Armstrong State University
Historic towns in America are often studied because of their overall importance to the colony, state, or nation. Yet numerous settlements have been planned, populated, and dissolved without remarkable events or famous people claiming them as their home. Joseph’s Town, Georgia, a colonial Scottish town planned as a northern outpost for Savannah to be populated by Highlanders able to fight and farm, was such a settlement. It died almost before it was started, and the name Joseph’s Town became nothing more than the title of an area north of Savannah about four miles south of Abercorn Creek. The large tracts of land became plantations, with three of the original six grantees never actually taking up their grants. The remaining three planters struggled through the early years of the Trust in Georgia, balancing their personal interests in economic success at Joseph’s Town with their loyalty to James Oglethorpe and the Trustees. Despite the lack of slaves, harsh climate, and military diversions, the founders of Joseph’s Town developed two of the most important plantations in colonial Georgia and aided General Oglethorpe in his treaties with the Indians and battles against the Spanish.
Georgia, the last colony formed under British rule, has an important pre-Revolution history, including the formation of numerous towns serving various military and economic purposes. The colony’s primary function was providing a buffer for British territory to the north, specifically the Carolinas, and for this reason early towns were designed with military purposes in mind. On February 12, 1733, the day celebrated as the founding of the Georgia colony, James Oglethorpe began laying out the town of Savannah, particularly focusing on security and fostering friendly relations with the indigenous Yamacraw Indians. With the Spanish holding Florida to the south of the colony and numerous Indian tribes scattered throughout much of the interior, the founder of Georgia placed great importance on establishing outposts aimed at providing early warning in case of attack. The British military officer knew the American frontier was no place for complacency, and the young colony needed more than simple farmers and petty gentry to ensure the security of His Majesty’s possessions. Georgia needed militarily trained young men with families, accustomed to hard work.
Heeding the advice and requests of Oglethorpe, the Trustees continued their plans for populating the colony. More ships headed to Georgia carrying settlers and supplies in the 1730s, including The Prince of Wales, captained by George Dunbar. Originally settling at Joseph’s Town in 1733, Dunbar and his ship made several voyages across the Atlantic transporting immigrants and goods, the most notable being the Inverness voyage, bringing Scottish Highlanders to the new colony. The recruitment of the Highlanders was an important aspect in populating Georgia, and trustees used land as motivation for those reluctant to migrate. Grants were issued to Captain George Dunbar, Patrick and John Mackay, John Cuthbert, Thomas Baillie, and Archibald MacGillivray in early September, 1735, with each grantee receiving five hundred acres except for MacGillivray, who received fifty. These six land grants make up the original acreage of the Joseph’s Town tract.Most Scots looked to clan leaders for guidance, and with Dunbar and his peers choosing to take up grants in Georgia,others were willing to take the trip as well. The six land grants of the Joseph’s Town tractseem to have provided the motivation needed to encourage Scottish migration to the new colony.
Even prior to the Joseph’s Town grants being issued, a map titled “Map of the County of Savannah” published in Halle, Germany in 1735 by Samuel Urlsperger, shows a clearly drawn Joseph’s Town “laid out upon an area approximately two miles square and containing something like twenty-five hundred acres” (See figure 1). The town is laid out with large tracts of land radiating out behind the homes across from Isla Island, however, the names of Isla and Onslow Islands are reversed on the map.Although there is little written evidence to detail the original design of Joseph’s Town, land grants and maps give a rough idea of the proposed settlement’s layout. The Urlsperger map has the most detail, and although it is likely that subsequent maps referenced Urlsperger’s in their renderings, several other drawings show Joseph’s Town as a small square with properties radiating outward. A map titled “Georgia, Part of Carolina” was published in 1741 and displays a much smaller radiating pattern beside the name “Joseph’s T.” (See figure 1).Both the 1735 and 1741 maps appear to have six radiating properties with one of the grants being much smaller, most likely the proposed fifty acre grant allotted to Archibald MacGillivray. Despite the uncertainty in the maps, it is certain that the land grants spread up the Savannah River, and that “the easternmost was Captain Dunbar’s grant, the next was Captain Cuthbert’s, the third was Capt. Patrick MacKay’s, and the fourth was the tract of John MacKay.”
Shifting their focus to profitability in the northern outpost, the original grantees at Joseph’s Town, George Dunbar, John Cuthbert, Patrick and John MacKay, Thomas Baillie, and Archibald MacGillivray petitioned for self-government and the allowance of slaves at Joseph’s Town. When discussing self governance, “the Trustees held a long debate on that request and all, except Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia, agreed that it not be allowed, it being in their opinion not ‘proper to allow petty governments within the colony’.” At the same time, the land owners at Joseph’s Town also petitioned for the use of slaves, and were rejected by the Trustees again. The slavery issue was tricky, and was one of the major issues for those attempting to prosper in Georgia. Just across the river, “South Carolina’s large plantations produced economies of scale made possible by slaves, who were readily available to clear and work the land at virtually no cost. Africans could feed and clothe themselves, whereas indentured servants had to be fed and clothed at great expense.” In the failure to achieve self-government or the use of slaves, it is possible that Baillie and McGillivray planned to abandon their spreads at Joseph’s Town before even seeing them.
It is important to note that not all of the Joseph’s Town grantees were still in England awaiting transportation to Georgia. Patrick MacKay, a Highlander who “fled Scotland for felony” and his brother, John, were already in the colony, attempting to work the land. There is no recorded date for Patrick MacKay’s arrival in Savannah, but “hardly had Oglethorpe left for England in 1734 than Patrick MacKay, who had been designated both Georgia’s and South Carolina’s agent with the Creeks, began to be a cause of controversy.” Although not known for sure, it appears likely that “Patrick, after selling Siderra to the Earl of Sutherland, in 1732 accompanied General Oglethorpe on his colonizing expedition to Georgia, together with three of his brothers.” This date is also suggested by the Earl of Egmont’s list of settlers that shows Patrick’s brother, John, arriving February 12, 1733. Whether there was correspondence between McKay and other owners of Joseph’s Town property is unknown, but Captain Dunbar, already having spent time in Joseph’s Town, undoubtedly knew that MacKay lost all his original servants prior to September, 1734. It seems plausible that the knowledge of these failures would lead to a request for slaves, and when the Trustees denied their request, several of the original owners balked at the large grants.
With Oglethorpe still working in England, the Prince of Wales departed with the Scottish Highlanders, as well as the Indian Chief Tomochichi, on October 18, 1735. Among others making the voyage on Captain Dunbar’s ship were John Cuthbert and Archibald MacGilivray, both original grantees of land in Joseph’s Town. Although most of the Highlanders were destined for Darien, those with large land grants ventured to their new properties north of Savannah.
Three of the original six owners of land at Joseph’s Town for various reasons are never mentioned with the property after its granting. The remaining three land holders, George Dunbar, Patrick MacKay, and John Cuthbert, despite the ban on slavery and the rejection of their application for self-governance, attempted to cultivate their acreages at Joseph’s Town. The terms and conditions of the five-hundred-acre grants stipulated that within twelve months, the landholder must reside in Georgia with “ten able-bodied free white men servants, all of age, and remain three years, cultivating the lands and building thereon.” Within ten years of the grant, the grantees were to clear two hundred acres and plant two thousand white mulberry trees, and then add another one thousand mulberry trees for each additional one hundred acres they cultivated. The Trustees focused on silk production, and “the early accounts all agree in representing the production of silk as one of the most important matters to be considered and fostered in connection with the establishment and development of the Colony of Georgia.”
The early years at Joseph’s Town were not kind to the new residents. The absence of black slaves meant indentured white labor was the only option, and “in the almost tropical climate of Joseph’s Town white workers sickened of ‘fevers and fluxes.” By November 1736, Patrick MacKay had lost most of his servants due to illness, this being the second time he had suffered through such a loss. Mackay, however, persevered through the losses, continuing the attempt to profit from his holdings. George Dunbar, after being asked to lead a regiment at Darien, applied to change his grant to one more suitable to where he was stationed. John Cuthbert, holding the property between the grants issued to Dunbar and MacKay, continued to cultivate land and plant white mulberry trees as stipulated by the Trustees.
Although the early landholders in Joseph’s Town worked diligently, cultivating their new acreages and building places to live, the primary threat remained the Spanish in Florida and Indians of the interior. John Cuthbert focused on his plantation home, building a residence for him and his sister, Ann, while Patrick MacKay was sent into Indian country upon the orders of Oglethorpe and South Carolina Governor Johnson. Captain George Dunbar continued his faithful service to Oglethorpe, being named a Lieutenant in Oglethorpe’s regiment at Darien and traveling back to England in 1737 to testify about the threat of the Spanish. The Prince of Wales’ Captain told the Trustees that “some Yamassee Indians belonging to the Spaniards had been seen about our settlements, and at Joseph’s Town our sentinel had been shot at.”
In January of 1738, the colony of Georgia was in turmoil. The Spaniards at St. Augustine were rumored to be preparing for war, and the ‘Malcontents’ were beginning to voice their concerns over Trustee practices ranging from the ban of slavery and rum, to land regulations and grant locations. In a letter to the Trustees, William Stevens, Secretary to the Trust, named Patrick MacKay as one of the men responsible for issuing complaints against the Trustees, stating that, “Patr MacKay shews no Inclination at all (as I apprehend) to proceed on his Settlement at Joseph Town; wch after 2 or 3 years working on, he seems to have wholly given up.” Just three months later, however, Stephens made note in his journal that MacKay was once again working on his plantation at Joseph’s Town. On June 22 1738, Stephens ventured north to view some of the plantations that bordered the Savannah River. The secretary “looked into Capt. McKay’s, where the Number of Acres cleared in former Years was computed at about fifty, whereof twenty-four were this Year planted.”
Although MacKay appears dedicated to developing his plantation at Joseph’s Town, he was also lending aid to Oglethorpe following his return from England. Contrary to Stephens’ perception, Patrick MacKay was hardly a malcontent. When Oglethorpe arrived in Georgia in September 1738, after spending time in Fredericka and Savannah, it was Patrick MacKay who ventured south to Fort St. Andrews with the Colonel. Malcontents plagued the 42nd Regiment of Foot, stationed at the Cumberland Island fort, and the soldiers felt they were owed extra pay and rations. After arriving at St. Andrews, Oglethorpe went to the fort to eat breakfast with the commanding officer, but was interrupted by many members of the regiment demanding to speak with him. According to Oglethorpe’s own account of what happened, the Colonel led the disgruntled soldiers out of the fort, taking two Highlanders with him before requesting that the fort gate be closed. When several of the soldiers became unruly, “(Hugh) MacKay and Mr. (Patrick) MacKay strove to stop them at the barriers.” The confrontation took a desperate turn as the soldiers turned into a mob, heading back to town and shouting “To Arms!” Oglethorpe, rather than take shelter in the fort, decided to follow them to town and attempt to thwart an attack. After nearly being killed twice, and Hugh MacKay receiving a flesh wound, peace was restored and the regiment was paid its back wages.
Patrick MacKay not only fought alongside Oglethorpe at Fort St. Andrews, but in December 1738, when the Malcontents issued a formal request for “The Want of a free Title or Fee-simple to our Lands,” and “The Want of the Use of Negroes with proper Limitations,” nowhere among the 121 freeholders was the name Patrick MacKay. Ironically, Captain George Dunbar, then residing near Darien, is credited with authoring a letter refuting the Savannah petition, which was signed by eighteen Highlanders from Darien. It appears that despite the early petition for the admittance of slavery at Joseph’s Town, at least Captain Dunbar had reversed positions.
The year 1739 was busy for the men and women at Joseph’s Town. While Oglethorpe spent the first part of the year countering the accusations of the Malcontents, Patrick MacKay and John Cuthbert continued the cultivation of their land, the latter continuing the expansion of his mulberry plantation. In July, the tension with Spain again took priority, and Oglethorpe ventured into the western frontier to solidify the English treaties with the Indians. For this trek, he ordered Patrick MacKay to accompany him. In an unsigned manuscript attributed to MacKay, the journey through western Georgia is detailed, and it is during the trip that Oglethorpe and MacKay learn of the Stono Rebellion in South Carolina. By September 24, the group is back in Savannah and on October 5, mourning the death of Tomochichi. It is likely MacKay checked in on his plantations, including the Joseph’s Town tract, but he was not to remain in Savannah long, as Oglethorpe requested Mackay to help during the exploratory mission to St. Augustine and then again for the siege of the fort in June of 1740.
Following the death of two Highlanders outside Darien, the active war with Spain began November 14, 1739. While Patrick MacKay was accompanying Oglethorpe on reconnaissance missions and Lieutenant George Dunbar was commanding his regiment in Darien, John Cuthbert was named Captain over a revived group of Oglethorpe’s rangers, and tasked with going into South Carolina to purchase supplies for the pending battles. While in South Carolina, Cuthbert fell ill, and on November 16, 1739, was reported deceased by his Lieutenant Scroggs. William Stephens wrote of the news in his journal: “News of his Death occasioned Grief to many People, being a good-natured, sprightly Man, generally beloved; and it was believed by all, that he would have acquitted himself well in that Post. He had made considerable Improvements upon his five hundred Acres up the River Savannah, and was judged to have one of the best Plantations yet in the Colony: He died unmarried, leaving a Sister (who took Care of his House) dangerously ill here, insomuch that her Death was feared, when we little expected to hear of his; and whether she will survive him long or not, none can tell.”
At the time of Cuthbert’s death, the plantation had “thirty acres of crops, barns for cattle, several additional buildings, and a home for the captain and his sister.” Although little written proof remains of the exact layout of the plantation at the time of the Captain’s death, there was likely a residence built northeast of the main gate, but if this building was the main residence of Cuthbert or a building to house his servants, is unknown. It is possible that the original site for the primary residence remained the same, undergoing renovation and addition throughout the various owners.However, with the current state of the property, itcannot be known for sure.
Fortunately for Ann Cuthbert, the Trustees changed the inheritance laws in 1739, possibly making her the first woman to own property in the colony of Georgia. It was not long, however, before the property took on another man’s name, as Ann married Patrick Graham on March 5, 1740. William Stephens recorded the events in his journal: “Mr. Patrick Graham, Surgeon, who has made very considerable Improvements in building on his Lot in the Town, as well as been a constant Planter for two or three Years past, having Mrs. Cuthbert (Sister to the late Capt. Cuthbert, deceased) for his Patient, dangerously ill in fever, at that time a Lodger in his House; the Doctor took the Opportunity of prescribing Matrimony to her, as a Specifick which he was sure would Compleat her Cure; and on consenting to take his Advice in it, they were married at her late Brother’s Plantation: Mr. Jones and I (only) were pressingly invited to the Wedding.” It is unknown when Graham arrived in Georgia, but he was a signee of the malcontents petition sent to the Trustees in 1738, and is listed by the Earl of Egmont as “Apothecary; lot 189 in Savannah. He neglects his own lot and rents lots 137 (and) 211. On 19 May 1736 a grant of 100 acres was past to him. Marry’d Capt. Cuthbert’s sister 6 March 1739–40.” Despite the plantation never being signed over to Graham, it almost immediately was referred to as the property of “Doctor Graham.” The physician quickly took up the work of the plantation, abandoning his medical practice and continuing the mulberry nursery started by John Cuthbert.
Despite the success on the original Cuthbert grant, Patrick Mackay focused his energies on trade and his South Carolina plantations. In 1749, with the ban on slaves lifted, MacKay’s Joseph’s Town tract underwent a rebirth as a rice plantation, as MacKay shipped slaves across the Savannah River from his Carolina plantations. After being appointed to the Kings Counsel in December 1756, MacKay applied for and received his brother John’s old tract, which bordered his to the north. Patrick MacKay’s original acreage, known as New Settlement, now encompassed over twelve hundred acres, and the two grants together would eventually be known as Oak Grove Plantation.MacKay sold both Joseph’s Town properties in 1761 and 1763, moving to the hundred acre lot called Hermitage Plantation.
Patrick and Ann Graham’s property was called Mulberry Grove Plantation. It was not long after Graham took over the mulberry nursery that he was able to sell mulberry plants for profit, sending six thousand trees to Frederica in November 1741. Under Graham’s leadership, the plantation also diversified its crops, and when the slavery ban was lifted in 1749, rice became the prominent crop. Patrick Graham rose to prominence politically as well, ultimately ascending to President of the Colony. On October 13, 1754, “it was Patrick Graham who surrendered the Colony, from the Trustees, to Gov. John Reynolds, who at a Council meeting presented a patent from the King, making him Governor of the State of Georgia.” Following the appointment of Georgia’s first Governor John Reynolds, Graham was named head of the King’s Council and chief advisor.
Unfortunately, Graham was not in his new position long, as the physician and planter died on May 30, 1755.Most likely, the former president received a burial in Savannah like other prominent plantation owners of Southeastern Georgia.[52 Upon this, Graham left most of his various properties to family back in Scotland, and his wife, Ann Cuthbert Graham, who inherited “lands and town lots, with houses, Negroes, horses, cattle, and other personal properties, but not Mulberry Grove which, though Graham for fifteen years has expended so much interest on its improvement, seems never to have been legally his.”
Ann Cuthbert Graham remarried three years later to James Bulloch, a South Carolina planter and scholar of Latin and Greek. In their marriage contract, Mulberry Grove’s ownership was vested to Bulloch, who continued the cultivation of rice and the use of slave labor, while moving to Georgia to reside on the property. In 1758, a plat map of Patrick MacKay’s property just north of Mulberry Grove describes the site where “Mr. Bulloch’s house” was located.[54 Ann Cuthbert Graham Bulloch, resident of the property since her brother’s ownership at the outset of Joseph’s Town, died in 1764. On November 19, 1770, James Bulloch sold Mulberry Grove Plantation to his son-in-law, Josiah Perry, who also purchased Patrick MacKay’s original Joseph’s Town tract called New Settlement, uniting the two land grants. Although these grants were sold numerous other times, being split and rejoined in the process, they were ultimately part of John Graham’s [no relation to Patrick] land holdings at the time of the American Revolution.
John Graham, a loyalist and lieutenant governor of Georgia, lived at the plantation for a year prior to the Revolution, making substantial improvements to the buildings and rice canals, and “it is likely that the residence was entirely rebuilt.” Slaves were a major part of the plantation at this point, as Graham owned around 277 slaves, frequently issuing advertisements for runaways in the Georgia Gazette. As war neared, however, Graham was forced to flee as the Sons of Liberty became a constant menace. In 1776, John Graham temporarily abandoned his plantation, and sought refuge on the British ship Scarborough. Returning in 1779, the plantation was in ruins and it was impossible to return to plantation life with bands of patriot Americans harassing any loyalists outside of British occupied Savannah.
In 1783 the Commissioners of Confiscated Estates stripped John Graham of his lands, and along with Patrick MacKay’s original Joseph’s Town tract known as New Settlement, Mulberry Grove was purchased by the State of Georgia and given to General Nathanial Greene for his honorable service. The Northern tract, originally John MacKay’s and eventually known as Richmond Oakgrove, was given to General Anthony Wayne who “was greatly delighted to have for a neighbor Major General Greene at Mulberry Grove.” On these two tracts of land, originally the main two grants of Joseph’s Town, Eli Whitney created the cotton gin, which revolutionized the cotton industry in the south. The probable location of the first working gin was located near the landing on what was originally New Settlement (now Oakgrove), but was joined with Mulberry Grove under the ownership of John Graham. According to an archeological assessment performed at the location in 1976, “it is possible that the ruins present on Oak Grove today are those of the structure built by Phineas Miller to house Whitney’s cotton gin.”
John Cuthbert and Patrick MacKay, the only original Joseph’s Town land holders to cultivate their properties, found themselves divided between agricultural success, and loyalty to James Oglethorpe and the Trustees. The settlers persevered through the early Trustee period when slaves were prohibited and indentured servants frequently fell ill and died in the harsh coastal climate, as well as the numerous military diversions involving the Indians and Spanish. Despite the setbacks and struggles, Mulberry Grove and Richmond Oakgrove Plantations became not only successful plantations, but the location of the invention that transformed southern agriculture. Cuthbert and MacKay are not names found on street signs or honored for their contributions to colonial Georgia; like Joseph’s Town, their influence is more passive, but just as important as the memory of the Trustees and James Oglethorpe.
Heath Barrow is a married father of four and a recent graduate of Armstrong State University. For the past five years he has worked as a security contractor in Iraq and Afghanistan, but eventually hopes to teach History at either the high school or college levels.
Heath Barrow, “Joseph’s Town and Its Plantations in Colonial Georgia,” Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History 3, no. 2 (April, 2013).
 Writing in February 1736, traveler Francis Moore observed that “four villages make a ward without, which depends upon one of the wards within the town. The use of this is, in case a war should happen, that the villages without may have places in the town, to bring their cattle and families into for refuge, and to that purpose there is a square left in every ward, big enough for the outwards to encamp in.” Francis Moore, A Voyage to Georgia: Begun in the Year 1735 (Fredericka, GA: Fort Fredericka Association, 1983), 29.
 Thomas D. Wilson, The Oglethorpe Plan: Enlightenment Design in Savannah and Beyond (Charlottsville: University of Virginia Press, 2012), 103.
 Sarah Gober Temple and Kenneth L. Coleman, GeorgiaJourneys: Being an Account of the Lives of Georgia’s Original Settlers and Many Other Early Settlers (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1961), 50.
 David Dobson, Scottish Emigration to Colonial America, 1607–1785 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 117; Alexander R. MacDonell, “The Settlement of the Scotch Highlanders at Darien,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 20, no. 3 (September 1936): 253.
 Allen D. Candler, et al., eds. The Colonial Records of Georgia (Atlanta: Chas. P. Byrd, 1910), 31:19; Candler, Colonial Records, 3: 103. Throughout the Colonial Records, both September 3 and September 4 are used for the land grants at Joseph’s Town, although September 3 appears most often.
 Dolores Boisfeuillet Floyd, Mulberry Grove Plantation Near Savannah (Savannah: n.p., 1936), 3.
 Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 3.
 Savannah Unit Georgia Writers’ Project Work Projects Administration in Georgia, “Mulberry Grove in Colonial Times,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 23, no. 3 (September 1939): 240.
 Frank T. Wheeler, Savannah River Plantations (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 1998), 19.
 The founders of Joseph’s Town wished “to be rendered independent of Savannah, by granting three bailiffs to rule one year, and annually to descend according to seniority.” Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 4.
 Wilson, Oglethorpe Plan, 128.
 Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 120.
 Phinizy Spalding, Oglethorpe in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 53.
 Lilla Mills Hawes and Albert S. Britt Jr.The Search for Georgia’s Colonial Records (Savannah: Society of Colonial Wars in the State of Georgia, 1976), 141.
 Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 120.
 Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 4.
 Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 116–119.
 For MacGilivray, see Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 119; George White, Historical Collections of Georgia (New York: Pudney and Russell, 1855), 600; for Baillie, see Savannah Unit Georgia Writers’ Project Work Projects Administration in Georgia, “Richmond Oakgrove Plantation: Part 2,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 24, no. 2(June 1940): 124 and Candler, Colonial Records, 2:334; for MacKay, see Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 120; Savannah Unit Georgia Writers’ Project Work Projects Administration in Georgia, “Richmond Oakgrove Plantation: Part 1,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 24, no. 1 (March 1940): 28.
 Orville A. Park. The History of Georgia in the Eighteenth Century: As Recorded in the Reports of the Georgia Bar Association (Macon, GA: Georgia Bar Association, 1921), 8.
 “Since leaves from mulberry trees were essential for feeding silkworms, the planting of these trees was initially one of the conditions of land tenure.” James C. Bonner, “Silk Growing in the Georgia Colony,” Agricultural History 43, no. 1 (January, 1969): 143.
 Charles Colcock Jones, Jr. The Dead Towns of Georgia (Savannah: Morning News Steam Printing House, 1878), 26.
 Savannah Unit, “Mulberry Grove in Colonial Times,” 240.
 Candler, Colonial Records, 21:271.
 Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 5–6.
 Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 3.
 Milton Ready, “The Georgia Trustees and the Malcontents: the Politics of Philanthropy,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 60, no. 3 (Fall 1976): 266.
 Candler, Colonial Records, 22:72.
 Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 5.
 Candler, Colonial Records, 4:160.
 Garrison, Oglethorpe’s Folly, 161.
 Mills Lane, ed., Georgia: History Written by Those Who Lived It (Savannah: Beehive Press, 1995), 16.
 Lane, Georgia: History, 16–17.
 Candler, Colonial Records, 3:422–26.
 Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 73.
 While there is a ‘Jo. Cuthbert’ who signed the Darien counter-petition, it is most likely another man by the same name.
 Wilson, Oglethorpe Plan, 114.
 Edward J. Cashin, ed., Setting Out to Begin a New World (Savannah: Beehive Press, 1995), 80–87.
 Cashin, Setting Out, 83, 86–87.
 Candler, Colonial Records, 4:454.
 Marc R. Matrana, Lost Plantations of the South (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2009), 87.
 Robin L. Smith and Nicholas Honerkamp, An Archeological Assessment of the Cultural Resources at Mulberry Grove Plantation, Chatham County Georgia (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1976), 55–59.
 Smith and Honerkamp, Archeological Assessment, 15.
 Candler, Colonial Records, 4:526–27.
 Ibid., 3:425
 Parker, Scottish Highlanders, 117.
 Savannah Unit, “Richmond Oakgrove Plantation: Part 1,” 30.
 Savannah Unit, “Mulberry Grove in Colonial Times,” 242–43.
 T.P. Waring, “The Beginning of Georgia Under Her Presidents,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 24, no.1 (March 1940): 52–53.
 Joseph Krafka, Jr., “Medicine in Colonial Georgia,” The Georgia Historical Quarterly 20, no.4 (December 1936): 335.
 Savannah Unit, “Mulberry Grove in Colonial Times,” 246.
 Floyd, Mulberry Grove, 11.
 Savannah Unit, “Mulberry Grove in Colonial Times,” 246.
 Matrana, Lost Plantations, 88.
Savannah Unit, “Mulberry Grove in Colonial Times,” 251.
 Savannah Unit, “Richmond Oakgrove: Part 2,” 131.
 Smith and Honerkamp, Archeological Assessment, 90.