KADAMBAS OF GOA (966 A. D. to 1340 A. D.).
Gandaraditya was the undisputed king of Konkan. Vijayaditya
played a prominent part in the conspiracy formed by the minister
Bijjala against his lord Talia III and had helped the Thana Silahara
king, Aparaka as well as the Goa, Kadamba king [Altekar, 423-24.].
The real founder of the Goa Kadambas was king Shasthadeva who is called Chhatta, Chhattala or Chhaltala or Chhattaya. Jayakesi II is called Chittuka because the descendant of Chhattadev claims to have conquered southern Konkan [Altekar, 412.]. But even earlier, Guhalladeva I who succeeded Nagavarma was an ally of the southern Silaharas who were ruling on the western coast with Goa as their capital [Moraes, kadambakula, 168.]. Chaturbhuja finally had established the house as Mahamandale-shvaras and probably joined the grand coalition of the southern powers, overthrowing the Rashtrakutas. The original kingdom of the Goa Kadambas seems to have been the country to the south of the island of Goa including a part of Salsette and perhaps a strip of land extending towards the western ghats. Their capital was Chandrapura (modern Chandor) one of the most ancient towns in the Konkan, probably founded by Chandraditya, a son of the Chalukya king Pulakesi II. Indeed in the Dvyasharaya, a Sanskrit work which was probably written by the famous Tarn guru Hemchandra in the 12th century, king Jayakesi I is said to have been ruling at Chandrapura [Moraes, 168-169.].
Guhalla-deva II was the son of the king Chaturbhuja and queen Akkadevi. He overcame the neighbouring rulers and extended the boundaries of his kingdom, "humiliating the kings of the Seven Malayas." Shasthadeva II closely adhered to the policy of his father and the result was that before the end of his reign he became acknowledged master of the whole of Konkan. In this achievement Shasthadeva was helped by the dissensions that prevailed at this time between the North and South Silaharas. The struggle started in the reign of northern Silahara king Arikesari. Arikesari had captured this part from southern Silaharas to whom it originally belonged. Though Arikesari prevailed against his enemy Rattaraja in this war, the result was not an unmixed blessing for the northern Silaharas. The protracted struggle weakened the power of the conquerors. This calamity was further aggravated by the death of Arikesari and in the reign of his infant son Chittaraja, the authority was greatly relaxed. Hence Shasthadeva made a bid for the sovereignty of the Konkan.The Silaharas, after the conquest of
Konkan by Shasthadeva became the feudatories of Shasthadeva. He was the Mahamandaleshvara under the Chalukya Emperor, Jayasimha II. Jayakesi I made Gopakapattana, the capital of Southern Silaharas, the principal seat of his government. Jayakesi killed Mammuri in action, who had revolted and also subdued Tribhuvanamalla Kamadeva, " the ruler of the Konkan Rastra ". He helped the Chalukya Emperor, Someshvara, in ousting the Cholas who made inroads into the Chalukya empire and gave his daughter in marriage to Someshvara's son, Vikramaditya [Moraes, 181.]. He later on brought about the friendship between the Chalukyas and the Cholas. Yadava prince, Senuchandra II and Jayakesi, established the Chalukya king Vikramaditya in his kingdom, "overcoming all opposition" which had ensued due to confusion that followed the civil war between Vikramaditya and his brother Someshvara. When Guhalladeva III, the son and successor of Jayakesi I came to throne in 1180, Anantpaia forced the Kadambas to give up the part of the Silahara territory which they had annexed in the previous reigns [Moraes; 188. The Kharepatan inscription (copper plate).]. However, Vijaya-datta who followed, succeeded in re-establishing his sway over the district. When the Hoyasalas under the leadership of a Danda-nayaka, named Gangaraja inflicted a serious disaster on Vikramaditya VI, Goa-Kadamba king Jayakesi II styled himself, declaring independence of the western Chalukya over lordship, the "Konkan-Chakravarti" or the emperor of the Konkan. However, Achugi II, the feudatory of Vikramaditya "seized upon, Konkan" very soon, the differences were made up and Vikramaditya even gave his daughter in marriage to Jayakesi II. Jayakesi made use of this valuable influence and secured for himself the paramount place among the chiefs of Deccan. By 1125-26, he was lord of the Province of Konkan, from Goa to Thana, including the whole of Ratnagiri district, which formed part of his vast empire [Map-Moraes, 192.]. In the peaceful government of his kingdom, Jayakesi II was assisted by Lakshamana. "Too awful to be faced, even when regarded from afar, he crossed over the Sahya (mountain), drank up the ocean whose waters are naturally not to be traversed, eradicated the wicked and settled the country, now the glorious Konkan has become free from dangers [Moraes, 193.] ". Lakshamana's son, Soma was quite a literary celebrity who was conversant with sciences such as logic, grammar, literary composition and politics. Soma's younger brother, Simha was also a great minister and an eminent scholar. "Was he not indeed", says the inscription, " illustrious on the ocean-encircled earth, a Patanjali, in grammatical science, a Sadanna in the six systems of logic, an omniscient one in the multitude of teachings of literary composition, praised by the whole world, a distinguished Chanakya in the whole series of exalted polity, a platform for the
play of the dance of the brilliant Goddess of speech [Moraes, 193-194.]? ". From the records, we also learn that Simha was a great general.
The Silahara kings made attempts under Mallihayina who also
was helped by his kinsman, king Vijayadatta C. 1140 to C. 1175 A. D. of the Karad branch [Moraes, ibid; Altekar, 419; Altekar, 423.] in reconquering their country from Jayakesi II who was now engaged in war against the Hoyasalas. But finally Vijayadatta effected an amicable settlement between his relation Mallikarjuna and the Kadamba king Jayakesi II, whereby the former was given the sovereignty over Northern Konkan and the latter confirmed in his rule over the rest of the country, and thus putting an end to further troubles, he paved the way to amity and peace between the two ruling dynasties of the Konkan. Jayakesi died in about 1147-48 and was succeeded by his eldest son Permadi or Sivachitta. Kamaladevi, the wife of Paradideva was responsible for the diffusion of learning among her subjects. Permadideva was the feudatory of the Chalukyas and remained faithful to them till their downfall in A.D. 1156. On the overthrow of the Chalukya dynasty, however, Permadideva proclaimed his independence and styled himself "Kohkan-Chakravarti". To all appearances, no immediate steps were taken by the Kalachuryas, the successors of the Chalukyas, to impose their suzerainty on the Goa Kadambas. With the defeat of the Kalachuryas by the Hoyasalas, the Goa Kadambas became the vassals of the latter. But on account of the struggle between the Hoyasalas and the Yadavas, for supremacy, the Hangal Kadamba king Kamdeva marched against the Konkan and compelled Vijayadatta, the king, to transfer his allegiance to him. But Jayakesi III declared himself independent, immediately on his accession in 1187-88. But Tribhuvanamalla, later, was defeated by the Yadav Dandanayak Vichana and the conquest of supremacy in the Deccan was finally decided in favour of the Yadavas [Moraes, ibid, 209.]. Chiplun (Chipalona) and Sangameshvar had, during this period, great trade with Goa [Moraes, ibid, 269, 333, 363.].
KADAMBAS OF HANGAL. (967-1347 A. D.)
It would appear that the safety of the newly founded Chalukya empire at this time was seriously endangered by the Chola
encroachments on its Southern frontiers (1007-1008). The Cholas were repulsed for the time being by the Chalukya king, Irivabedunga Satyashraya, but they renewed their aggressive activities a few years later in the reign of his son Jayasimha II. Chatta, (980-1031) founder of the Kadamba House of Hangal, uniting Banavasi and Hangal, distinguished himself against the Cholas and carved out a kingdom which stretched, on this side, including Ratnagiri district [Map-Moraes, 97.], upto Kolhapur. He is referred to as having conquered
Konkan. When the Chalukyas under their king, Jayasimha made an advance on Dhar, the capital of the Malavas and defeated Bhoja, who was then the Paramar king, the part played by Chaltadev, the feudatory of the Chalukyas, was significant [Moraes, 98.]. Thereafter, Kirtivarma (1075-1116) "subdued the Seven Konkans". He had rebelled once when promptly the rebellion was subdued [Ibid, 110, 168, 121.].
LATER RASTRAKUTAS (756-973 A. D.)
The Kharepatan inscription shows that the Rashtrakutas belonged
to the House of Yadu [Bhandarkar, 128.]. The Chalukyas were finally subjugated by Krishnaraja Rashtrakiita (753-775), as many mountain chiefs had sought protection under the Chalukyas and had placed Sanaphulla in charge of the territory [Ibid, 131 cf. Inscription of Krishnaraja.
Altekar, The Rashtrakutas and their times, 39, 45.]. Govinda III, the Rashtrakiita king, had established sovereignty over this region [Altekar, 65, 86.Nilkanta Sastri, 151.
Ibid, 139.]. The Silahara king Pullashakti and his son Kapardi had been the feudatories of the sovereign Rashtrakiita king Amoghavarsha [Kharepatan inscription, Bhandarkar, 145; Altekar, 78.] and Amoghavarma had ceded the Konkan to these Silahara kings. Indra III had succeeded the Rashtrakiita king Amoghavarsha II
[Ibid; Altekar, 104, 105.]. Krishna II was succeeded by his grandson Indra III. Indra III died in C. 917 A. D. Govinda IV who succeeded Amoghavarsha II spent most of his time in the pursuit of pleasures. He was as beautiful as God of love and the Kharepatan plates of Rattaraja state that he was the abode of the sentiment of love and was surrounded by a bevy of dancers [Altekar, 106.]. Bhima II of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty claims to have defeated a great army sent by king Govinda. In December 973, the Rashtrakuta power was overthrown and the causes of this downfall are not far to seek. The forward and aggressive policy of Krishna III must have caused a severe drain on the treasury and alienated the sympathies of his feudatories and neighbours. The territories under the direct Imperial administration further diminished in extent by the rise to semi-independence of the Silaharas of Konkan, the Rattas of Saundatti and the Yadavas of Senadesha [Altekar, 126.]. These were young, growing and ambitious States, only awaiting an opportunity to throw off the Imperial yoke.
The measure of internal autonomy that was enjoyed by the feudatories under the Rashtrakutas was not uniform. However, the Konkan Silaharas enjoyed a large amount of internal autonomy. They could create their own sub-feudatories [Nairne, 19; Altekar, the Rashtrakutas and their times, 291. Altekar, 265.].
It is a noteworthy fact that the revival of Hinduism did not affect the fortunes of Jainism in this part; because firstly, the religion was fortunate to acquire State patronage under the early Kadambas, Chalukyas and the Western Gangas and secondly the influence of the work and achievements of important Jain saints and writers like Samantabhadra, Akalankadeva, Vidyananda, Manikyanandin, Prabha-chandra, Jinasena, Gunachandra, and Pampa [Altekar, 272." The Jainas " A. N. Upadhye, Indo-Asian Culture, II, No. 2, Oct. 1953.] played its own part. Many of the Rashtrakuta kings were themselves Jains and so were many of their viceroys and generals. Amoghavarsha I was undoubtedly a follower of Jainism and yet he was such an ardent believer in the Hindu goddess Mahalakshmi, that he actually cut off one of his fingers and offered it to her, being led to believe that an epidemic from which his kingdom was suffering, would vanish by that sacrifice [Altekar 273.].
LATER CHALUKYAS. (973-1189 A. D.)
During Satyashraya's reign, (997-1008 A. D.) this part seems to
have been in the hands of one Rahu Raja or Ratta Raja. The earliest copper-plate pertaining to the Chalukyas, found in Konkan was of A. D. 1008, according to Rev. Nairne and it recorded the grants of villages near Vijaydurg by a Chalukyan king, then holding sovereign power. It was, however, not the king but his tributary Rahu Raja, the master of Konkan who made the grant. This chief appears as Ratta Raja in the Kharepatan grant, where he is said to have given away as gift the village of Krishnamandi to the temple of Avveshvara for feeding the ascetics, the learned men and visitors [K. A. Pai, Western Chalukyas of Kalyani, 79.]. The Sangamner record of Yadava Bhillama II dated A. D. 1000 describes him as a Mahasamanta or great feudatory who had obtained the five Mahashabdas. It further says that he granted the village of Arjunakondhika to 21 Brahmans. But the curious fact about this record is that it does not mention his (Bhillama's) overlord, though he is styled a Mahasamanta. From the epigraph it is evidently clear that he defeated Munja of Malva and had increased the fortune of his sovereign overlord Ranarangabhima, identified with Taila II, the Chalukya king (973-997 A. D.) by Dr. Kielhorn. These deeds bespeak of the bravery of Yadava Bhillama-a general of Taila II
who continued to be in the same position under Satyashraya [Pai, 80 Some of the 21 Brahmans were students of Rigveda or Samaveda while others were members of Maitrayaniya Sakha of the black Yajurveda or Madhyandina sakhas of the Vijaseneyin branch of the same Veda. Pai, 80.]. To Brahmans he gave a family of slaves, servant women and oilmen, who were to enjoy their land rent free and in return serve the Brahman [Kharepatan plate-Pai, 81.]. Dashavarman was the second son of Taila II and a direct brother of Satyashraya. Inscriptions reveal that the name of his wife was Bhagyavati or Bhagavati Devi. He had by her three sons, Vikrama, Jayasimha and Ayyana and a daughter Akkadevi. Dashavarman stood for the maintenance. of all castes and stages of life though he destroyed all distinctions of colour by his fame which pervaded all the regions [The Yevur plate-Pai 84.]. Ayyana II who succeeded Vikrama-ditya V was the Emperor of the world surrounded by the seven oceans [Pai, 94.]".
Under Someshvara IV (1179-1189) the later Chalukyas who had asserted themselves temporarily against the Rashtrakutas had finally ceased to be a ruling house. Out of the many branches that shot out from these Chalukyas, one had firmly established itself in the Ratnagiri district. The Tervan [K. A. Pai, 374.Tervan is in Rajapur Taluka of Ratnagiri District, Bhandarkar, 192-93.] endowment reveals the fact that the donor, Keshav Mahajani was the divan of Kamadev, the Mahamandaleshvara. Kamadev is referred to as "The sun that blows open the lotus bud in the shape of the Chalukya race [Bhandarkar R. G. "Early History of the Deccan" (1884), 69.]" in his titles. He is called Kalyan purvaradhishvara which means that he belonged to the ruling house of the Kalyan kings. Another branch is referred to in connection with Chalukya Somadev who ruled from Sangame-shvar in the Ratnagiri district. Both these inscriptions refer to the same ruling house.
Jayasimha assumed sovereignty over the Chalukyan dominions after his elder brother, Ayyana II. He rewarded Vasudevarayasarma, at his victorious camp at Kolhapur, for " warring against the mighty Cholas and after taking away the property of the seven Konkans".
The feud between the Chalukyas and the Paramars had started since Munja, the uncle of the king Bhoja of Malva. The plates of A. D. 1020 speak of a grant made by Bhojadeva on a festival in consequence of the conquest of the Konkan. From the Betma plates of the same monarch Bhoja, edited by Dr. Diksalkar, we understand that he was in occupation of the Konkan. The Chalukya monarch, earlier had "searched out, beset, pursued, ground down
and put to flight the confederacy of Malva. [Pai, 100.]". Bhoja, however, took on time to recover and took Konkan before January 1020 A. D. He, however, annexed his newly conquered territory to his empire some time before September 1020 A. D. But Bhoja was unable to retain Konkan and it was snatched away by the Chalukya king before 1024 A. D. [Pai, 103-04.]
In the confusion that followed the fight between the Paramaras and the Chalukyas, the Konkan Silaharas made a vain effort to win independence, with the result that they were crushed and their dominions were seized.
The Mahamandaleshvara Gandaraditya of the Karad branch of the Silahara family was ruling his hereditary possessions in A. D. 1109-10 and 1118-19 under the Chalukya king, Vikramaditya VI (1074; 1076-1127 A. D. [Ibid, 264; also the map given on p. 273.]). The mighty empire built by Vikramaditya was not destined to last long.
In the short period of 20 years of Kalachurya power there were terrible religious dissensions which paved the way for Someshvara
IV's success. The date of his accession goes back to A. D. 1179 [Ibid, 359, 360.]. Someshvara IV was unable to stem the tide of aggression both from the Hoyasala and the Yadava sides.
YADAVAS OF DEVAGIRI-(1187-1310 A.D.)
Virballal Hoyasala (1173-1220 A. D.), the grandson of Vishnu- vardhan (1110-1152 A. D.) defeated Brahma, the general of the last
of the later Chalukyas, Someshvara IV and captured all the territory which that general had taken from Vijval of the Konkan [Bhandarkar (Bapat),]. But soon the north Yadava king Bhillam (1183-1193 A. D.) took Shrivardhan from the king Ansal and became himself the sovereign. However, Virballal all the while resisted him. The Kharepatan part of Ratnagiri had been under Bhoja, the Silahara king of Kolhapur branch for some time and Bhoja had been reclaiming his independence but when Vijval of Kalyan endeavoured to subjugate him, Singhana (1210-1247 A.D.) the Yadava king, had finally annexed this part by defeating Bhoja [Bhandarkar, 259.].
Later Krishna ascended the throne in the latter part of A. D. 1247. He continued the foreign policy of his grandfather, which aimed at the expansion of the Sevuna dominions in all directions. He sent his general Chamund against Someshvara, the king of the Hoyasalas. Chamund succeeded in wresting only the Kogali Division, which
consisted of Hadgalli Taluq in the Bellary District, and the Devanagere Taluq in the Chitaldoorg District, Mysore, and which was situated in the Nolambavadi country. Krishna also sent another contingent under Malla against the Silaharas of Northern Konkan, who ruled the Thana, Kolaba and Ratnagiri districts, and the southern part of Surat district. Though Malla claims victory over the king of Konkan, who appears to have been the Silahara Someshvara, he could not make any territorial gain in that direction. Malla also claims to have defeated the Pandyas, who seem to have been those ruling in Nolambavadi. On the east Krishna led his army as far as the South Kosala country, modern Raipur and Bilaspur Districts of Madhya Pradesh. During this campaign he seems to have come into clash with the Kakatiya Ganapati. He also carried on the traditional hostilities with the Paramaras of Malva and the Vaghelas of Gujarat, and gained some success. About this time the Sevuna army encountered some Muslim forces, probably those who invaded the Paramara kingdom in A. D. 1250 under the leadership of Balban. Krishna fought successfully with the Abhiras and two other chiefs, Hendari Raya and Kamapala.
However, the work of conquest was completed by his brother Mahadeva Yadava (1260-1271 A. D.) who succeeded him.
Mahadeva defeated the Silahara king Someshvara in a naval battle [Nikanta Sastri, 211.]. Mahadeva seems to have appointed one Jaituyi, the Governor of Northern Konkan. Ramdeva or Ramaraja, (Ramchandra), the son of Krishna, succeeded Mahadeva and became sovereign of a very vast empire. Ala-ud-din Khilji attacked him in February 1296 A. D. and after the defeat, Ramaraja (Ramchandra) promised to send regular tribute to his court. The Kadambas were also reduced by the Yadavas, from semi-independent chiefs to ordinary Mahaman-daleshvaras. Among the Yadava officials appointed at this time, the records mention Mahapradhana Achyuta nayaka, governing the Sasati district, i.e. Salsette in the Konkan in 1272 A. D. and a certain Krishnadeva, governing the whole of the Konkan in 1289 A.D. [Moraes, 193-194.]. It is not known how the present borders of the Ratnagiri district had been exactly divided between them.
SULTANATE OF DELHI.
The first Muhammedan soldier ventured to cross the Narmada and a small army invaded the Deccan in 1294 [Briggs, Ferishta, I, P. X; Jervis' Konkan, 59,]; but it was in 1312, when Ramadeva Yadava died and his son, Sahgama (Shahkaradeva) succeeded him [Nilkanta Sastri, 221,], that the dynasty of the Yadavas was ended. Sangama's hostility to the Sultanate of Delhi was well-known and
hence, Malik Kafur (Hagar Dinari), the general of Ala-ud-din Khilji had "seized the Raja of Dewgur (Devagiri) and inhumanly put him to death. He then laid waste the countries of Maharashtra and Canara, from Dabul (Dabhol) and Choule (Chaul [Nairne, Musalman remains of South Konkan, Ind. Anti. II, (Oct. 1873),; p. 278.Briggs Ferishta, I, 379.]), as far as Rachoor and Moodkul". Malik Kafur, however, took up his residence at Devagiri [Ibid, 381; Nilkanta Sastri, 222. Ibid, 379.] and hence though Ratnagiri was overrun by the Musalmans and Dabhol seems to have always been held in strength, with their headquarters so far north as Daulatabad, the hold of the early Musalmans was slight. Harapaladeva, Ramadeva's son-in-law could stir up resistance to the Khilji rule by "expelling a number of the Muhammedan garrisons [Ibid, 381; Nilkanta Sastri, 222. Ibid, 379.]". But soon after hisaccession, Mubarak Khilji again marched to the south in 1318, with an army led by his favourite slave Khusrau Khan, resolved to retake Devagiri. The reduction of Harapala involved some hard fighting in the mountainous country [Nilkanta Sastri, Op. cit.]. The district, however, continued to remain under its local chiefs. There were petty chiefs on the coast, naiks, rajas, or rais who were, more or less independent [Nairne, 25.]. This part was conquered by Bhimadeva, son of Ramchandra Yadava who divided the whole kingdom of the Konkan into fifteen mahals containing 444 villages. His son Pratap directly ruled over the district but was, soon, deprived of his kingdom by his brother-in-law, a chief of Dabhol, named Nagar Shah, whom the Muhammedans in their turn defeated [Nairne, 27, 29; Jour, Roy. Asi. Soc. Vol. IV, 1837, Walter Elliot, "Hindu Inscriptions ". p. 26. The chief was Nagoji Rao, according to a Persian history in the library of the Janjira Nawab-Cf. Bom. Gaz. Vol. X, 327.
Nilkanta Sastri, 226.]. It was not till the Bahamanis declared themselves; independent of the Tughluq Sultans of Delhi, that attempts were made by them to occupy the district. The Koli Raja of Javahar had been extending his power and was recognised in 1341 by the Delhi Government. There were, at this time a number of petty rajas, some called poligars, Kolis in the North and Marathas in the South., These chiefs paid allegiance to their overlords as circumstances might require [Nairne, 30; Jervis, 63.]. Another reason for delaying the occupation by the Bahamani power was the Ameer Judeeda revolution. It was a term given to the newly converted Moghals [Being foreigners and without any local partialities, they were deemead the best instruments for carrying into effect the orders of a despoted prince. They were bold and high spirited and soon shook off their allegiance. Briggs, Ferishta, I, 429.]. They proclaimed one from among themselves. Ismail Mukh, the Afgan king of the Deccan under the title Nasir-ud-din Shah [Briggs, Ferishta, I, 437; Nilkanta Sastri, 232.].
Sultan Abdul Muzaffar Ala-ud-din Bahamani Shah crowned himself the king of the Deccan on 3rd August 1347 [Nilkanta Sastri, op. cit.]. He ruled till February 1358. The Bahamani king with his capital at Gulbarga, made South Konkan his natural seaboard [Briggs, Ferishta, II, 338; Jervis, 98.]. Dabhol became a great port and the resistance of the inland part was broken [Briggs, Ibid; Nilkanta Sastri, 233.], when the Bahamani army after its conquest of Goa on its march to Kolhar (Karad) and Kolhapur had brought that territory under subjection [Burhan-i-Ma'asir Persian Text, Hyderabad, page, 28.]. Henceforward Dabhol became a flourishing sea port and formed a part of the province of Gulbarga, the capital of the kingdom. The province which extended from Gulbarga as far west as Dabhol and south as far as Raichur and Mudgal was placed by Ala-ud-din Hasan Shah under the charge of Malik-saif-ud-din Ghory [Briggs, Ferishta, II, 295, 291, 284; Ind. Ant. II, 279.].
Although Dabhol was always held by the Bahamanis, the rest of the district did not remain under their effective occupation till the last years of the dynasty. Goa seems to have been recovered by the kings of Vijaynagar after its conquest by Ala-ud-din Hasan. Many districts of Talghat (Konkan) were held by Vijaynagar [Ibid, 338.]. Under Muhammad Shah Bahamani I (1358-77) the word silehdar, so common in the Deccan originated and this seems to answer to the cavalier of Europe-a sort of knight who followed the court mounted on his own horse and in whose train rode one or more attendants. He formed a corps which he styled bardars whose duties consisted in mustering the troops and in conducting persons to the audience. He had also a band of Silehdars composed of 200 youths, selected from among the sons of the nobility to carry the royal armour and weapons [Briggs, Ferishta, II, 299.].
As Muhammad Bahamani I was fighting the forces of Krishnadeva Rao of Vijaynagar, Bairam Khan, Governor of Daulatabad, finding the country unguarded, combined with Govinddeva (Kumbhdeva) a Maratha to raise the standard of revolt. The Chiefs of Berar and the Raja of Bagalana secretly sent troops to assist him. Elated by his success, he appropriated for his own use some years' revenues of Maharashtra that Muhammad Shah had deposited in the fortress of Daulatabad, with which he levied troops. Most of the towns and districts of this part fell into his hands; which having divided among his adherents, he, in a short time, collected nearly ten thousand horse and foot [Ibid, 317, 321.]. However, order was soon established effectively by Muhammad Shah who now appointed Khan Mahomed to look after this part [Ibid, 322, 325, 326.]. Muhammad II gave relief during the famine years 1387 and 1395 and established orphan school at Dabhol [Ibid, 360; Nilkanta Sastri, 236; Ind. Ant., II. 279.].
During the reign of Ahmad Shah Bahamani (1422-1436) efforts were made by the Bahamanis to strengthen their hold on the Konkan coast. "In the latter end of the year 833 (1429 A. D.) the king (Ahmad Shah Bahamani) ordered Malik-ut-Tujar (Khalaf Hasan Basarai) to march into the country of Concan, extending along the coast of the Indian Ocean, in order to clear it of rebels and disturbers of the peace; where in a short time, he executed his instructions so fully, that he brought that country under subjection and sent several elephants and camels loaded with gold and silver, the fruits of his conquests, to court. Ahmad Shah, in reward of his services, conferred on him a suit of his own robes, a sword set with jewels and other gifts such as no servant of the house of Bahamani had before ever been honoured with [Briggs, Ferishta II 413; Nairne, 30, Nilkanta Sastri, 241,]".
But the subjugation of the district was never achieved and Malik-ut-Tujar's attack led to nothing but a series of disgraceful defeats there and in other quarters [Briggs, Ibid, 413; Nilkanta Sastri, 241.]. At the end of his reign (A. D. 1435) Ahmad Shah sent Malik-ut-Tujar to take charge of Dabhol and other towns on the western coast, as the chiefs had refused obedience to' the Bahamani rule [Briggs, Ibid, 424.].
"Ahmad Shah's successor Ala-ud-din who ascended the throne in A. D. 1436 despatched the Prime Minister Dilawar Khan Afgan, in September 1436.
"On the first day of the year 840 (A. D. 1436) Ala-ud-din Shah conferred robes of honour on Dilawar Khan and entrusted him with army to reduce the tract of country along the sea shore called Concan, inhabited by hardy race of men. The Rajahs of Rairee and Sonkehr, being soon humbled, agreed to pay regular tribute and Dilawar Khan, having secured the beautiful daughter of the latter Rajah, for the king, returned to the capital accompanied by her and with some years' arrears of tribute. The king at first was pleased at his services and charmed with Rajah's daughter who was without equal in beauty, disposition and knowledge of music. He gave her the title of Parichehra (Ferry face) and the fame of their loves became notorious. At length learning that Dilawar Khan had received bribes from the Rajahs of Concan and had not done his utmost to reduce their fortresses, he became cool towards that minister, who of his own accord resigned the seals of office and by so doing saved himself from danger [Op. cit; Nairne, 31; Ind. Ant. II, 279, 318,].
"Mullika Jehan, the king's wife (the daughter of Nuseer khan, the ruler of Khandesh) became jealous of her husband's preference to Parichehra, who was the daughter of the Rajah of Sangameshvar [Nilkanta Sastri, 242,] and
offended with his coolness towards her, wrote letters of complaint to her father. Nuseer khan hence projected the conquest of the Bahamam territory and Deccan Chiefs unanimously resolved to join him [Briggs, Ferishta, II, 436; Nairne, 31.].
"A great disaster befell the Bahamani army in the year 1453. As the army marched through Concan on an expedition to Khelna, the massacre of the army by the Shirkes seems to have occurred in the district. According to Ferishta " at this time Meamun-Oolla Deccany formed a plan for reducing to subjection all the fortresses along the sea-coast. To effect this, the king deputed Mullik-oot-Toojar, with 7000 Deccany infantry, and 3000 Arabian cavalry, besides his own division, to the westward. Mullik-oot-Toojar, fixing upon Chakan as his seat of government, secured the fort near the city of Joonere, from whence he sent detachments, at different times, into Concan and reduced several rajahs to subjection. At length he moved to that country in person, and laid siege to a fort the Rajah of which was named Sirka [Sirka, or more properly Sirkay, (the Sirkay of the author of the excellent Maratha history) is the name of one of the most ancient families of the Concan. The mother of the (present) Rajah of Satara was of that house. Briggs Ferishta
II, 436.], whom he speedily obliged to surrender and to deliver himself and family into his hands.".
"Mullik-oot-Toojar insisted that Shirke should embrace the faith of Islam, or be put to death; upon which the subtle infidel, with much assumed humility, represented that there existed between him and Shunkur Ray (the Rai of Sangameshvar), who owned the country around the fortress of Khelna [Vishalghur.], a family jealousy and that should he enter into the pale of Islam, and his rival remain secure in the full possession of power, he would on the general's retreat, taunt him with ignominy on account of his change of religion, and excite his own family and subjects to revolt; so that he should lose the countries his ancestors had held for ages. Rajah Shirke added, however, that if Mullik-oot-Toojar would reduce his rival, Shunkur Ray (Rai of Sangameshvar) of Khelna, and give his country either to himself or to one of his officers, which might be effected with little difficulty, he would then pronounce the creed of the true faith, become enrolled among the servants of the king, and remit annually a tribute to his treasury, as well as assist in reducing those Rajahs who might hereafter fail in their duty and allegiance. Mullik-oot-Toojar replied, that he heard the road to the Ray's country was woody and full of difficult passes. To which Shirke answered, that while there was a guide with the army so faithful and capable as himself, not a single soul should receive injury. Accordingly, Mullik-oot-Toojar, relying on the promises of the Rajah, in the year 858 (A. D. 1453) began his expedition against Khelna, but was deserted in the outset by most of the Deccany and Abyssinian officers and troops, who declined entering the woods. Rajah Shirke, agreeably to his promise, during the
first two days conducted the army along a broad road, so that the general praised his zeal and fidelity; but on the third day he led them by paths so intricate, that the male tiger, from apprehension, might change his sex, and through passes more fortuitous than the curly locks of the fair, and more difficult to escape from than the mazes of love. Demons even might start at the precipices and caverns in those wilds, and ghosts might be panic-struck at the awful view of the mountains. Here the sun never enlivened with its splendour the valleys, nor had Providence designed that it should penetrate their depths. The very grass was tough and sharp as the fangs of serpents, and the air fetid as the breath of dragons. Death dwelt in the waters, and poison impregnated the breeze. After winding, weary and alarmed, through these dreadful labyrinths, the army entered darker forest, a passage through which was difficult even to the winds of heaven. It was bounded on three sides by mountains, whose heads towered above the clouds, and on the other side was an inlet of the ocean, so that there was no path by which to advance nor road for retreat, but that by which they had entered [The above passage has been given literally, in order to afford a sample of the author's style. The description is very characteristic of the general features of the Concan country, though it is not easy to fix the exact spot into which the Muharnmedan army was led to its destruction.]".
" Mullik-oot-Toojar at this crisis fell ill of bloody flux, so that he could not attend to the regularity of the line of march, or give orders for the disposition of his troops, who being excessively fatigued, about night-fall flung themselves down to rest whenever they could find room, for there was no spot which admitted of two tents being pitched near each other. While the troops were thus scattered in disorder, Shirke, their treacherous guide, left them and communicated to Shunkur Ray (the Rai of Sangameshvar) that he had lured the game into his foils. The Ray, with a great force conducted by Shirke, about mid-night attacked the Musalmans from all quarters, who, unsuspicious of surprise, were buried in the sleep produced by excessive exertions. In this helpless state, nearly seven thousand soldiers of the faithful were put to death, like sheep, with knives and daggers; the wind blowing violently, the rustling of the trees prevented the troops from hearing the cries of their fellow-sufferers. Among these was Mullik-oot-Toojar, who fell with five hundred noble Syuds of Medina, Kurbulla and Nujuf; as also some few Deccany and Abyssinian officers, together with about two thousand of their
adherents, who had remained with their general. Before day light the Ray, having completed his bloody work, retired with his people from the forest [Note.-The exact place where this massacre took place has never been ascertained, but Grant Duff thinks that it was not very far from Vishalgad, which is so probable, not only from the Rajah of that place being so particularly mentioned but also from the nature of the country described. There were very few parts of the southern Konkan where an army of 10,000 men could march without the greatest difficulty; and the tract of country lying beneath and a little to the north of Vishalgad, between the towns of Sangameshvar and Lanja is almost the only open plain of any extent in the collectorate. Anywhere across this an army might easily have marched for two days, but it would need but a slight deviation either to the west towards Sitavali or to the east towards Vishalgad itself, to get into the hills and gorges which in these days must almost have come up to the description given by Ferishta. If it be a fact that an inlet of the ocean was on one side, then the immediate neighbourhood of Sitavali would answer the description; otherwise, as to the closeness of the valleys and the height of the hills, Prabhanvali seems the most likely place. At all events it is most probable that the massacre took place somewhere in the country which lies beneath and in front of the most projecting point of Vishalgad-Ind. Ant. II, (Nov. 1873), 318. The family of Shirke had, probably from very ancient times and upto 1768, their court at Bahirugal, in this district, as Rajahs of the surrounding country yielding at that period a revenue of Rs. 75,000 a year. Grant Duff states that Konkan Ghat-matha also belonged to this family-Nairne, 31.
Nilkanta Sastri, 243.
Nairne, 31; Indian Antiquary, II, (Nov. 1873), 318-319.
Briggs, Ferishta, II, 436, 440.]".
This disaster was not avenged for sixteen years, a fact which shows how little hold the Musalmans had on this district. The Rajah of Sangameshvar, Jakhurai, grew in power and strength. He was the master of a number of impregnable forts, chiefs of which were Khelna and Rangna. He maintained a fleet of nearly three hundred vessels, which as Gavan states in one of his letters, preyed upon merchants and travellers with the result that " some thousands of Muslims were sacrificed at the altar of the greed of these people [Biyazul Insha Persian Text, pp. 173-175.] ".
The influence of Vijaynagar extended far to the north of Goa. Extensions of territory in the north-west were achieved under Harihara II (1377-1404). The ports of Goa, Chaul and Dabhol were taken from the Muslims, as also Kharepatan; and the Krishna river became the northern frontier of Vijaynagar for a time [Nilkanta Sastri, 257.]. But Mallikarjuna (1447-1465) had left behind an infant son Rajashekhara and the throne was occupied by his cousin Virupaksha II, who was given over to vice [Ibid., 262.].
The next events recorded of Dabhol are of a different sort, but not less calculated to show its importance in the 15th century. Mahmud Khan Gavan, who afterwards became the celebrated minister of the Bidar Government, came from Persia as a merchant and landed at
Dabhol in 1447. About 1459 Yusuf Adil Khan, the founder of the Bijapur dynasty, also entered India at Dabhol [Yusuf Adil Shah, founder of the kingdom of Bijapur (Adilshahi dynasty), was the son of one of the emperors of Asia Minor, of the Ottoman family. Sultan Mahomed gave orders to kill his brother Yusuf, then a child, to avoid further commotions in the empire in future. But the queen mother managed to send the boy to Sava with the help of the merchant of Sava named Khwaja Imad-ud-din. To avoid further difficulty of the secret of his birth being divulged, at his age of 16, he left Kooni and finally reached Dabhol in the year 864. On his arrival there he became acquainted witi Khwaja Mahmood Goorjistany, a merchant who had come to that part on business. YusuPs appearance and manners (being at that time only 17 years of age) were at once striking and engaging for he had received liberal education at Sava. The Khwaja prevailed on Yusuf to accompany him Bidur, where he was sold as a Georgian slave, to the minister Khwaja Mahmud Gavan, for the royal body guard. This Yusuf Adil Shah, a son of Murad II, Sultan of Constantinople, described Dabhol as possessing the delight of paradise-Briggs, Ferishta II, 3; 7; and III, 7; Ind. And II, 279; Nairne, 33.].
The Bahamanis sought to consolidate their hold on the Konkan, capture Goa and hasten the destruction of Vijaynagar which was their principal aim [Nilkanta Sastri, 245.]. After the affairs with the kingdom of Malva had been settled, the Bahamam Sultan Muhammad Shah decided to undertake a campaign against the Konkan [In particular, Mahmud Gavan wanted to prevent the Rajahs of Khan (Visalgarh) and Sangameshvar from using their fleets off the west on to harass Muslim merchants and pilgrim's-Nilkanta Sastri, ibid.]. On his request Mahmud Gavan was appointed to lead the campaign. Followed by a large army he arrived at Kolhapur in 1470 A. D. and camped there. He sent for the detachments posted in the neighbouring districts. Asad Khan brought his troops from Junnar and Chakan, Kishvar Khan arrived with his army from Dabhol and Karad. With this army, Mahmud Gavan marched against the chiefs. As the country was full of forests, he employed his men in cutting down the trees and clearing out roads.
When the chiefs learnt of the activities of Mahmud Gavan, they combined together and marching against him put up a determined resistance. Nearly fifty battles were fought between the armies of Islam and the chiefs [Burhan-i-Ma'asir, p. 115, Persian Text; Nairne, 31-32.].
Mahmud Gavan laid siege to the fort to Khelna. The siege was considerably prolonged. Gavan was bent upon reducing the chiefs. As he heard that they had already approached influential persons in the capital, he agreed to the following terms: -
The fort of Rangna should be surrendered. An indemnity of Rs. 12,00,000 should be paid, and the son of Jaku should arrive in the
The terms had been agreed upon when the chiefs realised that once the fort of Rangna was surrendered, with the help of their army posted in Chakan, Karad and other places, the Bahamanis would not only conquer Sangameshvar, but would be able to occupy a considerable territory belonging to Vijaynagar, they turned away from the agreement.
The result was that as the siege of Khelna dragged on, the rains set in, Gavan was forced to raise the siege and retire to contonment for the rainy season. He, however, ensured that no provision or any article should be allowed to reach the enemy country [Riyazul Insha Persian Text, Hyderabad, p. 249. Briggs. Ferishta, II, 484-485.].
After the rains had subsided, Gavan marched against the fort of Rangna. The fort was strong and Gavan feared that it could not be conquered without considerable loss in men. He tried other methods. The enemy was offered "Firankish cloth, both studded with jewels, palanquins, Arab steed and arms of the most exquisite pattern [Riyazul Insha Persian Text, Hyderabad, pp. 122-123 Ind. Ant, II, 319.] ".
The fort of Rangna came into the possession of the Bahamanls, on the 19th July 1470 A. D.
Gavan then marched to the fort of Machol. The fort was stormed and taken after a stiff fight. Gavan next turned towards the fort of Khelna. The Rajah was hard pressed. He sent his own son to negotiate peace. The fort surrendered on 10th November 1470. The Rajah was left with a small territory to maintain himself. The rest of the possessions of Sahgameshvar were occupied and placed under the Bahamani officers. The forts of Bulvara, Miriad and Nagar were also captured. The subjugation of Sangameshvar was completed on 12th December 1471. Gavan next marched to Goa with the forces of Dabhol which was annexed to the Bahamani kingdom on the 1st February, 1472.
With the conquest of Goa Gavan's campaign of the Konkan came to a close. This time the Bahamani occupation of the district was complete. No resistance to the Bahamanls is noted till the break-up of the kingdom [Naime, 32; Nilkanta Sastri; op. cit.].
The district was placed under the charge of Gavan's general Khush Qadam who already held the territory of Dabhol and Karad under him [Briggs, Ferishta, II, 484, 485.].
The port of Dabhol continued to flourish as a sea-port throughout this period. The Russian traveller, Athanasius Nikitin, who was in the Deccan from 1469-1474, had landed at Chaul and from what he heard there, wrote as follows:-"Dabul (Dabhol) is a very extensive sea-port where many horses are brought from Misr (Egypt-not Mysore), Rabast (Arabia), Khorassan, Turkestan and Neghortan, and all nations living along the coast of India and Ethiopia met. It takes a month to walk by land from this place to Bedur and Kulburga. It is the last sea-port in Hindostan belonging to the Musalmans [The Hakluyt Society, 1857. "India in the 15th century-The Travels of
Athanasious Nikitin of Tuer, p. 19-20. Ind. Ant. II, 279; Nilkanta Sastri, 32, 252, 306; Nairne, 31.]". Three years later he made Dabhol his port of embarkation and from here took ship to Hormuz, paying two pieces of gold for his passage and spending a month at sea. He, then wrote,
" Dabhol is a port of the vast Indian sea ...................... It is a very
large town, the great meeting place of all nations living on the coast of India [Ind. Ant. II. 279.]".
From 1475, for three years, there was famine in this part and scarcely any farmers remained to cultivate the land. No grain was sown for two years [Briggs, Ferishta II, 493-94.]. In 1478 the four Governments of the Deccan were increased to eight and in this division all this part of the Konkan was put under the Governor of Junnar, a place although sufficiently distant, was yet nearer to the district than any previous provincial capital [Briggs.Ibtd., 502; Nairne, 32. The tract was placed under Fukhr-ul-mulk.].
Kishvar Khan transferred the charge to Najmuddin Gilani. After his death one of his officers Bahadur Gilani succeeded him. Taking advantage of the disorders prevailing in the Bahamani following the execution of Mahamud Gavan on 5th April 1451, Bahadur Gilani seized the entire district up to Dabhol, besides Kolhapur, Panhala Karad, Sirala and Belgaum [Nairne, 32; Briggs, ibid, 535, 345; IV, 72.]. He even advanced to Chaul which lay in the territory of Malik Ahmad, the founder of the Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar [Briggs. Ibid., III, 192-93.]. Malik Ahmad had been besieging the seaport of Danda-Rajpuri, when he heard of the assassination of his father. He raised the siege for the time being and returned to Junnar where he assumed the title of Ahmad-Nizam-ul-Mulk Bheiry [Briggs. Ibid., III, 192, 191.]. After the victory of Bagh Nizam, Ahmad Nizam Shah again took the seaport of Danda Rajpuri, which after a long siege he reduced and thus secured the peaceable possession of the Konkan [Briggs, Ibid., 198-99; Nairne, 32.], in 1490. In like manner Yusuf Adil Shah in 1489 founded the Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur. But Bahadur Gilani was still unsubdued [Briggs, Ibid., III, 10, 14.].
The sack of Mahim (Bombay) by Bahadur Gilani in 1493 brought upon him the wrath of the Sultan of Gujarat Mahmud Begda to whom that port belonged. At last Muhammad Shah Bahamani II resolved to march against Bahadur Gilani. Bahadur Khan Gilani had attempted to make himself independent and among other towns, had for a long time, possession of Dabhol and Goa and command of the whole coast [Ind. Ant. II. 280.]. Following the success of Muhammad Shah, Bahadur Khan's affairs declined daily, till at length he fled to the fortress of Panhala, the strongest place in his possession. The king not wishing to sit down before it halted at Kolapore, intending to proceed from thence to Dabhol and amuse himself in the sea; upon which Bahadur Khan quitted Panhala, with a design to lie in wait for the king on his route. In the end, however, not daring to execute his plan, he fled and becoming humble, asked for pardon. But on the arrival of the respectable persons sent by the king in his camp, his evil stars would not allow him to submit. Bahadur Khan advanced to meet Khwaja Jehan with 2,000 horse and 15,000 foot, but was killed by an arrow [Briggs, Ferishta II, 542-543; Nairne, 33; Ind. Ant. 279.] on 5th November 1494. The forces of Bidur were assisted by those of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur and at the suggestion of Qasim Bareed, Bahadur Khan's estate was conferred on Malik Ain-ul-Mulk Kanani [Nilkanta Sastri, 251.] and after this, the king and a few of his principal nobles marched down to Dabhol and enjoyed the novel amusement of sailing about up and down the coast [Briggs, Ferishta II, 543; Ind. Ant. II, 280; Nairne, 32.].
Ain-ul-Mulk held charge of the district as an officer of the Bahamanis for nearly four years.
Shortly afterwards, Imad-ul-Mulk of Berar, Malik Ahmad of Junnar and Yusuf Adil Khan of Bijapur agreed to divide the country amongst themselves. Yusuf Adil Khan was to receive among others the territory possessed by Ain-ul-Mulk, the Governor of Konkan.
" Yusuf Adil Khan, in pursuance of this treaty, in order to ascertain if Ain-ul-Mulk were content to be dependent on his authority, dispatched an order commanding him to his presence, whereas he had always before addressed him on terms of equality. Ain-ul-Mulk received the order with joyful submission, declaring that now he was convinced. Yusuf Adil Khan regarded him as loyal, by putting his submission to the test. He made a festival of a week in the port of Goa on the occasion and repaired with six thousand horse to Bijapur, where Yusuf Adil Khan received him as one of his subjects, exacting those salutations from him made only to crowned heads, and then conferred on him an honorary dress [Briggs, Ibid, III, 19.].".
The district, thus, passed into the hands of the Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur in 1498 A. D. [Op. cit; Ind. Ant. II, 280; Nairne, 33.] The small States such as Sahgameshvar, Palvan, Prabhavati continued, likewise, during the period of the Adil Shahi dynasty. They lost their semi-independent status of the Bahamani period and became feudatories of the Sultans of Bijapur.
In 1502 the Adil Shahi subhedar of the province which extended from the Savitri to Devgad, including the whole of the Ratnagiri district gave grants to the Khots for the occupation and reclamation of waste lands, thus encouraging the former landholders to occupy their land and improve the district [Nairne. 34: Jervis, 75, 83.
Note-Under the Bahamanis, Dabhol was known a.s Mustafabad but since 1489, under the Bijapur Government, Dabhol was made the headquarters of a district very closely corresponding to the present Ratnagiri district (Jervis, 75). Yusuf Adil Shah had deputed Mustafa Khan to administer the subhedari of Dabhol. Thus earliest recorded land revenue settlement of Ratnagiri was in 1502 (Jervis, 90, 75, 76). But Mukund Rao Maratha and his brother, who had both been officers under the Bahamanl Government had with a number of peasants fled and taken up a strong position amidst the hills with the determination of opposing the Authority of newly established Yusuf Adil Shah. Yusuf accordingly marched against them at the head of 2,000 cavalry and 5,000 infantry. They were defeated and their families fell into the hands of the king. Among these was sister of Mukund whom Yusuf afterwards espoused and gave her the title of Booboojee Khanum. By this lady he had three daughters and one son, Ismael, who succeeded to the throne. Muryam, the eldest married Burhan Nizam Shah Bheiry of Ahmadnagar; Khoddeija, the second married Ala-ud-din Ima-ul-mulk, king of Gavul and Berar and Beeby Museety, the third married Ahmad Shah Bahamanl of Kulburga-(Briggs, Ferishta, III, 31). Again, sometime before 1504, Kasim Bereed, the founder of Bereed Shahi, had distinguished himself by his bravery against the rebel Marathas residing between Peitun (Paithan) and Chakan whom he was deputed to reduce. One action in particular took place, in which Kasim Bereed was victorious and having slain Sabajee Maratha, the king (Bahamani-Sultan Mohamad Shah) gave the deceased chief's daughter in marriage to Kasim Bereed's son, Ameer Bereed, as a reward for his services. Sabajee's territory was conferred on him and upwards of 400 marathas, who were connected with the late chief entered his services, many of whom he persuaded to embrace Islam. He declared, with their help his independence but died in 1504. (Briggs, Ferishta, III, 495-496).].
A new power now appeared on the scene. They were the Portuguese.