier it was not so easy when we were dependent on the husbands
income alone for college and all that, a higher education and all that.
This statement represents feelings echoed many times. After having money stolen from her
by a family member, a young MBC woman wanted to learn banking and joined a WSG. She
states, "I can depend on that institution, and that institution can help me go to the bank." A
couple of women also mentioned making decisions to use loans for charitable purposes. This
might point to capacity to make decisions on the community level. SHGs give treats to
children on special holidays and loan money to disadvantaged women:
We [in SHGs] have chosen to work with children, especially during independence
days (the public days). We would also buy stationary for poor children who can't
afford to buy pencils, notebooks. So we would go ahead and do that kind of support to
children, buy them sweets on those days (special days).
The second most identified theme of capacity, although not nearly as much as financial
decisions, was related to WatSan decisions. These declarations of making WatSan decisions
were in correlation with participation in an SHG or WSG. They talked about the importance of
loans for WatSan and raising WatSan awareness.
Okay, through the SHG's… … we were able to build a toilet and a water
connection. We've also given loans from the SHGs savings to people who did not
apply during the time NGO A was offering loans and other products for building
Being a part of the WSG, we used to go about driving people who were doing
open defecation in and around the villages. And we used to clean the OHT
periodically, and pumps, and all that stuff. And if there was any maintenance problem
coming up, we would go as a gang and represent it to the PRI.
The least noted theme of capacity was the importance of SHGs as a venue to lobby political
authorities. Only one woman said: "We spoke to the government people, the officials, and we
were able to mobilize and get things done." In her view, this represents an increased capacity
to initiate change on the political level.
Themes of transformation pertain to financial decisions on household and community levels
through loans from SHGs and WSGs. Women transform their financial decisions to reality by
using money to become more independent in the household.
My daughter was married and for the making of the big ceremony I was able to draw
money from the SHG and spend for the function. We make everything as a big
function. We invite about three hundred people and cook food to give to them and,
you know, all that stuff. So for that I needed money so I was able to draw from the
SHG a loan for that.
So joining, being in a woman's group, I enjoy the benefit for whenever I want to
spend money for a certain reason like I can always take a loan and spend that
money, and I can always pay it back.
Women were also able to use loans to help others. One woman says, "If there was any
desperate need - financial need - in a family, we would all come together, agree on a common
decision, and support them through the financial loan package." Two other women talk about
helping others in the community through charitable support. One SHG of SC women helped a
woman afford to get medical treatment:
As women, when we grew up together a part of the SHG, we had savings in the bank.
And one women, who is in this group, who came into this village to live. She got
married to a man from this village, and she moved into this village. And that girl had a
kind of, something like a, cancerous tumor in her throat and she had problems with…
and drinking water. She had to drink it slow and all of that. So she needed treatment
to get that thing off. So we decided to pull in the savings and give it to her to be
used for medical purposes.
The second most found theme of transformation was related to WatSan decisions. These
decisions were associated with accessing loans from SHGs and WSGs for WatSan purposes
and sharing WatSan information through SHGs and WSGs:
Okay, through the SHG, my mother was a source… we were able to build a toilet and a
water connection. The SHG secured loan for us for the water and for the toilet.
We've also given loans from the SHGs savings to people who did not apply during the
time NGO A was offering loans and other products for building toilets.
The least noticed theme of transformation was in connection with the importance of SHGs as
a venue to lobby political authorities. The same SC woman states: "Because as a group when
you go and represent your case to the government you can always move things and get it
done." In her SHG, she lobbied for funding to build 20 houses for SCs, a shared SHG meeting
center, and to provide a stipend for handicapped people in her village.
Summary: Self-Worth, Capacity, and Transformation
A summary of individual interviews show women join in the empowerment process as
measured through expressions of self-worth, capacity, and transformation in a variety of
ways on household, community, and political levels. All three themes had the same topics
mentioned frequently. The most mentioned topic was the ability to make financial decisions
on the household level through microcredit from an SHG or WSG. Loans were taken for
purposes such as paying for weddings, completing household improvements, or buying treats
for children. Some of these loans were taken for charity work on the community level. The
prevalence of themes in the realm of financial decision-making on the household and
community levels show women participants most experienced empowerment through
accessing loans for non-WatSan purposes through SHGs or WSGs. It must be taken into
account that all women participating in individual interviews were members of these groups.
The second most mentioned topic with all three themes of the empowerment process was
making WatSan decisions through SHGs and WSGs through accessing loans and sharing
information. Women were able to access loans through SHGs and WSGs to build WatSan
connections. This allowed them to experience empowerment related to WatSan access and
decision-making on the household level. Women were able to share WatSan awareness with
others in the village. This also allowed them to experience empowerment related to WatSan
knowledge and decision-making through sharing awareness on the community level. Both
building WatSan connections with loans and sharing WatSan awareness took place through
SHGs and WSGs supported by NGO A.
EPI, Individual Interviews, and Empowerment in WatSan
EPI results (access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan
management groups) are compared to results from individual interviews (self-worth,
capacity, and transformation) for an enhanced comprehension of the empowerment process
for women in relation to WatSan. Women respondents have a mean of EPI ratings at 2.66.
Using this as a starting point for understanding empowerment potential, one might assume
women are relatively well positioned for experiencing the empowerment process in relation
to WatSan. The higher mean of EPI ratings makes sense because NGO A has been working in
the WatSan sector for about twenty years. Access to WatSan, through loans from SHGs and
WSGs, was mentioned as part of the empowerment process in individual interviews. This
represents increased self-worth related to access to WatSan and WatSan decision-making on
the household level. Access to WatSan planning groups, through participation of women in
SHGs and WGs, was mentioned as part of the empowerment process in individual interviews.
Women participants were able to plan WatSan connections on the household level by taking
loans and constructing water connections and toilets. Access to WatSan management groups,
through participation of women in SHGs and WGs, was mentioned as part of the
empowerment process in individual interviews. They were able to manage WatSan through
attending WatSan trainings and sharing WatSan awareness on the community level.
Given this preliminary examination of the empowerment process within NGO A, there are
three particular areas of interest. First, participation of women in planning or managing
WatSan systems on a political level was not mentioned during individual interviews with
women. One woman mentioned the ability of SHGs to get grants and subsides for other
purposes, but not related to WatSan. This does not imply women participants in SHGs and
WSGs do not participate in the political realm regarding WatSan, but it is something to
consider for further exploration. In all regards, NGO A staff said SHGs attend local
government meetings to talk about WatSan, and WSGs present official letters to PRIs about
WatSan problems. Second, all topics related to themes of the empowerment process are in
association with participation in an SHG or WSG. There is a monthly fee to participate in both
of these groups. This might allow some women in the community to participate in the
empowerment process but leaves out portions of the community unable to pay or without
time to participate. Third, themes of self-worth were found least in review of individual
interviews . There are only 12 references to self-worth themes in individual interviews with
women compared to 31 references for capacity and 27 references for transformation.
References to self-worth were mentioned most in connection with financial empowerment on
the household level through microcredit for non-WatSan purposes. These results could be
from the way that individual interviews were set-up (see Appendix A) or the criteria for
understanding self-worth (as defined in Table 3). More research would be helpful to
understand if women felt self-worth related or unrelated to the WatSan program in this
village.
Gender Equality Overview
Themes of gender equality/inequality were coded in individual interviews conducted with
women and men in the main village. These themes were classified by gender
equality/inequality occurring in the past and gender equality/inequality occurring in the
present. The following topics were mentioned by participants - education, financial, land
ownership, production economy, sanitation, and water (in no particular order) - under
themes of gender equality/inequality. Themes of gender inequality occurring in the past were
mentioned more (6 topics mentioned among all interviews) than themes of gender inequality
occurring in the present (4 topics mentioned among all interviews). Themes of gender
equality occurring in the past were not mentioned, and themes of gender equality occurring
in the present were mentioned (10 topics mentioned among all interviews) (Figure 4). This
might indicate occurrences of gender inequality are slowly decreasing over time as seen by
participants in individual interviews. It also could show that gender equality is slowly
increasing over time as experienced by participants. It is necessary to understand subjects of
comments related to gender equality/inequality to see which topics are increasing or
decreasing.
Figure 4. Gender Equality Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO A
The two topics of greatest decrease in gender inequality were related to financial decisions
on the household level and fetching water on the household level. Two women mentioned
financial inequality on the household level occurring in the past and no one mentioned it
occurring in the present. Two women said they were treated like "slaves" by husbands
concerning household finances. One of them declared:
It was poverty what first drove us because every little thing we had to depend on was
our husbands. When the children wanted to buy something to eat we had to say, sorry
I don't have money I'll have to ask your father to give you money so the male
dependency in the family was also taking its toll.
Two women mentioned having female family members fetch water in the past. This does not
indicate more men are fetching water now. The occurrence of this response is most likely
because the question was not directly asked in all interviews or fewer people are fetching
water due to WatSan projects in the village.
The one topic of greatest increase in gender equality occurring in the present was related to
participation of women in the production economy. This was mentioned by four participants
in individual interviews. One woman ran a store in the village for supplemental income. One
man says, "Yes, supplemental income, but mostly my wife takes care of that." Another woman
had a daughter who works at a nearby company:
Now one of my daughters works for WholeCity Company which manufactures lingerie
and all that stuff. So because the family was also suffering she stayed after her studies,
schooling, she completed her schooling and went on to work for WholeCity which
manufactures undergarments and all that stuff. So she is working with them and she
is taking care of agriculture.
As common in the community, one woman "is also doing farm labor work on a daily basis."
The other two topics of greatest increase in gender equality occurring in the present were
related to financial decisions on the household level and sanitation awareness by men and
women. One woman said:
And we all know that when we come to a place where we can look up to this
particular entity for a brand new source of help to alleviate ourselves from this
poverty. So, they looked at the SHG as a new source of revenue for them, so that they
can earn at the same time they can spend, which was not possible earlier. So that's
one reason...
Some male participants were aware and concerned about the challenges of OD for women:
And one such meeting, I recall how people spoke about women. They go through so
much pain when they go through open defecation. And the challenge was thrown
back to the men of the community saying don't think you think it is your own idle, it is
your wife, your daughter, your sister, your mother, or somebody who is a part of your
family who goes and sits and does this act (attending the nature's calling) open. And
not only that, but every time they have to go (in the day, in the mornings, by the field-
side or by the road-side, even the nights) all kinds of vehicles pass by and it rattles
with the lights on they have to stand up. So the process can hamper the free flow of
defecation in a woman, and that can result to a lot of - what do you say - sickness in
the woman's body. Especially in her uterus and all that.
Empowerment and Gender Equality in WatSan
This section will seek to understand if empowerment of women directed gender equality in
relation to WatSan in the main village according to participants in individual interviews.
Themes of gender equality for water were not mentioned as occurring in the past or present.
Themes of gender equality for sanitation were mentioned as improving over time by two
individuals. They were mentioned in terms of having better access to sanitation sources, and
men being aware of challenges of OD for women. NGO A helps provide better access to
sanitation through loans for building toilets, and NGO A offered trainings in which some men
were learning of OD challenges for women. It would appear that gender equality, through
perceptions of participants in individual interviews, occurred through interventions of NGO
A. Hence, gender equality occurred through top-down efforts that subsequently promoted
empowerment of women. It seems empowerment of women was necessary to sustain the
WatSan program and help promote gender equality for WatSan on household and community
levels. Women were participating in the empowerment process by accessing loans for
WatSan and sharing WatSan awareness in the community. It could be assumed that NGO A's
interventions did influence gender equality in WatSan through top-down approaches, but the
empowerment of women continued to influence gender equality in WatSan using approaches
put in-place by NGO A.
Sampling Strategy and Limitations
Twenty-seven respondents associated with NGO A (17 women and 10 men) completed
household surveys. Six participants completed individual interviews in the main village (3
women and 3 men). For the most part, participants in individual interviews were picked by
NGO A and represent individuals receiving WatSan benefits. The translator was a male
employee of NGO A for individual interviews. This may have resulted in women a) feeling
uncomfortable communicating with a male employee about WatSan, b) the male employee
interpreting responses with his perspective of WatSan program goals, or c) information
about empowerment and gender equality being lost in translation. As a final point, the small
number of people participating in individual interviews makes this a non-statistical sample. It
is difficult to generalize these data beyond the scope of participants.
CASE STUDY NGO B
Overview of Organization and WatSan Approaches
NGO B was launched in 1947 by a woman and a partner to promote development in rural
areas and empowerment of rural people. This organization has five central objectives of
social welfare, education, health care, rural industries, and village involvement. In the
beginning, they offered medical services, opened homes for children, and assisted villages in
establishing micro-industries. More recently, they began helping villages gain capacity to
maintain and manage WatSan systems. From 2006 to 2008, they received funding from a
charitable organization in India to support water programs in twelve villages. From 2009 to
2011, they received funding from the same charitable organization to support sanitation
programs in five villages.
NGO B acknowledges, in organizational values and project documentation, the significance of
empowerment for women and gender equality. This establishment was founded by a woman,
and she always emphasized serving women and children. NGO B embraces the concept of
Swaraj 15 which means "self-rule" as put forward by Mahatma Gandhi. This concept
encompasses self-help, local tradition, and non-violence. Their mission statement
concentrates on advancing healthcare and education, allowing people to find and enhance
strengths, and supporting livelihoods through self-management. In WatSan project
documentation, NGO B describes empowering women and gender equality in WatSan
planning and implementation.
NGO B's main goal for WatSan initiatives from 2006 to 2011 is to create programs that
improve WatSan access and are managed by villages into perpetuity. They describe these as
self-managed WatSan systems. NGO B fosters self-managed WatSan systems by creating
proper use and maintenance schemes, and facilitating technical and financial management.
They create proper use and maintenance schemes by repairing water structures, raising
WatSan awareness, and forming and training WatSan CBOs. They support technical and
financial management by collecting a portion of capital costs for WatSan repairs, encouraging
stand-post water-tax collection, and providing loans for toilets. Based on this research and
observations, their strategies for WatSan programs include repairing water structures;
improving WatSan awareness in villages; forming and training CBOs for WatSan; and
encouraging financial sustainability of WatSan systems through village involvement.
NGO B repaired water structures in villages through funding provided by a charitable
organization with a portion of costs covered by villages. NGO B repaired water storage
structures. They renewed other parts of water conveyance systems including pipelines, gate
15 Mahatma Gandhi was an influential leader in the Indian independence movement liberating
India from British colonization. He pioneered concepts of non-violence for social causes and swaraj or
"self-rule". It could be argued that the concept of Swaraj exemplifies the concept of empowerment.
valves, stand-posts, motors, hand-pumps, open-wells, and motors. NGO B also constructed
fencing around water systems, and they welded shut pit taps (i.e., illegal entries to water
supplies) to normalize water flow and pressure to legal water-access points
NGO B held a variety of awareness activities and trainings for villages. They hosted general
informational sessions on challenges for women related to sanitation, waste-water disposal,
and solid-waste disposal. NGO B offered other awareness activities on water quality and
water storage. Also, they oriented younger students to WatSan through programs at schools.
They distributed personal hygiene kits with tissues, soap, nail clippers, and combs to selected
classrooms of primary-school students.
NGO B formed and trained CBOs for WatSan. They encouraged establishment of three
primary groups. VWSCs, the first group, are responsible for planning, monitoring, and
financial management of water systems. VWSCs are located in each panchayat with 20
elected members, and there is a 33 percent reservation for women members. Water Groups
(WGs), the second group, are responsible for WatSan management by monitoring local water
points, promoting hygienic use of waste-water, and reporting problems to VWSCs. WGs are
located in each village with 15 members (mostly women from SHGs). Technical Groups (TGs),
the third group, are responsible for O&M of WatSan systems. TGs have six members and are
located in each village. All three of these groups are interlinked with SHGs and PRIs. NGO B
offers trainings to all CBOs. TGs receive technical trainings on hand-pumps, power pumps,
and plumbing. Other CBOs receive non-technical trainings on project orientation, VWSC
training, WG training, financial management, and general management.
NGO B encourages villages to take financial responsibility of WatSan systems. For WatSan
repairs, they solicit 10 percent of capital costs from villages. SHG members collect this money
from the people. NGO B tried to solicit a water-tax at stand-posts of Rs. 5 (USD .11) each
month. They also encouraged people to pay their individual water-connection fee of Rs. 30
(USD .64) each month. For sanitation, NGO B distributes loans from a revolving fund for toilet
construction. They distribute five loans at a time in a village. Most toilets are constructed at a
cost of Rs. 4,000 (USD 86.10). Because the government sometimes offers a Rs. 2,200 (USD
47.35) subsidy for toilet construction, NGO B provides loans from the revolving fund at Rs.
1,800 (USD 38.74). Individuals repay these loans over a period of six months at Rs. 300 (USD
6.46) a month.
Individual interviews and household surveys were conducted in one main village 16 that
received WatSan interventions from NGO B through this study. This village is located in a
panchayat with nine other villages. The chief occupation here is agriculture. Crops include
grapes, flowers, and onions. Households have annual incomes around Rs. 7,000-1,10,000
(USD 150-2,350). The religion of most families is Hindu. The religion of one family is
Christian. Castes in the village are MBC, Other Backward Caste 17 (OBC), and SC delineations.
SCs live together on one side of the village, and MBCs and OBCs live together on the other side
of the village. There are 77 houses built with different materials including concrete, mud,
thatched-roofed, or tiled-roof. There are also colony houses. The total population is about 276
Since the village was settled in the 1950s, the water situation has been challenging. Soon after
people moved here, an open-well was dug by the government. Water levels began to drop
after one or two decades. There were commonly fights over water at this open-well. MBCs did
not like SCs to use the well. A bore-well with a hand-pump was eventually drilled. This bore-
well supplied water to the entire village. The quantity of water was sporadic, and there were
many fights over water at this hand-pump. The bore-well was also connected to a
groundwater level reservoir (GLR) in the middle of the village. The GLR has a large cement
tank with spigots. There is some water available in the GLR, but it is bad-quality water and
only used for washing and bathing. For the most part, water at the hand-pump decreased
16 Household surveys were also conducted in one nearby village.
17 OBCs are castes identified by state government as encountering prevalent economic, social or
SCs and worse off than MBCs in caste hierarchy.
Gradually, water conditions in the village began to improve. One Sintex (small tank) was
connected to the bore-well and two overhead tanks (OHTs) were built for water storage. The
OHTs are connected to a water source from nearby mountains. Water quality in the OHTs is
superior to water quality of the bore-well. OHTs are the main water supply for the village. In
1999, the governments built five stand-posts. Around seven years ago, people started
building individual water connections. Today, there are around 42 individual water
connections and 5 stand-posts. Approximately five families share each stand-post, and
everyone else has individual connections. Water is available once every three days for less
than two hours.
Sanitation conditions were always rough and continue to remain difficult. There were
practically no toilets 30 years ago. Everyone would defecate in fields, in an empty canal, or in
distant forests. Toilets were built over the last few years. There were 20 toilets in the vicinity
of the village before NGO B started WatSan programs, and they assisted with construction of
30 additional toilets. Many toilets were erected using revolving loans from NGO B. This
village planned to build a community toilet near the canal, but the plan was abandoned.
Several types of CBOs were created in this village to respond to a lack of WatSan and
widespread poverty, but awareness of these groups is mixed. Participants in individual
interviews were quite aware of SHGs. NGO B supports three SHGs in this village for income-
generation and WatSan activities. SHGs do not usually distribute WatSan loans, but they work
on WatSan projects. For example, two SHG members went around and collected a Rs. 15,000
(USD 322.86) contribution for WatSan renovations. There are also SHGs not supported by
NGO B in the village. Most SHGs are formed of MBC or OBC people with relatively few SC
people. Participants in individual interviews were not very aware of new groups, WGs and
VWSCs, created by NGO B for WatSan planning and management. NGO B helped form one WG
in this village. This group is supposed to consist of women SHG members. One woman
thought she was a member of the WG, but she said it was a group to take loans for home
improvements or other purposes. She seemed confused. NGO B helped form one VWSC in this
panchayat. The majority of participants in individual interviews had no awareness of this
The EPI indicates levels of access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to
WatSan management groups for respondents. The ability to access these components allow
people greater potential for engaging in the empowerment process. EPI information was
collected from household surveys in the main village and two nearby villages. The EPI does
not define types of participation in WatSan planning and management by respondents (i.e., it
does not tell us if women have active or nominal participation in decision-making). The EPI
does find mean values of respondents with access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning
groups, and access to WatSan management groups. This can give us a general idea of
empowerment potential related to WatSan for respondents in the villages.
A mean of EPI ratings for all respondents, women and men, in two villages receiving WatSan
interventions from NGO B equals 1.53 (Table 6). This might show respondents from NGO B
have worse access to WatSan, access to WatSan planning groups, and access to WatSan
management groups. A mean of EPI ratings of women is minimally higher at 1.64 than a mean
of EPI ratings of men at 1.36. This could indicate women respondents felt they took part in a
WatSan planning group or a WatSan management group through an SHG or WG. A mean of
EPI ratings for SCs is 1.79 when compared with non-SCs at 1.36. It is unclear why SCs have a
higher mean of EPI ratings because there are few SHGs for SCs (and as a result few SCs on
WGs).
Table 6. Empowerment Potential by Population Category - NGO B
Total of NGO B 1.53
Mean of EPI ratings were compared for respondents across different individual incomes.
Respondents with annual incomes less than Rs. 18,000 (USD 383.47) had the highest mean of
EPI ratings at 1.71 (Table 7). Respondents with annual incomes greater than Rs. 55,000 (USD
1171.71) had the lowest mean of EPI ratings at 1.33. It is difficult to decipher these results.
During semi-structured interviews, several individuals in the village said they had no desire
to participate in WatSan planning groups or WatSan management groups which would
reduce the index scores of those groups.
Table 7. Empowerment Potential by Annual Income - NGO B
Individual interviews were conducted with thirteen people - seven women and six men - in
the main village. Participants were asked to talk about the history of WatSan changes in the
village and expand upon these topics. Afterwards, individual interviews with women were
coded for self-worth, capacity, and transformation to understand the empowerment process.
The least talked about theme was self-worth (referenced 16 times from 6 sources). The most
discussed theme was capacity (referenced 29 times from 6 sources) with transformation
following (referenced 19 times from 6 sources) (Figure 5). There was one woman who did
not mention themes of the empowerment process. The three themes were analyzed to see
how they were related and unrelated to WatSan programs
Figure 5. Empowerment Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO B
Themes of self-worth were related to water access and water quantity. Women were happy
or felt great satisfaction to have closer access points and more reliable quantities of water.
These two comments show general sentiment:
…when I was young, I was pretty much in poverty and I had problems for water and
everything, but now I am slowly coming up in life so… actually, there is excess water
When I was very young, it was very difficult. Even if we found dead animals like
snakes and all, in the water, we would still just filter the water and drink it because it
was so unavailable. But, now, the water situation is very good.
Another woman is pleased to have her own connection to avoid fighting with neighbors.
Several people mentioned past and current disputes over water. This SC woman describes
reasons she wanted an individual connection:
It's much better now than it was because now like I have a good water system and all
that, and I have built a house and property and all that. So I am now happier than
when it was twelve years ago, and I had to go to that hand-pump and like pump
water, and a bad water supply and all that… Yeah I'm happy with it. There is still
water that comes through my tap even after they turned it off… I got it because I
didn't want to get into fights with my neighbors because like waiting for water, and I
didn't want to go into a public tap because all I used to get was like four pots of water.
Less so, themes of self-worth were alluded to during comments of non-WatSan development
projects in the village. One MBC woman was proud of her government funded cook-stove, and
an another OBC woman was happy for better roads. Interestingly, when the MBC woman
describes pride for her cook-stove, she talks unenthusiastically about the SC community. She
No, the refill is three hundred and twenty five rupees every time we want to refill it
[the fuel container for the cookstove]. So, you know, the forward community (which is
all these kinds of people), is the kind of community that's focused on, like, having a
better life whereas if you visited the SCs, they're like even if they have money and
government jobs they still don't really care to, like, live up. And they just live like in
smaller houses with just less of a care of living up and having a better lifestyle.
Themes of self-worth were least declared in relation to sanitation. One woman repeatedly
espoused benefits of toilets. She was a young SHG member from the MBC community who
shared a toilet between her joint-family 18 of three families. They are the only joint-family in
the village to share a toilet. She comments:
Because people were all cultivating and they weren't allowing us to go to the fields. So
we would feel awkward going into someone's cultivated field. So we would
much rather have a toilet… We had a variety of reasons for building the toilet before
they were built… it's a good thing because we don't have to go through difficulties like
going out at night, and having difficulties going in the night, and being swarmed by
insects, or also we have this belief like when women are having their menstrual cycle,
some uh… spirits would come and catch us kind of thing. So now that doesn't happen.
And we can cook well, like if we are cooking or need to do something there is a toilet
close by. So it's accessible and we don't have to worry about our work stopping.
Themes of capacity were consistently mentioned in connection with talking to government
officials about water issues. Though this capacity was usually expressed in a one-one-one
18 A joint-family (or HUF) under law is a multi-generational family living in the same home or
vicinity sharing resources, decision-making, and income. This type of family is formed with a father,
mother, and their adult sons with wives and children. Unmarried daughters or widows will also live in
a joint-family arrangement.
situation talking directly to the vice-president of the PRI as he walked through the village.
Women usually refer to him as president not vice-president. He was the president of the PRI
in the past, but now an SC woman from another village was required by the government to fill
the role. Women state:
He was here even yesterday morning. So he comes and visits us from time to time. So
we have access to him…We ask him everything, even if there are family problems,
and he fixes everything.
Even now, I have to keep asking for the water to be opened up. So, that kind of
changes, I would be happy… I have to go fight for the water, the tank… I'll have to tell
the president, the president has to go and get the open-well access open.
One woman said SHGs were effective at communicating with the panchayat as a whole.
So basically all of the SHGs got together and told the village they needed better water
supply, and so then that guy would go and talk to the right people in the government
and they would just get it done… Only like two or three people have joined, but most
people are used to the SHG as a kind of way to talk to the president.
One MBC woman's family wrote a letter to Parliament about water problems: "I, my family,
we wrote a petition saying we were having a water problem and the people [the government]
restored it." Another woman attends Gram Sabha (village meetings) but does not speak up, "I
don't generally participate. I listen to what is being said and come back."
The second most mentioned theme of capacity was related to accessing loans for non-WatSan
financial purposes through SHGs and WGs. One woman says she joined an SHG because "…it's
easy access to loans." Women use these loans for "food duration [food supply] and all that,
then they borrow from the SHG and repay" or "anything for house and expenses and that kind
of thing." Lastly, one woman says she is able to take out loans from a WG. She states:
I'm a member of the Water Group. What it does, we are able to save 55 rupees a
month, and then take out loans whenever anybody wants… I don't know why it's
called that [a Water Group]. I don't know those details. I go there. I pay whatever
money I can. And I'm able to access loans from it.
The three least discussed themes of capacity were related to WatSan training and awareness,
WatSan household decisions, and loans for toilet construction from NGO B. One SC woman
said, "So a couple of months ago NGO B had a meeting talking about awareness, and about
itself and the work and all that, and all of the Scheduled Caste had to be there." NGO B helps
people build toilets by providing technical information, "NGO B helped us built it." A couple of
women have increased capacity to make household WatSan decisions. One MBC woman even
tries to have her husband fetch water:
I have an individual water connection, and I actually loathe to, even to now, get this
water that's easily accessible. I kind of loathe to it. Because I like, I don't want to exert
myself anymore. I don't need to exert myself, and I don't have to exert myself. So I
kind of try to get this guy to go, my husband, to go and get my water because I
now have an individual connection.
One SC woman has increased capacity through these loans for toilets, but states she has been
waiting awhile to receive her loan:
It all because of this new funding that we are able to build toilets. So we want a
toilet, but five people have gotten it. So we are waiting on the money to come back
from some people so that they can be put into my loan. So I'm first in line to build a
toilet.
Themes of transformation were mostly related to women making water decisions through
communication with government officials. This overlaps with capacity themes mentioned
previously. Women participants in individual interviews do not appear to feel shy to talk to
the vice-president, and they believe he is able to help them transform decisions to reality.
This comment summarizes common thoughts, "Yes we talk to him directly, and then he does
whatever we tell him." Another MBC woman felt her petition to Parliament requesting better
access to water made a difference. "Yeah, all this change started happening only because we
wrote the petition," she says. Another MBC woman states SHGs are able to communicate with
the PRI on WatSan decisions:
and they would just get it done.
The second most found theme of transformation was related to the ability to take loans for
non-WatSan related purposed. This results in the increased ability to transform financial
decisions into reality on the household level. One woman states, "I am able to access money
when I want it, for lower interest."
The least mentioned theme of transformation was in connection with influencing WatSan
decisions in the household. Two women decided to have water connections in the house, and
two women decided to have toilets in the house. They were able to initiate these WatSan
changes in the household:
She has a big family so she didn't want all those problems, and that's why she wanted
to put in an individual connection.
One woman participant in individual interviews received her loan for building a toilet from
NGO B, "So they took a loan from NGO B [to build a toilet]."
A summary of individual interviews show women take part in the empowerment process as
measured through self-worth, capacity, and transformation indicators at household,
community, and political levels. Unlike NGO A, there were not two primary topics that
pervaded all three themes of the empowerment process. Instead, themes of self-worth had
two unique components while themes of capacity and transformation shared other concepts.
Themes of self-worth revolved around women participants being happy with increased water
access and water quantity through water schemes provided by the government and renewed
by NGO B. This allowed them to experience a part of the empowerment process related to
WatSan access at the household level. Self-worth feelings were also linked to development
projects, receiving government cook-stoves and better roads, by women participants. This
shows women participants experience a part of the empowerment process through access to
other types of resources (non-WatSan) on household and community levels, respectively.
For capacity and transformation, two topics were mentioned in the same way for both
themes. The most mentioned topic was capacity to talk to government groups (i.e., the vice-
president of the PRI) about water concerns. This might symbolize a degree of empowerment
on the political level. Nonetheless, it is important to remember women participants usually
speak to the vice-president one-on-one as he lives in their village. Thus, frequent mentions of
speaking to him do not necessarily signify women are more empowered in Gram Sabha or the
political arena. In fact, one woman attends Gram Sabha but does not speak at meetings. On
the other hand, it could signify a level of empowerment at the community level. Women are
able to walk around the community freely, and they feel bold enough to voice their needs to
the vice-president. The second most mentioned topic was the ability to access loans from
SHGs for financial purposes at the household level for a variety of non-WatSan purposes.
Women often use these loans for home improvement or to buy food for the household.
management groups) are compared to results from individual interviews (self-worth, agency,
and achievements) for an enhanced comprehension of the empowerment process for women
in relation to WatSan. Women respondents have a mean of EPI ratings of 1.64. Using this as a
starting point for understanding empowerment potential, one might assume women are not
fully positioned for experiencing the empowerment process in relation to WatSan. The lower
mean of EPI ratings are likely a reflection of NGO B's short time (i.e., from 2006 for water and
from 2009 for sanitation) of implementing WatSan interventions in villages. In regard to
access to WatSan, women participants showed self-worth with the ability to access water at
the household level. Water projects were initiated by the government with later renovations
by NGO B. Access to WatSan planning groups was mentioned less among women participants
than access to WatSan. One SC woman said she attended a meeting on WatSan awareness
held by NGO B because all SCs were required to attend. This might represent an increased
degree of sharing WatSan information at the community level, but this was mentioned
infrequently during interviews with women. Access to WatSan management groups was
mentioned primarily through communication with the president of the PRI in a one-on-one
scenario. This represents an increased level of empowerment on the political level, but it is
unclear if women have influence in the larger political arena.
Given this broad examination of the empowerment process within NGO B, there are four
particular areas of interest. First, empowerment of women on a political level is mentioned
through themes of capacity and transformation but principally through one-on-one
communication with the vice-president of the PRI. This might not necessarily represent
increased empowerment of women on the political level in relation to WatSan, but may
reflect empowerment at the community level. One woman did say SHGs are used as a way to
communicate with PRIs in regards to WatSan. Second, if SHGs are used as a way to
communicate with PRIs about WatSan or to access loans for non-WatSan purposes, there are
few SHGs available for SCs in this village. This might exclude SCs from being able to
participate in WatSan decision-making on community or political levels. Third, groups for
WatSan planning and management (i.e., WGs or VWSCs) were rarely mentioned in individual
interviews. Most women participants were not aware of the existence of WGs or VWSCs. One
woman thought that WGs were a way to access loans for household non-WatSan purposes.
Fourth, mentions of self-worth are low. There are only 16 references of self-worth themes in
individual interviews with women compared to 29 references for capacity themes and 19
references for transformation themes. References to self-worth were mentioned most in
connection with water access and water quantity. These results could be from the way that
individual interviews were set-up (see Appendix A) or the criteria for understanding self-
worth (as defined in Table 3). More research would be helpful to understand if women felt
self-worth related or unrelated to the WatSan program in this village.
women and men. These themes were classified by gender equality/inequality occurring in
the past and gender equality/inequality occurring in the present. The following topics were
mentioned by participants - education, financial, land ownership, politics, production
economy, sanitation, and water (in no particular order) - under themes of gender
equality/inequality. Themes of gender inequality occurring in the past were mentioned less
(10 topics mentioned among all interviews) than themes of gender inequality occurring in
the present (15 topics mentioned among all interviews). Themes of gender equality occurring
in the past were mentioned less (2 topics mentioned among all interviews) than themes of
gender equality occurring in the present (14 topics mentioned among all interviews). This
might indicate some forms of gender inequality are increasing and some forms of gender
equality are increasing according to perceptions of participants in individual interviews
(Figure 6). It is necessary to understand subjects of those comments to see how gender
equality and gender inequality are increasing according to participants in individual
Figure 6. Gender Equality Themes in Individual Interviews - NGO B
Areas experiencing the greatest increase in gender inequality over time, according to
participants of individual interviews, were overwhelming related to politics. This was
mentioned by three different people during individual interviews. These participants
mentioned the existence of a male "president" in the gram panchayat, but he is only the vice-
president of the panchayat. Therefore, this was coded as gender inequality. A woman SC
member from a nearby village is now the president of the panchayat. The following statement
by an MBC woman represents the sentiment. She kept referring to the male from her village
as president of the PRI, but then acknowledges he is not the president but vice-president of
the PRI.
Now only this woman is taking over. But even now he's the man that… so I really like
this man. I think he's a very proactive, very effective leader. We're all skeptical about
what will happen now that he's no longer a leader and since leadership has changed
whether the same proactive thing will continue. We are very skeptical.
In actuality, there is a woman SC president as required by state regulations. It is important to
acknowledge the male vice-president is from the village where individual interviews were
conducted. Likewise, the re-occurrence of this theme might not represent gender inequality,
but pride and support in having a PRI president from their own village. This theme could be
more closely examined to understand if women and men think women should be in
leadership positions in government. Areas experiencing the greatest increase in gender
equality, according to participants in individual interviews, were related to politics and
sanitation. Political themes were related to attending Gram Sabha. Two people talked about
SHGs being very involved in Gram Sabha. One woman states "most people are used to the SHG
as a kind of way to talk to the president." Another man acknowledges, "the member, or the
head of the SHG, always comes to the Gram Sabha to raise petitions." One woman says she
attends Gram Sabha meetings, but does not participate. Sanitation themes were related to
access and increased awareness. Women look as if they influence the toilet-building process,
and men became more aware of the challenges for OD for women along the way.
His daughter-in-law piloted the entire project. I asked him if he had a toilet. His
response was, "my daughter-in-law has a toilet."
For women, it is a difficulty practicing OD. They'll have to go long distances to find a
private place. For men, it doesn't make a difference. But for women, it is important
that they have…
Themes of gender equality and water were mentioned as occurring in the past. One MBC
woman said her father and mother used to fetch water, and an SC man said his whole family
used to fetch water. Themes of gender equality and water in the present were related to
women and men fetching water and men realizing hardships encountered by women fetching
water. It is difficult to decipher how some women began to encourage both male and females
to help fetch water in the villages. This might have occurred independently of NGO B's efforts
and was influenced by increased access to water. This improved access was brought about by
governmental efforts. This overlaps with the empowerment process because women who
have help fetching water have increased capacity to make decisions on the household level
and are able to transform those decisions to reality. Themes of gender equality and sanitation
were mentioned as improving over time. Themes of gender equality and sanitation occurring
in the present were related to women initiating construction of toilets and men realizing
hardships for women from OD. Gender equality and sanitation in the village was largely
initiated by NGO B. Their efforts have encouraged men to become more aware of OD
challenges for women and helped women initiate toilet-building. In summary, gender
equality might occur through bottom-up efforts for water, and top-down efforts for
sanitation. Yet, the lines are skewed and difficult to define. Like NGO A, it could be assumed
that NGO B's interventions did influence gender equality in WatSan through top-down
approaches, but the empowerment of women continued to influence gender equality in
WatSan using approaches put in-place by NGO B.
Eighteen respondents completed household surveys associated with NGO B (11 women and 7
men) in the main village and one nearby village. Thirteen participants completed individual
interviews in the main village (7 women and 6 men). For both household surveys and
individual interviews, participants were chosen through a purposive technique to obtain a
diverse sample of the village population. It was a goal to conduct household surveys and
individual interviews with an equal number of women and men from a variety of house types
within village boundaries. No person completed both a household survey and an individual
interview. For household surveys, two separate translators were used. Both of these
translators were women. Neither of these translators worked for NGO B. One of these women
continued as translator for individual interviews in the main village. On rare occasions during
individual interviews, there was some translation difficulty. This is because a rural dialect is
used in the village, and a few words were unknown to the translator. Moreover, the small
sample number of women participating in individual interviews makes this a non-statistical
sample. It is difficult to generalize these data beyond the scope of participants. Nonetheless,
this project might provide a useful preliminary model for future research on empowerment
of women and gender equality.
Common Strengths
Both organizations strive for an empowerment and gender equality approach in WatSan
programs. They have adopted empowerment and gender equality as policy goals. This allows
each NGO to focus on women and marginalized populations in WatSan programs. Each NGO
realizes the importance of creating self-sustaining, decentralized WatSan systems managed
by rural villages. These efforts are in conformity with Swajaldhara, the Total Sanitation
Campaign, and the national movement towards decentralization of WatSan with a focus on
inclusion of women and marginalized populations. Each organization endeavors to engage
the entire village in PRAs before implementation of WatSan activities in the villages. In PRAs,
they strive to include all people in planning WatSan systems. This provides an entry-point
into the empowerment process for people in villages. Both organizations use CBOs (SHGs,
WSGs, VWSCs, and WGs) as a vehicle for empowerment. Narayan (2005) maintains that
collective groups are useful for advancing empowerment and can help build confidence and
promote positive change disempowered communities. Approaches used by these NGOs
further the empowerment process on some levels. SHGs, WSGs, and WGs lead to financial
empowerment at household and community levels for members. SHGs in NGO A and NGO B
are a way to engage in the empowerment process on the political level (through grants and
subsidies for development projects and through better communication on WatSan issues at
PRIs, correspondingly). Both organizations engage in WatSan awareness activities on gender
equality and WatSan issues. They try to link CBOs and PRIs in WatSan efforts. In summary,
each NGO employs approaches to promote empowerment and gender equality in WatSan. As
stated by Oxaal and Baden (1997), organizations encourage individual empowerment
through participation, skill building, decision-making, and control over resources. They can
help collective empowerment by funding women's organizations, promoting political
participation, and fostering dialogue.
Common Challenges and Opportunities
Each organization has certainly come a long way in fostering the empowerment process and
gender equality in each village as evidenced by the EPI and individual interviews.
Nevertheless, there might be opportunities for increased empowerment and gender equality
in relation to WatSan projects and programs implemented by both NGOs. Challenges and
opportunities are identified on three scales: 1) internal to organizational structure of NGO A
or NGO B, 2) external related to projects or programs implemented by NGO A or NGO B, or 3)
correlated to data collected during this study.
1a. Challenge - Empowerment and Gender Equality Measurement (Internal)
Each NGO identifies empowerment of women and gender equality as goals, but neither
organization has conducted measurements of the empowerment process besides
documentation of individual case studies. Both NGO A and NGO B collect sex-disaggregated
data. Sex-disaggregated measurements are useful for understanding gender equality, but they
are not effective for evaluating the process of empowerment.
1b. Opportunity - Empowerment and Gender Equality Measurement (Internal)
Monitoring and evaluation methods for empowerment and gender equality could be created.
Empowerment and gender equality should first be defined within the organization (Batiwala,
1993). Methods to monitor empowerment might include surveys to collect data over two
points of time to understand WatSan decision-making. (Malhotra, 2002). Qualitative methods
should be used with quantitative surveys. Individual interviews or life histories are helpful
qualitative methods for understanding the empowerment process (ibid). Indicators of
empowerment should be devised for specific projects and programs (Oxaal & Baden, 1997).
Measuring empowerment in WatSan should include indicators specific to the WatSan arena.
2a. Challenge – Trainings or Awareness Activities on Empowerment and Gender Equality
(Internal and External)
Internally, each NGO strives to educate staff about the importance of involving women and
marginalized populations in WatSan access, planning, and management. Still, there was often
confusion about the concept of gender equality when speaking with staff of NGO A and NGO
B. Most staff solely equated gender equality with a women-centric approach to WatSan
projects and programs.
Externally, each NGO offers some WatSan trainings in villages that cover gender imbalances
regarding WatSan, but there were men in individual interviews against the idea of having
toilets (especially in villages served by NGO B). In individual interviews conducted in villages
receiving interventions by both NGOs, women seemed to bear more burdens for managing
WatSan in the households.
2b. Opportunities – Trainings or Awareness Activities on Empowerment and Gender Equality
Internally, both NGOs offer education and awareness activities for staff outlining benefits of
gender-equality approaches to WatSan management, but these activities are rarely offered in
any standardized format. NGOs are often thought of as agents of change to encourage
empowerment and bring awareness of existing gender inequality (Batiwala, 1993). It might
be beneficial for both organizations to have a local gender specialist provide gender and
empowerment trainings for staff.
Externally, both NGOs are offering WatSan trainings that review inequalities between women
and men, but there remain gender inequalities regarding specific WatSan issues (as strongly
evidenced with NGO B). The NGOs might consider giving additional trainings that focus on
those specific inequalities. For example, NGO B might provide additional training in a few
villages on difficulties of OD faced by women. Many development organizations have
improved access to resources for women, but they have not created programs which allow
women to better understand inequality between women and men, between rich and poor,
etc. (Batiwala, 1993).
3a. Challenge - CBOs for WatSan Planning and Management (External)
Both organizations promote groups (SHGs, WSGs, WG, VWSCs) for women to engage in the
empowerment process through participation in WatSan programs, but there are a variety of
factors which prohibit some of these groups from reaching marginalized individuals.
Payment is required to be on SHGs and WSGs with NGO A. Payment is required to be on SHGs
with NGO B. SHGs are divided by caste in NGO A and NGO B. Fortunately, there are SHGs for
SCs in the village with NGO A, but there are few SHGs for SCs in the village with NGO B. If
SHGs are used to engage women in the empowerment process for WatSan and there are
exclusionary factors related to finances or caste, some women are unable to participate in the
empowerment process related to WatSan.
3b. Opportunity - CBOs for WatSan Planning and Management (External)
A variety of approaches might encourage more women and marginalized populations to
participate in groups. Each NGO probably already knows the most appropriate ways for
improving participation, but there may be other techniques for soliciting greater
participation. One possibility would be to form financially-tiered SHGs. These groups might
allow low-income people to participate in planning and managing WatSan systems as this is
one goal of SHGs (especially in NGO A). Another idea is to ensure there are SHGs for SCs and
BCs equally in each village. This way, some women are not excluded from participation in an
SHG (especially in NGO B). In NGO B, there was a lack of awareness of the existence of WatSan
groups in individual interviews. A few people said they did not like to participate in groups
because of time constraints. Before forming WatSan groups in villages, possibly people could
be asked what might encourage them to participate in such groups.
4a. Challenge - Low Political Involvement by Women as Identified in Individual Interviews
(Data)
Both organizations have few references, in individual interviews, of women participating in
the political realm in relation to WatSan. In NGO A, women in individual interviews only talk
about participating in the political realm through receiving subsidies and grants or writing
letters to PRIs on water issues. In NGO B, women in individual interviews discuss
participating in the political realm through talking directly to the PRI vice-president or
through SHGs speaking at PRI meetings. In NGO B, there was one woman who said she did
not speak at Gram Sabha. In NGO B, the woman president of the PRI is not recognized as
president by many people (women and men).
4b. Opportunity - Low Political Involvement by Women as Identified in Individual Interviews
Low political involvement by women in WatSan might be examined in greater depth. Each
NGO could attend Gram Sabha to see if women are participating in WatSan planning and
management. They might talk with PRI representatives about advantages of including women
in these activities. They might talk with women and men in the community about the
importance of including women in these activities. If they find there is opposition to including
women in political endeavors related to WatSan, they could offer trainings for women, men,
and PRIs covering benefits of collaboration and participatory decision-making.
5a. Challenge - Few Self-Worth Themes in Individual Interviews (Data)
Both organizations have few references of self-worth in individual interviews conducted with
women in villages. With NGO A, mentions of self-worth were mostly related to financial
independence in the household. With NGO B, mentions of self-worth were mostly related to
water access. It is not clear why mentions of self-worth were low with women participants of
interviews in villages.
5b. Opportunity - Few Self-Worth Themes in Individual Interviews (Data)
Few mentions of self-worth may have stemmed from the way individual interviews were
conducted or because of cultural norms correlated with expressing feelings of self-worth. In
understanding empowerment, it would be valuable to know if women in these villages feel a
sense of self-worth. How is it expressed? Why is it expressed?
IDEAS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
A similar framework for comprehending empowerment potential and the empowerment
process in relation to WatSan could be used in the future, but several adaptations would
improve this framework. A revised framework for understanding empowerment potential
and the empowerment process might include the following facets:
1. The EPI should never be used alone and always with qualitative methods such as
individual interviews or focus groups to ensure that the empowerment process
(resources, agency, and outcomes) is fully explored.
2. Before measuring empowerment, it would be useful to examine organizational
documentation to identify pre-existing indicators of empowerment. Did organizations
proclaim empowerment through WatSan participation? Did organizations declare
empowerment in relation with increased WatSan access? What people (marginalized
populations or women) is the organization associating with assertions of
empowerment in relation to WatSan?
3. The EPI and individual interviews could be conducted pre- and post-project with the
same individuals. It might be informative if post-project assessments were completed
one year after the organization exited the village to understand long-lasting effects of
WatSan interventions on the empowerment process.
4. The EPI can be used to understand the resources aspect of the empowerment process,
but a sample of respondents should be collected in a random, non-purposive manner.
A population (a village or group of villages) should be identified and each household
of the population listed. While creating a list of the population, it is important to
include outlying areas (where most marginalized populations might live) and
transient, landless people. Then a random - and statistically significant - sample could
be chosen from that population (the list of households). An EPI survey could be
conducted with those individuals. Upon reaching each household, it would be useful
to get an equal number of men and women respondents depending on final goals. The
questionnaire could be as simple as follows:
a. Collect demographic data on respondent: gender, age, caste, race or ethnicity,
income or wealth, religion, etc.
b. Ask the respondent if they have water access (individual or shared).
c. Ask the respondent if they have sanitation access (individual or shared).
d. Ask the respondent if they have access to a WatSan planning group (SHG,
VWSC, WG, WSG, TG, PRI, general trainings, etc.). Make sure they name the
specific type of group.
e. Ask the respondent if they have access to a WatSan management group (SHG,
5. After EPI information is collected, individual interviews should be held with the same
person. Individual interviews will provide information on the agency and
achievements components of the empowerment process. It is important to conduct
the EPI and the individual interviews with the same person so the empowerment
process can be reasonably legitimated from resources to agency to achievements.
These can be semi-structured interviews structure including (but not limited to) the
f. What kind of water connection do you have? Who decided to build this
connection in the household? How has this affected your life?
g. What kind of sanitation connection do you have? Who decided to build this
h. Have you participated in planning the water system in any capacity?
i. IF YES: How did you do this? Was this with a group? Was it alone? Did you feel
that your voice was heard in the planning process? Would you participate in
this type of planning process again? Why? Why not? Did you encounter any
barriers to planning the system? What kind? What were your contributions to
the group? What kind of goals did you achieve?
j. IF NO: Why not? Did you feel that there were barriers to your participation?
What kind of barriers?
k. Have you participated in planning the sanitation system in any capacity?
l. IF YES: How did you do this? Was this with a group? Was it alone? Did you feel
the group? What kinds of goals did you achieve?
m. IF NO: Why not? Did you feel that there were barriers to your participation?
6. After conducting individual interviews to understand empowerment, one can go back
and code this data for sense of self-worth, capacity to make decisions, and transform
decisions into reality. Comparing these themes to the EPI index will allow the
researcher to understand how and if empowerment is happening through WatSan
programs put in-place by organizations. In addition, it might be useful to link
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APPENDIX A Example of Semi-Structured Interview Questions
1. Where are you from? Where did you grow up? What was life like for you when you
were a child?
2. What was the village like when you first moved here (if you moved here later)?
3. How were water and sanitation conditions in the village then?
4. How have things changed for water conditions since then? How have things changed
for sanitation conditions since then?
5. Are you a member of any groups (SHGs or AWASH committees) that work on water
and sanitation conditions in your community? How do these groups work on water
and sanitation conditions in your community?
6. Why do you feel motivated to work to help the community on water and sanitation?
7. What are the successes of the water and sanitation projects in the village?
8. What are the problems with the water and sanitation projects in the village?
9. Who has better (worst) access to the water in this community?
10. Who has better (worst) access to sanitation in this community?
11. Who helped plan the [water supply or sanitation] project?
12. Who manages the [water supply or sanitation] project?
13. Is there anything else that you would like to say about this project?
We hope to understand if water projects affect different people differently. If you could tell us
a little bit about your background, it will help us better understand who has access to water
resources and who does not have access to water resources. If you do not want to answer any
of these questions, you may skip any question.
2. What is your age?
3. Are you married?
4. Have you had any schooling?
5. What is your income?
6. What is your wealth?
7. What is your caste?
8. What is your ethnicity?
9. What is your religion?
APPENDIX B Demographics of Individual Interview Participants with NGO A
Annual WatSan Sanitation
Gender Caste Age Education Income Marriage Religion Group Access Water Access
Male MBC 51-60 12 - Married Hindu WatSan Toilet -
Individual Individual
Female SC 41-50 7 - Married Hindu SHG Toilet Connection
Female MBC 18-20 - - Married Hindu WatSan Toilet Connection
Female MBC 51-60 - - Married Hindu SHG Toilet Connection
Male MBC 31-40 - - Married Hindu WatSan Toilet Connection
APPENDIX C Demographics of Individual Interview Participants with NGO B
Female BC 31-40 0 1,440 Married Hindu SHG Defecation Stand-Post
Open Individual
Male MBC 51-60 0 20,000 Married Hindu None Defecation Connection
Community Individual
Female MBC 21-30 10 20,000 Married Hindu SHG Toilet Connection
Female SC 31-40 9 - Married Hindu None Defecation Connection
Female OBC 31-40 9 - Married Hindu SHG Defecation Stand-Post
Male BC 51-60 11 180,000 Married Hindu None Toilet Connection
Male SC 21-30 7 8,400 Unmarried Hindu None Defecation Connection
Male SC 31-40 7 42,000 Married Hindu None Defecation Connection
Male SC 31-40 6 13,000 Married Hindu None Defecation Stand-Post
Female SC 21-30 6 0 Married Hindu None Defecation Stand-Post
Male MBC 51-60 0 3,000 Married Hindu None Toilet Stand-Post
Female MBC 31-40 - 12,000 Married Hindu WatSan Toilet Connection
Female MBC - 0 12,000 Married Hindu None Defecation Stand-Post
Ethnicity, Race & Gender
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