No dia 27 de Outubro, um incêndio estourou no centro de deportação em Schiphol, próximo a Amsterdam, Holanda. Resultando em 11 mortes. No mesmo dia, um despertar foi organizado em nome das vítimas. A questão da responsabilidade e também das causas do incêndio foi imediatamente levantada.
Atos de solidariedade instigaram em várias municipalidades e cidades. Em Amsterdã este foi feito através de uma ação de bandeiras. Desde o dia primeiro de Novembro, bandeiras têm sido penduradas em um bom número de casas, pondo em questão a administração da ministra Rita Verdonk e suas conseqüências mortíferas.
O prefeito Job Cohen - que tinha até então defendido ardentemente a liberdade de expressão no dia de comemoração dedicado a Theo van Gogh - parece pensar de uma forma totalmente diferente a respeito do assunto dois dias após. Ou, a liberdade de expressão se aplica somente na criminalização dos grupos minoritários e na escalada das proclamações racistas, fascistas e anti-semitas?
Na sexta-feira, quatro de Novembro, ás 8 da noite as primeiras tentativas foram feitas para remover as bandeiras que questionavam a política de imigração holandesa na fachada da casa invadida (squat) "Wilde Western". Nas primeiras horas da manhã seguinte a polícia promoveu um ataque brutal contra a casa, resultando em vários danos no interior, também removendo a bandeira violentamente.
Cerca de 2 horas da tarde uma casa em Prins Hendrikkade foi visitada pela polícia, pedindo também a retirada da sua bandeira, afirmando que "a tropa de choque chegaria imediatamente". O rumo da ação para ter sido estabelecido: A expressão de opinião de forma escrita é respondida com violência brutal. Por volta das 5:30 da tarde o squat "Wilde Western" foi novamente visitado pela polícia com a intenção de remover a nova bandeira que tinha sido colocada em substituição à outra, e novamente a bandeira foi removida por força. Em uma segunda casa próxima, uma bandeira similar foi retirada com a ajuda de um guindaste.
Mais tarde, ás 18:15, as brigadas anti-revolta chegaram em Prins Hendrikkade e tentaram entra no imóvel. Finalmente, a bandeira foi retirada da fachada sem que a polícia conseguisse quebrar a porta. Segundo as últimas informações, a polícia anti-revolta afirma estar indo rumo a uma outra casa, onde os habitantes estão preparados a resistir.
Por toda a cidade, mais bandeiras estão aparecendo em resposta, e as removidas estão sendo substituídas mais rápido do que a repressão policial. O "Wilde Western" já tem sua segunda substituição.
Was that "down with the state" directed at the Netherlands, or the idea of a state in general?
Use paint instead. That would take a lot more work for the fascists to get rid of. Keep up the resistance, nonetheless.
We did use paint. Then they came and removed it with those high-pressure graffiti-removing spray-gun thingies. We are now sueing the mayor and the public prosecutor (this coming Friday afternoon, 14.30 at Parnassusweg in Amsterdam). We are demanding our right to express comments on the Minister's policies, a stop to the raids (and attacks by the clean up crews with the spray gun thingies), and we want our stolen banners back!
In return the Minister is pressing charges against us, accusing us of slander.
In response to the fire nearly a month ago which killed 11 'illegals' in a deportation prison, cloth banners and posters have appeared en masse on the front of buildings in Dutch cities criticizing Rita Verdonk, minister of alien affairs and integration. But the removal by overwhelming police force of several banners and posters has raised vital questions of freedom of speech in an era of 'terrorism' paranoia.
In Parliament, the two responsible ministers were bombarded with questions. Piet Hein Donner, the minister of justice, is responsible for all detention facilities in the Netherlands. Rita Verdonk is minister of alien affairs and integration, a ministerial post created at the behest of the right-wing Pim Fortuyn Party during its brief spell in power in 2002. She is a member of the right-liberal VVD, currently the party making the most political hay from a hardline anti-immigrant stance. Her ministerial portfolio is all policy concerning aliens, including enforcement of immigration laws and deportation. It was Verdonk's icy response to the parliamentary questions that caused an outrage: the conditions that the prisoners had been kept in, as well as the response to the fire by the guard staff, had been "adequate". This only one day after the fire, before any investigation of the "adequacy" had been carried out.
There soon appeared banners on the front of numerous houses in Amsterdam with texts such as "Verdonk, still no blood on your hands?", "11 burned alive, thanks Rita", and "11 innocently detained, dead by guilt". On November 5, two buses of police in riot gear pulled up in front of a squat on the Bilderdijkstraat in Amsterdam, forced their way in with a battering ram and tore down the squat's banners after running roughshod over the residents and their belongings with clubs and pepper spray. Two residents were arrested, but were released without charge shortly afterward. On November 6, it was the turn of a squat on the Amstel river to get the same treatment, all in the name of removing the banners. It was a particularly surreal scene for a squat on the Prins Hendrikkade: claiming to have seen someone standing on the roof firing a gun, police arrested all of the residents, blindfolded them, and whisked them away. It turned out that the "gun" had been a rechargeable drill one of the residents had been using in hanging up the banners. Again, all involved were released without being charged.
Mayor Job Cohen defended the actions of the police, which had been decided upon in the so-called 'triangular conference' of the mayor, the local public prosecutor, and the local police chief. On the local TV news, he asserted that the banners were "defamatory," implying that the actions had been legal enforcement of the article of the penal code outlawing defamation. Another implicit basis for the actions had been the fact that a window in minister Verdonk's office at the Ministry of Justice in The Hague had been shattered on Nov. 2. At the time it had been assumed that a gunshot had been fired at the window, an assumption which was propagated into international newswire reports about the rise of "terrorist activity" in the Netherlands. Later forensic analysis would show that it was not a bullet, but more likely an errant bird.
The fact that none of the suspects had been charged was still puzzling, even after some had gone to the police to file charges against themselves. Meanwhile, ever more banners were sprouting all over the Netherlands, as well as a new poster: "Travel agency Rita: arrest, deportation, cremation; adequate to the bitter end". Police removed the poster from the front window of a cultural center in Nijmegen, and arrested an activist at the moment he unrolled the poster in front of TV cameras.
Meanwhile, at a public meeting of the General Affairs committee of the Amsterdam city council, Cohen continued to defend the police actions, even in the face of strong criticism from a number of council members. He insisted that he would prosecute for defamation so that the courts could clear up once and for all whether the texts were illegally defamatory or not.
Noted scholar of constitutional law and dean of the law school at the University of Amsterdam, Jit Peters, gave his assessment on TV: "Politicians have to be able to stand up to criticism. The texts start a discussion about something, in this case Verdonk's policy. It is often the case that you can only start a discussion by shocking people. Taking the banners down violates individual rights." The European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the highest court for matters of civil rights to have compulsory jurisdiction over the Netherlands, has in fact repeatedly ruled for the acquittal of persons who had been prosecuted for defamation, especially when the object of the supposed defamation had been political figures. The only types of speech pertaining to political figures which can arguably be restricted are incitement to violence and statements which are patently untrue and attack the political figure as a private person. Neither of those cases applies to the texts in question.
The squatters of the Bilderdijkkade and the Amstel and the volunteers of the cultural center in Nijmegen were not going to wait for criminal prosecution to get an answer from the courts: they filed a lawsuit against (ultimately, after several changes) the Dutch state, specifically the office of public prosecution, and the municipality of Amsterdam. In the lawsuit they asked the court to specifically ban the mayor and the public prosecutor from forcibly removing banners with the texts referring to Rita Verdonk or the 'travel agency' posters.
During the trial on November 18, the attorney of the state indicated that the department of public prosecutions was "at this time" no longer planning to take action against the banners, having decided that the texts were not defamatory after all. The plaintiffs' attorney and the judge pressed the attorney of the state to specify what "at this time" means: in what way would the circumstances have to change again for the texts to be considered defamatory? But the attorney of the state refused to go into specific details.
The attorney of the state did, however, indicate that the office of public prosecutions still considered the text of the poster to be defamatory. Ironically, he claimed that the photo on the poster of people behind barbed wire, "referring to a darker chapter of history", played a decisive role in rendering the poster defamatory. In fact, the photo was a purely factual, unmanipulated photo of the deportation prison during the fire, taken from the front page of a reputable national newspaper.
The attorney of the mayor's office only took the curious position of asserting that the mayor had not been at all responsible for the removal of the banners.
The Amsterdam district court will give its ruling on Thursday, November 24. It is hoped that the ruling will contain an assessment of the "defamatory" content of the texts, emphasizing that they are covered under all circumstances by the freedom of expression protected by article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
The results of any criminal cases to come will be even more interesting. It is expected that the activist arrested in Nijmegen will come to trial in January. As yet, no one has been prosecuted in the cases of the Amsterdam banner removals. Even though Rita Verdonk herself has claimed to have filed charges, it is suspected that the office of public prosecutions has decided to apply the 'principle of opportunity', a precept of Dutch criminal law that the prosecutor is free to refrain from prosecution if he considers it to be inopportune. That would be frustrating indeed for the course of justice. Because it is the lawless behavior of the police and the public prosecutor that is most in need of close scrutiny by the courts. Their behavior was a blatant violation of article 6 of the ECHR, which guarantees a fair trial by an independent, impartial judge prior to punishment.