Conservative party of Canada
See also: Conservative party of Canada (old)
Although in existence since less than three years, the Conservative party is to inherit it political several conservative parties having existed in Canada, to begin with the Parti founded liberal-conservative in 1854 by John A. Macdonald and George-Etienne Cartier (this party became the Conservative party during the Années 1880). Following the example this party (and Conservative party of the the United Kingdom) it carries the nickname of “ Tory  party; ” and its members are also called the “ tories ” (though much more current in the anglophone media, these nicknames is also used in the French-speaking media). He is also the legal heir to the old parties under the terms of the fact that he assumed the goods and responsibilities for old the Parti progressist-conservative.
Peter MacKay and much of other former deputies, including Brian Mulroney, sees the PCC like a natural evolution of the preserving political movement in Canada. MacKay expressed the opinion that the PCC incarnates the reunification of the various preserving ideologies under a “ large tente ”. MacKay often said that divisions belong to the Canadian preserving movement since the years 1890, and that fusion was really a reconstitution of a movement which exists since the union of the High-Canada and of the Low-Canada.
The new Conservative party is an amalgam of two visions different from conservatism in Canada. For the major part of its history, the Party progressist-conservative preached traditional philosophy Red Tory (like the social programs subsidized by the State), rejected close links with the the United States and rather tried to work Canada while following the model of the British institutions. The conservatism of the Western Canadian, incarnated by the Canadian Alliance, was inspired more by American conservatism; he preached bonds more brought closer with the United States, philosophy Blue Tory, privatization, the reduction of the role of the State as well as a reform of the political institutions (on a model inspired of the Australia and the United States) as well as a federalism more decentralized (a government more limited to Ottawa with more autonomous provinces, a position also preached by Brian Mulroney). The new party generally preaches an economic approach based on the market economy.
The party is very strong in the Canadian West; a big number of deputies and militants of the party come from the Canadian Prairies, and influences it these areas which worked the Parti reformist Canada is found to a certain extent in the new Party, even if this one gave up the majority of socially preserving and populist measurements of its predecessor. He concentrates rather on the economic questions, military, the “ law and the ordre ” and questions of democratic reform and governmental ethics. Contrary to the former progressist-conservatives, the party reflects an influence Blue Tory more. The Prime Minister Stephen Harper is a large defender of tax conservatism and preaches the expansion and the modernization of the Canadian Armed forces. It also defended certain socially preserving positions, like the opposition to the Homosexual marriage.
Fusion symbolizes the most recent stage of the evolution of conservatism in Canada; the historical Conservative party, founded by the Loyal supporter S, strongly opposed free trade and integration with the United States, preferring to imitate the British political institutions. Under the direction of Brian Mulroney, the party chooses to lay the stress on the forces of the market economy and sign a historical agreement of free trade with the United States.
The Canadian policy being overall at center-droite, the Conservative party of Canada just like several independent politicians are sometimes described wrongly as being of extreme right-hand side, although they at all support the ideologies of the extreme right-hand side, neither in their programs, nor in their rows not more than in their values. The party is sometimes regarded by its detractors as a simple Canadian copy of the Republican party to the the United States and Conservative party with the the United Kingdom. Actually, of the marked differences exist on many questions and the parties are aligned only by their membership of the international forum of preserving political parties, the international democratic Union.
The October 15th 2003, after the secret meeting holding between Canadian Alliance and the Party progressist-conservative, Stephen To grip (chief of Canadian Alliance) and Peter MacKay (chief of the Party progressist-conservative) announce an agreement in principle to amalgamate their respective parties to create the new Conservative party of Canada. The agreement had been concluded after several months from negotiations between the representatives progressist-conservatives Don Mazankowski, Bill Davis and Loyola Hearn, and the representatives alliancists Ray Speaker and the senator Gerry German St.
The December 5th, the agreement in principle is ratified by the members of Canadian Alliance by a margin of 96% compared with 4% at the time of a referendum where the members had to vote by the post office. The December 6th the Party progressist-conservative organizes a series of regional congresses, at the time which the delegates vote in favor of the agreement with 90% against 10%. The December 7th 2003, the new party is officially recorded with Élections Canada. The March 20th 2004, Stephen Harper is elected with the direction of the new party.
Fusion is a culmination of the Canadian movement to link the line, thorough by the desire to present an effective opposition and an credible alternative with the Liberal party of Canada; it is a question of creating a new party which would make sure the support of the electorate of right-hand side of all the areas of the Canada and which would not divide the vote. This division of the electorate contributed, at least partly, with the liberal victories with the elections of 1997 and 2000.
The process of fusion raises the controversy. At the time of the congress of nomination of the Left progressist-conservative Canada in 2003, Peter MacKay sign an agreement written with its rival David Orchard, excluding any fusion with the party alliancist; Besides Orchard disputes fusion in front of the courts, without success. Under the rules of election of the chief of Party PC, the new amalgamated Conservative party would be involved in debt at least 70.000 $ towards Orchard. This debt was recognized like legitimate by lawyers of the CPC, however the refunding of this sum is on standby of the resolution of the legal arguments between the party and Orchard.
After fusion, four deputies progressist-conservatives - Andre Bachand, John Herron, Scott Brison (a former candidate with the nomination of Party PC) and the former Prime Minister Joe Clark - refuse to join new the caucus amalgamated, as well as the outgoing president of the Party PC, Bruck Easton, which declares its intention to vote liberal with the elections because of its fears vis-a-vis the leadership Gripping. Brison makes defection towards the liberal ; a little later it obtains the station of parliamentary Secrétaire within the government of Paul Martin, and it is named at the Council of Ministers after the federal election of 2004. Herron also presents him like liberal candidate to the election, but it does not integrate the liberal caucus before; it east demolishes in its district by the conservative candidate Rob Moore. Bachand and Clark leave both the House of Commons at the end of the session. At the time of the election of 2004, Joe Clark granted his support, with reserve, with Paul Martin rather than with Stephen Harper. Clark prefers to support candidates of various political trainings to in an individual capacity, the such néo-democrat ED Broadbent, liberal the Anne McLellan and the conservative Jim Prentice.
A former deputy alliancist, Keith Martin (a former candidate with the nomination of Canadian Alliance) also leaves the party the January 14th. He preserves his seat at the time of the election of 2004, being made re-elect under the banner of the Liberal party. In the 38e légilsature (2004-2005) it is used as parliamentary secretary as Bill Graham, the Minister for National defense. He is re-elected in 2006.
Moreover, three senators — William Doody, Norman Atkins and Lowell Murray — decide not to join the new party and continue to sit at the Upper House as progressist-conservatives.
In the first months of existence of the PCC, two preserving deputies publicly express their dissatisfaction vis-a-vis the direction, with the policies and the procedures of the new party. Rick Borotsik, former progressist-conservative, criticizes the direction of the party openly and officially withdraws from the policy at the end of the parliamentary session of spring 2004.
Chuck Cadman, former deputy alliancist, rejete the procedures of setting in nomination of candidates when it loses the race with the preserving nomination in its district (which it had represented under the banners reformists and alliancists) with the profit of a candidate come from outside. It is ejected Conservative party at the end of May. Cadman is represented nevertheless with the elections of 2004 like independent candidate. He is re-elected, independent one to the only sit at the minority Parliament, until Carolyn Parrish is ejected of the liberal caucus in November 2004. Cadman dies of cancer in July 2005.
Finally, shortly after the federal election of 2004, the preserving senator Jean-Claude Rivest leaves the PCC to sit at the Senate as independent, judging the new party too with right and too insensitive with the needs and the interests of the Quebec.
Election of the chiefStephen Harper is elected chief of the party the March 20th 2004, demolishing Tony Clement, preserving former member of the Ontarian cabinet , and Belinda Stronach, old chairman of Magna International, with the first turn.
Certain preserving militants had hoped to recruit old the Ontarian Prime Minister Mike Harris to aspire to the direction of the party, but it declines the offer, like also made the Prime Minister for the New Brunswick Bernard Lord and the Prime Minister Alberta in Ralph Klein. Outgoing the progressist-conservative chief, Peter MacKay, and the former deputy alliancist and chief of the representative democratic Caucus Chuck Strahl, had also announced that they would not take part in the race. Jim Prentice, which had arrived second in the race at the direction of old Party PC in 2003, enters the race mid-December, but it is withdrawn mid-January because of the difficulty of so early collecting funds after a first failure in a race with the direction.
Federal election of 2004
See also: Canadian Federal election of 2004
Two months after the election To grip with the head of the party, the liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin starts an election, fixing the date of the poll at the June 28th 2004. However, between the fusion of the two old conservative parties and the election of the chief for the new one, the internal arguments and the investigations in the Scandale of the mixed liability companies seriously reduces the popularity of the Liberal party to the capacity. This makes it possible to the conservatives to be prepared better with the race, contrary to the election of 2000 when few people had predicted the release of the poll at at the beginning of October. For the first time since the election of 1984, a liberal government faces a plain preserving face.
The conservatives exceed waitings during the countryside, the surveys showing a rise of popularity for the new Party; certain sounders predict the election of a preserving Minority government. However, even with the apogee of its popularity, the new party does not succeed in collecting as much support than the combined electoral results of its two predecessors. Moreover, certain discussed comments influential members within the PCC block the efforts To grip to project the image of a moderate and reasonable party which would be an acceptable alternative to the liberals.
Several discussed comments expressed by preserving deputies are notable. Early in the countryside, the Ontarian deputy Scott Reid expresses his opinion, as a preserving spokesperson as regards official languages, that the policy of the bilingualism officel is unrealistic and needs reforms. The deputy Alberta in Rob Merrifield, spokesperson of the party as regards health, estimates that the women should obligatorily follow a family therapy before having access to a Avortement. The deputy britanno-Colombian Randy White, towards the end of the campaign, expresses his will to have recourse to the derogatory Clause of the Canadian constitution to pass in addition to the Charte of the rights and freedoms on the question of the Homosexual marriage. Cheryl Gallant, appointed Ontarian, compares the Avortement with the Terrorisme.
Conservatives To grip emergent election with larger caucus parliamentary of 99 deputies while the liberals are reduced at a minority government of 133 deputies; this obliges the liberals to obtain the support of at least 23 deputies of the opposition to guarantee the adoption of their bills. The results of the popular vote, on the other hand, are in fact below the results combined of Alliance and Party PC with the preceding federal election.
Congress of March 2005 in Montreal
In 2005, certain political analysts like the old sounder progressist-conservative Allan Gregg and the journalist of the Toronto Star Chantal Hébert suggest that the following election could elect a conservative government if the party emerges from their congress founder with moderate and clearly definite policies.
At the time of the congress, the party demolishes most of socially preserving measurements of the Canadian Alliance, retaining only the opposition to the homosexual marriage. It preserves however its populist attraction by preaching tax cuts, the reduction of the role of the State, the democratic reform and more decentralization towards the provinces.
Defection of Belinda Stronach
In May 2005, the preserving deputy Belinda Stronach takes several by surprised by making defection towards the Liberal party. Some believe that its departure could harm the efforts of the party to attract the voters progressists, particularly in Ontario. Others commented on the suspect and opportunist nature of the decision of Stronach, noting its nomination at the Council of Ministers immediately after its defection and the fact that this one came a few days only before the behavior from a crucial vote of confidence to the House of Commons. Moreover, several conservatives, like the deputy with the legislative Parliament of Ontario Bob Runciman, make rather vitriolic statements in reaction to the event — treating Stronach of “ épaisse ” ( dipstick ), for example — who are worth to them charges of Sexisme on behalf of certain people who see a proof there that the moderation of the party is an illusion. Others, on the other hand, consider that these comments were by no means sexists, but simply a reaction so that they regarded as a particularly reprehensible treason.
End August and beginning September 2005, the tories launch the publicities televised on all the major télédiffuseurs in Ontario who highlight their policies on questions such as health, education and the family policy. The pubs show all Stephen Harper discussing of these policies with eminent members of sound Shadow cabinet. Certain analysts predict at the time the conservatives will make use of similar publicities in the federal election of 2006, instead of concentrating their attacks on the liberals as they had done in spring 2005.
A survey Ipsos-Reid carried out after the deposit of the first report/ratio of the Commission Gomery showed practically nez-à-nez the tories with the liberals in the popular support. Another survey, of Stragetic Counsel, suggested even an advance of the conservatives on the liberals. However, of the surveys two days later showed the liberals with an advance of 8 points.
Federal election of 2006
See also: Canadian Federal election of 2006
The November 24th, the chief of the Stephen opposition To grip demounting a motion of distrust which is adopted the November 28th with the support of the two other parties of the opposition (the Nouveau Democratic party and the Québécois Bloc.) The léglisature is automatically dissolved; the date of the poll is fixed at the January 23rd 2006, according to an electoral campaign which is held during the time of the festivals.
The conservatives begin the first month from the countryside by making a series of advertisements, one per day, including a reduction of the Taxe on the products and services (TPS) and an allowance for the guard of children. This strategy surprises several in the media, which had taken for asset which the preserving countryside would be negative and would concentrate on the scandal of the mixed liability companies; the strategy of the Conservative party rather consists in letting the voters think them-even of this question. The liberals choose to keep their major promises for second half of the countryside after the time of the festivals; consequently, Harper dominates the cuffs for the first weeks of the countryside and has thus free plan to define itself its image rather than to let its adversaries do it in its place. Although its party records at the beginning only modest movements in the surveys, the personal popularity To grip, which had always been lower than that of its party, start to go up quickly.
The December 27th 2005, the royal Gendarmerie of Canada (GRC) announces that it launches an investigation into an allegation of Délit of initiate of the department of the Minister for Finance Ralph Goodale before an important advertisement on the tax on trusts of income. The revelation of the criminal investigation and the refusal of Goodale to resign dominate the cuffs for the following week, and draw even more attention when the Securities and Exchange Commission American announces that it will also launch its investigation. The scandal of trusts of returned diverts the attention of the public of the political promises of the Liberal party and makes it possible the Conservative party to reactualize its attacks on corruption within the Liberal party. To at the beginning of January 2006, the tories carry out in the surveys and carry out a major opening with the Quebec where they exceed the liberals in second place in the surveys (after the Québécois Block).
In answer in advance growing of the conservatives, the liberals launch a series of negative electoral publicities showing Harper to have a hidden diary, similar to the attacks made in the election of 2004. The effect is not however same this time, the conservatives having a momentum much larger than in 2004; they have at one moment of an advance 10 points. Personal popularity To grip continuous to go up and the surveys reveal that he is considered not only worthier of confidence, but also like a better potential Prime Minister than Paul Martin. In addition to the discipline improved of the Conservative party, and as because of that, the press coverage granted to the conservatives is much more positive as in 2004. As for them, the liberals are criticized more and more for the mauvaus unfolding of their countryside and the multiplication of the blunders.
The January 23rd 2006, the conservatives gain 124 seats, against 103 for the liberals. These results make Conservative party the first party in importance with the communes (which counts 308 seats) enabling them to form a Minority government. The February 6th, Stephen Harper is sworn in as 22e Prime Minister of Canada, like its Council of Ministers.
Chiefs of the party
- Dr. Grant Hill (January 9th 2004 with the March 20th 2004) (temporary parliamentary chief)
- Stephen To grip (March 20th 2004 with now)
See also: Conservative parties in Canada
The Conservative party, although not having any official provincial wing, works closely with the old associates with the Party progressist-conservative. It besides was asked here or there that the local branches rather take the name of “Conservative party”. The Conservative party maintains positive ratios with other preserving organizations, such as the Party saskatchewanais, the democratic Action of Quebec, and to a certain extent members on the right of the Liberals of Colombia-British (and that in spite of the existence of a Conservative party of Colombia-British). The federal conservatives bénificient of the support of several tories provincial. Several provincial Prime Ministers, such as Ralph Klein of the Alberta, Stalemate Binns of the Island-of-Prince-Edouard, Danny Williams of Ground-New-and-Labrador, John Hamm of the Nova Scotia and Bernard Lord of the New Brunswick expressed their support in a general way to the new party. In Ontario, the chief of the Party provincial progressist-conservative John Tory and the former chief of the temporary provincial opposition Bob Runciman have both openly expressed their support with Stephen Harper and the Conservative party of Canada, like Stuart Murray, chief of the opposition and Party PC Manitoba ins.
Although officially distinct from the provincial parties, of the documents of the PCC, as well as applications of members, can be obtained at the offices of the majority of provincial Parties PC. Several of these parties hold openly of the bonds towards the site of the PCC on their Web sites. Also, Stephen Harper was invited like lecturer with several congresses of the parties provincial progressist-conservatives, and he encourages all the members of the federal party to becoming members of their respective provincial conservative parties.
The democratic Action of Quebec (ADQ) and the Liberal party of Quebec (PLQ) do not maintain any federal left bond with any, even if the former chief progressist-conservative Jean Charest is at present chief of the liberals. Since he is chief of the PLQ, Charest led many old tories of the Mulroney era to occupy of the important stations within the PLQ. At the time of the Canadian federal election of 2006, it gave a support reserved to the Conservative party, informant that the promises Stephen Harper on the federalism of opening and the Fiscal imbalance went in the direction of what Quebec wished. Several voluntary and organizers of the PLQ are reflected discreetly with the service of the conservatives, who did not have a large organization in Quebec. The election of a conservative government was well accueuillie by Jean Charest and the Minister for health Philippe Couillard.
The ADQ, as for him, is most preserving of the three Québécois provincial parties, and although the policies adequists on questions such as the health care are very close to those of the PCC, the chief adequist Mario Dumont refused to align himself formally with a federal party. However, it personally and publicly supported the Conservative party at the time of the elections of 2006, support which however did not achieve the unanimity near the members of its party.
The Parti saskatchewanais was born from an not-official fusion of the Parti progressist-conservative Saskatchewan with members of the Liberal party of Saskatchewan, and some of its members support the PLC, others the PCC. The provincial liberals always introduce candidates to the elections. Following the collapse of the progressist-conservatives according to the sifted government of scandals of Grant Guesses in the Années 1980, the progressist-conservatives were officially withdrawn from the policy, although retaining a nominal organization and presenting candidate-paper to the elections in order to maintain the funds of the party. The Party saskatchewanais is officially neutral as for the federal policy, although its first chief, Elwin Hermanson, had direct links with the Parti reformist and the Canadian Alliance.
The Liberal party of the Colombia-British was already a provincial wing of the Liberal party of Canada, but under the direction of Gordon Campbell it moved more towards the right and contains at present members supporting the federal liberals and others the federal conservatives. The party is now officellement neutral vis-a-vis the federal policy.
The Conservative party of the Colombia-British exists always and present still candidates at the elections, but does not count at present any representative elected with the legislature of the province. Several eminent federal conservatives militate within the Conservative party of the Colombia-British. Wilf Hanni, former chief of the Left reformist the Colombia-British, is at present chief of the Conservative party. From the past several progressist-conservatives also maintained the bonds tightened with the Parti social Credit of the Colombia-British.
The Parti Yukon (in the past the Party progressist-conservative of Yukon) changed name and has cut all its bonds to federal Party PC during the Mulroney years. Its current chief, the Prime Minister Yukon be born Dennis Fentie, old a néo-democrat which made defection to direct the Party of Yukon, remains relatively ambiguous on the question of the federal support of the territorial party.
Some of the parties above can sometimes affiliate or support the new federal Conservative party or one of its regional candidates. The relations are tended, by accounts, between the Conservative party and Ralph Klein, Prime Minister progressist-conservative of the Alberta, which had with the comments that this last made in public during the last federal election concerning the health care, like its call to a Référendum on the question of the Homosexual marriage. Adding with the tension in Alberta: the support of the militants of the PCC is divided between the Alberta Alliance Party (right) and the Progressist-conservatives (center-droite).
Official site of the Conservative party of Canada
|Random links:||Cleyzieu | 3Ecole Nationale Sup3erieure of arts of Cergy-Pontoise | San Costantino Albanese | Sappada | Nuclear plant of Sizewell | Quatrième_mouvement_du_mai|