1 REPORT BY THE GOVERNMENT OF GEORGIA ON THE AGGRESSION BY THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AGAINST GEORGIA Introduction In 2008, the Russian Federation launched a full-scale assault against a sovereign state its immediate neighbor, Georgia. This incursion, systematically preceded by political and other provocations, was the violent climax of policies pursued by Russia against Georgia over many years. Rather than work to peacefully resolve the conflicts in Georgia, Russia systematically stoked them. Moscow interfered in Georgian politics, supplied separatist militias with arms, ignored its peacekeeping responsibilities, failed to prevent widespread ethnic cleansing of Georgians and, ultimately, sought to annex Georgian territories by means of military force. Russia s main goals have been to annex Georgian territories, overthrow Georgia s legitimate government, subvert Georgia s independence, curtail Georgia s sovereignty, and send a message to its neighbors and to the West that it is in control of what it calls its sphere of privileged interest. To date, the Russian Federation has only partially achieved its aims: since August 2008, inalienable parts of Georgia namely, Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region now exist under a state of full-scale Russian military occupation (note, however, that these areas had previously been controlled by Russian military and law enforcement forces, disguised as peacekeepers ). This document represents the Georgian Government s report to the public on the background and details of the August conflict. The purpose of this document is to provide the public with information on the political situation in Georgia, the changing nature of Georgia s relationship with Russia, and Georgia s efforts to secure a peaceful resolution to the ongoing conflict. It covers the current political situation in Georgia, presents the history behind the conflict, and describes the actions taken by the Georgian Government in response to Russia s relentless provocations. This document aims to provide comprehensive and transparent information on these issues. This document will focus on the three main actors involved in the process: 1. The Russian Federation and its puppet regimes in South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and in Abkhazia; 2. The Georgian authorities and its various political structures; and, 3. The international community, including the main international organizations. The document covers the policies pursued by these three actors, the actions they have undertaken and the crucial decisions that were made throughout the process. Legal, political, and military documents are also attached as appendices to this report.
2 Chapter 1: The Genesis of the Conflict Disintegration of the USSR, Russia s attempt to maintain its influence over the former Soviet Republics and the creation of the CIS. Towards the end of the 1980s, as the Soviet Union entered its final throes and began to disintegrate, a strong national liberation movement was born in Georgia. This national liberation movement was marked by intense anti-soviet sentiments, which were exhibited via demonstrations and other forms of civil protest. The growth of the national liberation movement led to a repressive crack-down by both Georgia s Communist Government and the Moscowbased central authorities. This was manifested in the violent break-up of peaceful meetings, the persecution of leaders of the national liberation movement, and attempts to stir up civic and ethnic confrontation. As a result of efforts to divert attention via ethnic politicization, there was a noticeable escalation in the degree of artificially generated internal conflict in Georgia. In particular, the situation in Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region became overtly tense and antagonistic. On 31 March 1991, as a result of a national referendum in Georgia (including the Abkhazian Autonomous Republic and former South Ossetia), Georgia adopted an Act of Independence and declared its independence from the Soviet Union. The nascent country s borders followed the internationally recognized borders of 21 December On 8 December 1991, the former Soviet Republics signed a document that confirmed the disintegration of the USSR (the Belovezh Treaty). With the exception of Georgia and the three Baltic states, the former Soviet Republics joined together to establish the Russo-centric Commonwealth of Independent States Georgia s attempt to pursue an independent policy In 1991, political processes in Georgia were defined by the country s widely popular nationalliberation movement. The aim of the movement was to restore Georgian independence. It saw the West as Georgia s main ally. In light of this, Georgia began to follow a development path that differed from that of other former Soviet Republics. Simultaneously, post-communist state institutions started to form in the country. The thengovernment which was faced with a series of urgent political, economic, social, and military problems had to institute a deep-rooted reform program. The orientation chosen by Georgia including its path of strategic development was based on a democratic mandate that for the first time saw its national interests rooted in public consensus. However, these interests quickly turned out to be incompatible with Russia s own political and geostrategic goals. As a result, Russia, from the outset of the post-soviet era, instituted policies aimed at undermining Georgian statehood. In policy terms, one of the first areas where this discord became apparent was in the field of ethnic manipulation. The Russian authorities building upon tensions Moscow itself had stoked among separatist elites in Georgia s autonomous regions sought to further inflame the
3 situation by dividing Georgia s territory. In Abkhazia, for instance, the political elite remained totally dependent on Russia, to the extent that following independence they did not appreciate or respond to the Georgian national government offer of parity in the Abkhazian Supreme Council (parity that would have been achieved by reducing the number of Georgian representatives). While newly independent Georgia attempted to adjust its policies to accommodate these autonomous republics, Russian policies continued to foment political differences among the newly formed political elites in Georgia s capital, with the aim of sparking internal confrontation. Russia s efforts to sow discord resulted in a series of civil confrontations both in the autonomous areas of Georgia and in Georgia s capital, Tbilisi. The deteriorating security situation, combined with the weak state of public institutions, opened the way for organized criminal groups and militias to gain substantial power. Rent-seeking opportunists seized this opportunity to gain power. This trend applied to the elites in the capital, as well as to local elites in Sukhumi and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region, both of which were encouraged by Russia. These groups, claiming to be driven by national interests, actively opposed each other, resulting in conflict, the destruction of property, the plunder of public and private assets, the terrorizing of local populations, theft, banditry, and the labeling of all of these violent and criminal activities as ethnic confrontation. It is noteworthy that the above-mentioned groups obtained weapons, bullets, and other forms of military materiel from Russian military bases located on the territory of Georgia and directly from Russia. This led to a marked increase in the amount of weaponry and ammunition at their disposal. In parallel to the deteriorating security situation, Russian military instructors also arrived in Georgia to train the separatists. At the beginning of this period of conflict, the separatists used mainly small-caliber pistols and automatic firearms; however, by the end, tanks, battleships, and mortars were widely available (for example, on 14 August 1992, the 643rd rocket-carrying air regiment of the Russian armed forces provided the Abkhaz separatists with 984 automatic guns, 267 pistols, 18 mortars, 600 flare pots, over 500 trench bombs, bullets, gun powder, military vehicles, uniforms, food, chemical weapons, and other engineering equipment). The plan to further inflame ethnic tensions was not limited to the local population. With the help of Russian Special Services, volunteer mobilization centers were formed in the North Caucasus. From those centers, boeviks (warriors) were sent in an organized fashion to different hot spots in Georgia. In this manner, Kazakhs, as well as Chechens, Ingush, Armenians, and other Caucasian nationals found themselves involved in the conflict in Georgia. At crucial points during the conflict, Russian military forces became directly involved in combat and directly participated in military operations. In addition to Special Servicemen and commandos, Russian artillery and aviation were also actively used. For example, in Abkhazia, Georgian military formations brought down a Russian SU-27 fighter jet flown by a Russian pilot. The Russian Minister of Defense reacted to this fact in a cynical manner, claiming that the Georgians had painted Russian Army identification markings on the plane. On 24 June 1992, the Sochi (Dagomis) Agreement was signed. This was a bilateral agreement between Georgia and Russia that established principles for regulating the Georgian-Ossetian conflict. Unfortunately, the Abkhazian conflict continued despite several negotiated ceasefire agreements. These included the agreements of 3 September 1992; and 27 July In all cases the separatist armed forces of the disputed regions and the Russian Army violated the agreements. After
4 signing the first agreement on 3 Septembe 1992, the Georgian population in Gagra was subjected to mass executions and ethnic cleansing between 1-3 October After the ceasefire agreement was signed on 27 July 1993 which Georgia honored by demilitarizing Sukhumi separatist forces backed by Russia launched a large-scale attack on September 16 in Sukhumi, which was followed by the ethnic cleansing of the local Georgian population that ended with the fall of Sukhumi on 27 September These violations, and the constant interference of the Russian Army and Russia s Special Services, guaranteed that Russia would achieve its aim in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and Abkhazia. The central Georgian Government lost control over these regions, thousands of civilians lost their lives in ethnic cleansing, and several hundred thousand people lost their homes and shelter. After the ethnic cleansing and forced mass emigration, only 20-25% of the pre-war local population was left in Abkhazia. To reinforce these developments, Russia manipulated diplomatic channels to lock in the status quo and legitimize it via a ceasefire agreement. It was during this period of time that Georgia agreed to join the CIS. On 9 December 1993, Georgia became a member of the CIS Collective Security Treaty Organization. On 14 May 1994, the Moscow Agreement On Ceasefire and Separation of Forces in Abkhazia was signed, which determined all further formats. It is noteworthy that Russia s diplomatic efforts resulted in Russia becoming the only recognized organized force in the region. In effect, Russia functioned as both the mediator and peacekeeper of a conflict that was both initiated by Moscow and in which it continued to be actively involved. Perversely, Russian occupying forces were thus granted the status of peacekeepers. Supposedly neutral peace processes were established in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and Abkhazia, enabling Russia to determine and control the situation in both regions. For the purpose of diplomatic disguise, the peacekeepers in Abkhazia were called CIS peacekeepers, even though in reality the forces were composed exclusively of Russians. Similarly in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region Russia was represented twice in the form of peacekeeping representatives from North Ossetia (an autonomous entity in the Russian Federation without international legal status) and from Russia, with only one group of Georgian peacekeepers in operation. This exemplified the leverage that Russia achieved and came to exert in both conflict zones. In reality, the peacekeeping forces located in Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region under the Sochi/Dagomis and Moscow agreements were not trained to carry out peace missions. These forces were in fact ordinary infantry sub-divisions that were ordered to act as occupying forces (however, now doing so under the agreed mandate ) Involvement of International Institutions In the face of this problematic reality, Georgia sought to resolve the conflicts by involving specialized international institutions and organizations. These international organizations sought to distribute amongst themselves the lead roles in peacekeeping efforts in the conflict regions. The United Nations took the lead in Abkhazia, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) took the lead in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. The OSCE Mission in Georgia On 6 November 1992, the OSCE mission was set up in Georgia. Alongside other functions, the OSCE s mandate prioritized the monitoring of the general situation in the South
5 Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and a commitment to assist the continuation of the peace process. Specifically, the OSCE opened a Human Rights Monitoring Office in Abkhazia in 1997, in cooperation with the UN. Before the war in August 2008, there were a mere 8 OSCE military observers in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. In spite of Georgia s repeated requests to increase the number of observers, the Russians and their separatist allies refused to permit the establishment of an adequate monitoring mission within the conflict zones. During this period, it became evident that Russia was trying to undermine the OSCE s role and portray it as a player of secondary importance. Russia s aim was to ensure that the Russiandominated Joint Control Commission became, and remained, the only active player in the region. Thus, this combination created only the illusion of a functioning peace process. The UN Observer Mission in Abkhazia The UN Security Council adopted the first Resolution on the situation in Georgia on 9 July 1993 (Resolution 849). Given the tension in Abkhazia, the Resolution charged the Secretary General and his Special Representative with facilitating a ceasefire agreement between the parties. This was followed by Security Council Resolution 854 on 6 August 1993; Resolution 858 on 24 August 1993; and Resolution 881 on 4 November These resolutions helped pave the way for the UN military observer mission in Abkhazia, Georgia. Following the signing of a further agreement on 14 May 1994, the Security Council issued Resolution 937 (21 July 1994). This authorized an increased number of UN military observers (up to 136 people) and re-defined the mandate of the mission. Despite the adequate operational resources of the UN Mission, the international force rapidly lost its leadership role to the more numerous Russian peacekeeping forces. As it had done previously in relation to the OSCE, the Russian-dominated CIS peacekeeping force became the predominate peacekeeping force within the Abkhazia region. This gave Russia the freedom to neglect existing agreements and further entrench its occupation. For the above reasons, the international community failed to achieve tangible results, a fact that was noted and recorded at the 1994 OSCE Ministerial Meeting in Budapest. At this meeting, member states expressed their concern regarding unilateral acts carried out by the de facto authorities of Abkhazia.. In particular, they noted that these acts undermine both United Nations and OSCE efforts to promote a peaceful political settlement through negotiations between the conflicting parties. Member states expressed their deep concern over ethnic cleansing, the large-scale expulsion of people, predominantly Georgian, from their living areas and the deaths of large numbers of innocent civilians. The failure of the de facto Abkhaz government to fulfill its responsibilities are recorded in numerous UN resolutions adopted during the relevant period (S/RES/892/1993/, S/RES/896/1994, S/RES/906/1994, S/RES/937/1994/). Clearly, a direct consequence of Russia s actions and policies during this period was the weakening of Georgia s statehood. This, in turn, minimized the chances of creating the favorable conditions that were necessary to resolve the conflict and develop the Georgian state. The syndrome of lost wars, numerous refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) combined to significantly damage Georgia s economy, while the weakened condition
6 of Georgia s institutions served to undermine its efforts to free itself from Russia s sphere of influence and acquire full autonomy. Chapter 2: Frozen conflicts General review Between 1994 and 1999, Russia gradually came to take up the position in Georgia that it had set out to achieve. As a result of the civic confrontations, ethno/political conflicts, and hostilities between Caucasian peoples that Moscow had sought to exacerbate within Georgia, Russia was able to assume its desired position as the only organized and functioning military/political force. Hence, it could also claim to be the only force capable of guaranteeing peace and stability in the region. It should be noted that, during this period, Russia failed to meet its peacekeeping responsibilities. For instance, it failed to create the necessary conditions for the safe and dignified return of IDPs and refugees, and it did not facilitate any confidence-building programs. Throughout, Russia continued to actively assist, sometimes covertly, the separatist administrations. It operated four military bases on Georgian territory (Tbilisi, Akhalkalaki, Batumi, Gudauta); it fully controlled the regime in the Adjara Autonomous Republic (a regime led by Aslan Abashidze); and it had a say in the appointment of high-level officials in the Georgian government. During that same time, the Georgian Government focused its efforts on reconstruction and the amelioration of the humanitarian, political and material damage caused by the wars Developments in the Conflict Zones From the beginning of the 1990s onwards, Russia controlled the most strategically important parts of the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and most of Abkhazia (excluding the Kodori Gorge). Under the protection of Russia, puppet political elites were created in Sukhumi and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and were forcibly established as local authorities. To maintain its control, Moscow appointed Russian functionaries and representatives of the Security Services of the Russian Federation. The puppet regimes in Sukhumi and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region were generously financed in effect, subsidized by Moscow through multiple channels. In these territories, the dominant currency was the Russian ruble. Russian investments were widespread and the property of Georgian authorities and people displaced from Abkhazia was misappropriated and sold. In this manner, the regions became totally tied to Russia politically, economically, socially, and culturally. This is especially true for the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region, which had developed into an enclave that was linked to Russia exclusively through the Roki tunnel. At the same time, the economies of the regions collapsed. In Abkhazia, much of the infrastructure destroyed by the war remained unrepaired. As a result, the potential for the
7 development of tourism was reduced. Separatist economies survived through the smuggling of Russian goods to the rest of Georgia, the selling of valuable timber resources, the destruction of the natural environment, the development of cottage industries, small numbers of Russian tourists, and widespread reliance on Russian subsidies. The regime in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region was also fed by criminal activities. It both conducted and relied upon the smuggling of alcohol and fuel, the shipping of stolen goods and cars to Russia, and robbery and burglary. For the leadership of the separatist authorities, the generous Russian subsidies were simple bribes that rarely, if ever, reached the local population. A further source of revenues for the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region were the so-called customs duties imposed on any goods shipped via the Trans-Caucasian highway. This route was used by Armenia and by the military traveling to Russian bases. Both regions became safe havens where law and order were ignored and criminals could find shelter and immunity from prosecution. Drug trafficking, smuggling, and blackmail became routine. Even the most minor economic activities (such as the growing of citrus fruits, nuts, and other agricultural products by local farmers) were controlled by criminal groups. The situation surrounding the ratification of the framework agreement between Georgia and Russia provides a further example of Russian policy. The framework agreement was signed in 1994, during Boris Yeltsin s official visit to Georgia. But while Georgia ratified the agreement, Russia did not. It is clear that Russia had no intention of recognizing the internationally recognized Georgian border. Given this situation, from 1997 onwards, Georgia attempted to initiate an international conflict resolution process. This was manifested in the promotion of policies that sought to internationalize the process and/or weaken Russia s dominance by increasing the role of international actors. Those attempts resulted in the Geneva negotiations, which started in November 1997 under UN auspices. The so-called Group of Friends of the UN Secretary General including France, Germany, Great Britain, Russia and the US became quite active. All subsequent negotiations followed this format. One of the mechanisms applied by the working group on security issues was the so-called Chuburkhinji quadripartite meeting, in which the Russian Federation played a leading part. During this period, the then-russian Foreign Minister, Evgeny Primakov, proposed a plan for the creation of a Common State. According to the plan, Georgia had to recognize, a priori, Abkhazia s independence; later, the two independent subjects would create a common state under Russia s supervision. Simultaneously, Russia categorically rejected any form of participation by the international community. According to the Primakov plan, the subjects founding the new entity would have the right to secede from the common state. The plan also included an allied state variation. It is worth mentioning that this form of state entity is unknown in international law. It is also worth noting that in 1997, the then-georgian President, Eduard Shevardnadze, and the de facto Abkhaz leader, V. Ardzinba, made a joint statement at a meeting in Tbilisi on the nonresumption of military activity. However, despite this agreement, in May 1998, the separatists initiated a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing of ethnic Georgians from the Gali region. The Russian peacekeepers, who were obliged under their mandate to ensure the security of the population, did nothing to stop the cleansing of the ethnic Georgians. This generated a further wave of IDPs.
8 Relations between former President Eduard Shevardnadze and the de facto South Ossetia leader, Chibirov, are also worth mentioning in the context of the conflict in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. As early as 1993, Chibirov began to hold leading positions in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region when he became de facto Chairman of the Supreme Council of South Ossetia and Head of State. The situation at that point can best be described as tenuous stability, whereby the formerly intense phase of military confrontation evolved into a more stagnant phase. During this period smuggling (especially of alcohol) rapidly increased. Individual Georgian and Ossetian special interest groups soon found a common language and smuggled goods started to flow in both directions: from Russia into Georgia and vice versa. During this period, a certain warming could be observed in the conflict. In 1996, the Ergneti market was opened and soon became the place where people traded in smuggled goods. It represented the meeting point of multiple interests and actors, including the separatist leaders, the leadership of the Russian peacekeepers, criminals, and corrupt officials. This market acted as a conduit for millions of dollars worth of goods to be smuggled into Georgia from Russia through the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. In turn, also via the Ergneti market, narcotics and weapons were brought to Georgia which helped to generate income to finance criminal groups and the separatist regime. The market thus developed into an important source of income. From the Ossetian side, it was controlled by the family of Ludvig Chibirov, who, after winning the 1996 elections, acquired the status of President of South Ossetia. The Georgian side agreed to open the market because it would bring people closer to each other. The blossoming of these common business interests was followed by meetings between political leaders. In this context, a memorandum signed in Moscow on 16 May 1996 (Memorandum on Measures for providing security and confidence building ) can be regarded as the first step towards a rapprochement between Georgia and the separatist region of South Ossetia. A series of Shevardnadze-Chibirov meetings followed (1996 in Vladikavkaz, 1997 in Java, 1998 in Borjomi). These resulted in some positive developments as the parties started to talk about IDP return, economic development, a political solution to the issues, and the protection of the population in the conflict zone. In parallel to this, the actual situation within the conflict zone began to improve. Common business interests helped bring people closer to each other and confrontation decreased. However, the reason for this dynamic was the trade in smuggled goods, which consequently had a negative effect on the institutional development of the Georgian state and contributed to an ongoing failure to meet the budgetary needs of the state. The emergence of positive dynamics ceased after Georgia further developed its orientation in the direction of the West and Eduard Kokoity was elected as President of South Ossetia. Specifically, Russia took active measures to promote the Kokoity presidency, with the goal of escalating tension in the region. Thus, Russia once again had taken measures aimed at slowing Georgia s natural movement towards the Western and European space. In so doing, Russia in effect exerted direct and indirect political influence over the sovereign choices of the Georgian state. This policy was enhanced by Georgia s economic dependence on Russia, Russia s manipulation of societal cleavages, and the international community s failure to adopt successful conflict-resolution mechanisms. By exerting direct influence in the zones of conflict, Russia was able to either melt or stir the conflicts at any moment as it pleased.
9 Chapter 3: Rise of Anti-Georgian Policy Spring Starting in 1999, Russia s attitude and policies toward Georgia took a sharp turn for the worse. This change was due to the changing nature of Russia s political elite and a number of geopolitical factors. In this period Georgia had made progress in releasing itself from a cycle of control dominated by para-military-backed elites. It had started to build more functional state institutions. Similarly, the sense of political momentum and will to integrate into the Euro-Atlantic space became more prominent and certain steps were made to free Georgia from Russian influence. On the issue of Russian military bases in Georgia, Georgia refused Russia s request to keep its Georgian-based bases. However, it was only as a result of pressure from the West at the 6th OSCE Summit Istanbul in 1999 that Russia finally acknowledged the obligation to fully withdraw its military bases. However, in contravention of its international obligations, Russia continued to refuse to withdraw its military base from Gudauta, Abkhazia. Russia justified its continued presence as being an expression of the will of the Abkhazian people. With support from the West, Georgia and Azerbaijan began to develop the idea of creating a South Caucasian transport corridor linking the West with Central Asian countries. It was hoped that this would put an end to the Russian transport, energy and political monopoly in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. This led to an agreement to build the Baku Tbilisi Ceyhan pipeline which was duly prepared and signed with the participation of Western allies and other international private entities. The second war in Chechnya also started during this period; indeed, it was a repercussion of Russia s policy of supporting separatist groups in Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Many of the so-called Abkhazian heroes were among the principal players in the new war in Chechnya. Perhaps the most well-known among them was the terrorist Shamil Basaev, who actively participated in military actions against Georgia in the early 1990 s. During the second war, despite Russian pressure, Georgia rejected Russia s request to use Georgian territory for the transportation of armed forces in the direction of Chechnya. In response, Russia began regular bombings of the Pankisi Gorge, located inside Georgian territory. In 2000, the then-president, Eduard Shevardnadze, repeatedly proposed a Framework Agreement between Russian and Georgia that would be ratified by both parliaments. A special commission was set up and a working version of the agreement was drafted. Unfortunately, this initiative did not gain any traction. At the end of 2000, Russia violated the CIS principles and introduced a visa regime for Georgia. It justified its decision on its on-going military campaign in Chechnya and its supposed desire to put an end to the infiltration of terrorist groups. At the same time, it continued to favor the populations in Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Indeed, the separatist regions
10 were offered a more liberal visa regime. In so doing, Russia introduced a differentiated visa regime for selective populations in a neighboring country. This strongly violated the norms of international law and undermined Georgian sovereignty. In 2000, a meeting between Georgian and South Ossetian experts was held in Baden (Austria) at the initiative of the OSCE. The meeting produced a working document on the resolution of the conflict in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. However, the document was not completed. It was concerned with the recognition of the territorial integrity of Georgia, Ossetians right to selfdetermination, the autonomous status of South Ossetia, security guarantees and the demilitarization of the conflict zone. In the event, agreement could not be reached on a number of issues, notably how to combine the restoration of territorial integrity with the right of selfdetermination; the legal status that should be accorded to South Ossetia within the Georgian state if links were established with North Ossetia; the attributes that the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region (as an autonomous region) should possess if Georgia became a federation. The working document nevertheless expressed a common readiness to investigate the reasons of conflict, improve cooperation between law-enforcing structures, facilitate the voluntary and organized return of IDPs, help the restitution of IDP property, and aid the provision of compensation. The working document emphasized the necessity of solving the problems related to economic rehabilitation and the importance of attracting future investments for development. However, it did not provide a schedule for future negotiations. In 2001, the Friends of the UN Secretary General started to work on the Basic Principles for the Distribution of Competencies between Tbilisi and Sukhumi. Under the so-called Boden document, Abkhazia was provided with broad autonomy and elements of sovereignty within the borders of the Georgian state. It is noteworthy that at the time Russia formally supported the document and its contents. However, the Abkhaz rejected it. In 2002, at the NATO Summit in Prague, Georgia made a declaration on its aspiration for NATO membership. The US then commenced the Train and Equip Program under which US military instructors started to train the Georgian armed forces. This necessarily resulted in an enhanced American presence in Georgia. In response to Georgia s legitimate aspiration to join NATO, Russia started issuing Russian passports to the population in the separatist regions. Russia justified its actions on humanitarian grounds, despite it being a clear violation of international law. In the summer of 2002, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation started to place special stamps in the Soviet-era passports of the Abkhaz population; on the basis of these stamps, in 2003, Russia undertook the mass, illegal issuance of Russian passports to Abkhaz residents. The Georgian side protested but to no avail. In fact, the Russian side cynically denied the fact that mass provision of Russian passports in Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region had ever taken place. In spring 2006, an economic embargo was imposed on Georgia. Described as necessary due to sanitary reasons, Russia banned the most basic Georgian exports to Russia wines, mineral waters, fruit and citrus In addition, a transport blockade was imposed. Direct flights were stopped and the Larsi check point between Georgia and Russia was closed. At the same time, however, Russia continued to transport citizens and cargo into South Ossetia through the Roki tunnel and Psou bridge. This route was also used to bring armed troops and weapons into the separatist regions.
11 From the beginning of 2006, a significant increase in the number and quality of employees of Russian spy agencies, and an intensification of their activities, was detected. This was another clear sign of Russia s preparation for military confrontation. In September-October 2006, the Georgian government detained citizens of Russia and Georgia suspected of spying activities; those spies who held Russian citizenship were expelled them to the Russian Federation. After this incident, in autumn 2006, the Russian government began to identify and forcibly deport large numbers of Georgians residing in Russia, based solely on their ethnic origin and nationality. In many cases, individuals were forcibly arrested and illegally detained. They were then put on cargo planes and illegally rendered to Georgia. The methods involving uprisings of various military and paramilitary formations in order to weaken the Georgian State. These methods were exploited even during the time of the previous government. In 2006, Emzar Kvitsiani, former leader of the paramilitary group Monadire (Hunter), staged a revolt in the Kodori Gorge. The Georgian government carried out a police operation and quelled the revolt. Kvitsiani escaped. The Georgian authorities decided to locate the Abkhazia Government-in-exile in the Kodori Gorge and to commence rehabilitation activities in the Gorge. As a result, new roads were built and old ones restored; basic infrastructure and healthcare facilities were renovated. For the purpose of maintaining the security of the local population, the Georgian government deployed additional police forces in the Gorge. By December 2006, President Putin felt confident enough to warn his Georgian counterpart that he aimed to create a northern Cyprus in Georgia. President Putin has given the same warning to the Secretary General of NATO. In July 2007 Russia made a statement regarding the suspension of the treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. The suspension began on 12 December Simultaneously, Russia launched an extensive military build-up close to the Russian-Georgian border and the conflict regions. In the same period, Russia intensified its military activities in the occupied territories and Russia s puppet regimes became unusually destructive and aggressive. In the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region, all males were members of militarized units. They were trained and equipped by Russian instructors, including the representatives of the Russian peacekeeping forces. In Abkhazia, the separatist divisions were trained and equipped by current and retired officers of the Russian Army. In 2007 Russia bombed Georgian territories several times; these actions were directed against the Georgian state and were yet another act of aggression. During 2007, Russian forces had thus militarily interfered in the sovereign territory of Georgia - an act of clear aggression. For example, on 11 March, 2007, the Russian Air Force attacked the Ajara and Chkhalta villages, located in the Upper Abkhazia/Kodori Valley, using AT-6 SHTURM and AT-9 ATAKA rockets. This incident was investigated by the UN Joint Fact Finding Group (JFFG). In the JFFG conclusion, released on July 12, the use of AT-6 SHTURM and AT-9 ATAKA rockets was noted and there were references to the direction from which the aircraft had entered Georgian territory. The failure to properly assess the March 11 incident provoked a further Russian aerial attack carried out on August 6, This time, remote controlled anti-radar rockets (RADUGA KH-
12 58) were fired at the village of Tsitelubani. Three international investigations were launched to assess this attack. According to the report of the first fact-finding group (released on 14 August 2007), an unknown aircraft entered Georgian airspace from the direction of Russia, fired a KH-58 rocket at Tsitelubani, and turned back towards Russian airspace. A second fact-finding mission, a joint Georgian-Russian commission, failed to agree on any conclusions. Indeed, the head of the Russian Investigation Group, Lieutenant-General Igor Khvorov, actually argued during a press conference that Georgian airspace had not been violated and suggested that the rocket had been detonated elsewhere before its debris was transported to Tsitelubani. The third international fact-finding group reiterated the findings of the first group. Nevertheless, the OSCE has failed to fully assess this atrocity. The Special Representative of the OSCE Chair, Mr. Miomir Zuzul, has since stated that the 6 August event increased tensions and had a negative effect on the Russian-Georgian relationship. However, according to Mr. Zuzul, the OSCE mission could not act as a judge of the incident and, since the findings of the investigative teams all differed, it was extremely difficult to have a clear picture of what had occurred. Once Georgian territories had been cleared of their indigenous Georgian populations, Russia strengthened their puppet regimes and began the gradual annexation of these territories. Lawmaking, financial, economic, social, cultural and educational systems have become totally tied to Russia. Educational history books have been rewritten to legitimize Russia s actions. Moreover, Russian TV and media have become the only media outlets in the occupied regions, and Georgian media and internet sites have been blocked (and remain blocked). Russian Special Services maintain control of virtually all public and civic organizations and associations. Often, Russian Special Services simply appoint Russian citizens (many of whom are employed by Russian Special Services) to important posts within the de facto government. The Russian military trained and equipped separatist armed forces, providing them with military weapons. They have based their own air forces in Abkhazia while the Tskhinvali separatists came to possess a very impressive military machine. Anti-aircraft equipment was provided to both separatist regimes. In the lead up to the NATO Summit in Bucharest on 2-4 April 2008, Russian actions took a further negative turn. This souring of relations coincided with discussions about offering a Membership Action Plan (MAP) to Ukraine and Georgia. In response, the Russian President and other senior officials repeatedly stated that the granting of a Membership Action Plan to Georgia would be perceived as a hostile act against Russia. According to the Foreign Minister of Russia, Sergei Lavrov, Russia would do anything to prevent Georgia and Ukraine from joining the alliance. According to the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, by the year 2008 the separatist regions had become one the most militarized territories in the world, based on the number of different kinds of weapons per capita. At present, the amount of military equipment in the separatist enclaves exceeds that of the whole of the rest of Georgia. Clearly, the Russian political establishment has acted with double standards. On the one hand, they took advantage of the exclusive rights entrusted to them under the peacekeeping mandates; while, on the other, they openly provided political, financial, and military assistance to the separatist regimes.
13 Simultaneously, Russia has violated all agreements to which it is party in the region. These include UN Security Council resolutions. Rather than seeking to actively resolve the conflict, Russia has sought to maintain a highly tense situation wherein the resumption of conflict is an everyday possibility. By manufacturing and nurturing this situation, Russia has been able to manipulate those risks and use them to its own advantage. At the same time a genuine peace process was non-existent. While individual initiatives were launched and pursued, they failed to become part of an integrated and coherent peace process and thus failed to achieve sustainable results. Consequently, Russia despite its status as a mediator turned irreversibly into a party involved in the conflict. This was noted, belatedly, in the Resolution adopted by the Council of the Europe Parliamentary Assembly (# 1633 (2008)). Chapter 4: The Period Following the Rose Revolution January In the aftermath of the Rose Revolution in 2003, the Georgian government continued to face an extremely difficult situation, and the steady deterioration of Georgian/Russian relations was reflected in conditions within the conflict regions. In both regions, criminal actions, such as murder, kidnap, blackmail, and trade in stolen goods continued. South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region developed into a garage for cars stolen from the rest of Georgia. For the purpose of blackmail, people were kidnapped in other parts of Georgia and forcibly taken to the conflict regions. Peaceful Initiatives Introduced by Georgia Following the Rose Revolution, the new Government started to implement an institutional and economic rearrangement of the country. During this process, one of the primary goals was to peacefully re-establish the territorial integrity of Georgia. The new Government sought to establish a warm relationship with Russia and, in a symbolic gesture, President Saakashvili paid his first visit as President to Moscow. Despite these efforts to de-escalate tensions, by August 2004 the situation had once again dramatically deteriorated. Georgian law-enforcement carried out operations for the purpose of eliminating smuggling. As a result roads and paths used by the criminals for smuggling were blocked and the Ergneti market was closed, thus eradicating the main sources of income for criminals and their patrons. These lawful actions, undertaken by the Georgian Government, were actively opposed by Russia. Russia became actively involved in renewed conflict. The Russian media played a prominent role, commencing a prolonged war of propaganda. In South Ossetia, volunteers from the North Caucasus were urgently brought to the region and the Ossetian population mobilized. Russian army troops were redeployed to the North Caucasus, close to Georgian border and large volumes of new armaments were transported to the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. In order to avoid further escalation, the Georgian government gave up a number of strategically important positions to the peacekeepers. Units from the Ministry of Interior of Georgia were also withdrawn from the region. Moreover, the Georgian Government did not reopen the Ergneti
14 Market.. The closure of this market helped to consolidate the integrity of Georgia s customs and economic space, which contributed to an increase in budgetary incomes and significantly eroded a major source of income for separatists and criminals in South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Hence, these actions were a source of annoyance to the separatists and Russian Peacekeepers, prompting further aggressive actions. With the successful closure of this market, the Georgian Government proposed an alternative solution, based on a wide-ranging plan of economic revival and development in the region. With the objective of de-escalating the situation, the Prime Minister of Georgia, Zurab Zhvania, met with Edudard Kokoity, the leader of the separatist regime in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. In response, the Russians passed on to the Ossetians those positions which had been transferred by Georgia to the peacekeepers. The Russians also stepped up their arming and training of separatist forces. This policy was complimented by enhanced political support from the Russian Government to the separatist regime. The Government continued to seek a true international peacekeeping contingent that was backed by the involvement of neutral and unbiased mediators. Russia, however, was categorically opposed to these peace initiatives, using their control over the separatists to ensure that no international agreement could be reached. The Georgian Government continued to attempt a number of direct negotiations with the separatists. The Government reorganized the legitimate governance structures of Abkhazia to better meet the needs of the population. Hope centered on the possibility of establishing a working relationship with the newly elected Abkhaz de facto President, Sergei Baghapsh, who at first sight demonstrated a very nationalistic and less pro-russian approach. The role of the representatives of the legitimate government of Abkhazia and IDPs from Abkhazia significantly increased within the peace formats in the process of conflict resolution. In South Ossetia, the Georgian Government succeeded in improving its relationship with those former separatist leaders who were trusted by important segments of the population. This development created the potential for cooperation between non-separatist or neutral citizens and central government authorities in Tbilisi. This was the first time the non-separatist elements of the population had become actively involved in the peace process. The logical outcome of this process was the establishment of a temporary territorial administrative body in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region, thereby creating a non-separatist political platform. Through coordinated actions with the central government and international organizations, the local administration started to implement economic, social and cultural projects. The Georgian Government initiated a program of infrastructure reconstruction in the region. Between and with significant funding from the Georgian Government, numerous projects were undertaken: energy infrastructure was constructed and repaired (Kheiti Power Station, high voltage transmission line from Gori Region to Didi Liakhvi Gorge), educational and healthcare institutions were constructed or rehabilitated (schools in Tamarasheni, Sveri, Kurta and the hospital in Kurta), cultural and entertainment centers were built (Achabeti sports complex, cinema, sports ground and children s entertainment center in Tamarasheni), as well as administrative buildings (police complexes in Tamarasheni and Kurta, administration building in Kurta). Roads were also repaired and drinking water pipelines and irrigation systems were repaired. The Georgian Government allocated more than 15 mln GEL for these projects.
15 Major efforts were made to protect the Georgian population in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. The legally permitted quota of the Georgian Peacekeeping Battalion was taken up. The provision of equipment and finance for local police in Georgian villages in the region was increased. A Russian-language TV Company (ALANIA) was established with the aim of disseminating free and unbiased information and bringing the local population closer together. Despite these efforts, on the 1 February 2005, a terrorist act was carried out close to the police building in Gori killing three police officers and injuring more than twenty citizens. It is notable that a week prior to this terrorist act, on the 26 January 2005, the President of Georgia gave a speech at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe outlining peaceful initiatives in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. As a result of a formal investigation, the source of the terrorist acts was traced to the Russian secret service agencies. The Georgian Government has presented multiple peace initiatives to the international community and made relevant changes to its legislation to facilitate these initiatives. Georgian officials continue to use every opportunity to push for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. For example, on 22 September 2004, at the UN General Assembly, the President of Georgia introduced new peace initiatives for conflict resolution. These initiatives consisted of stage-bystage plans that included confidence building measures, demilitarization and de-criminalization plans, wide autonomy for the conflict regions and improved safety for the population of the conflict zones. On 26 January 2005, the President of Georgia introduced further peace initiatives for South Ossetia/Tskhinvali Region to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, with the aim of unifying the region by peaceful means. The above plan envisaged the granting of wide autonomy to the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region, which would provide a constitutional guarantee permitting the direct election of its own local government with executive and legislative power. According to this initiative, the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region would be selfgoverned, controlling the local economy, culture, education, and the environment. At the same time, relevant amendments would be made to the Constitution of Georgia that would provide representation for South Ossetia in the governmental branches of Georgia. Based on this plan, the language of South Ossetia would receive official recognition and money would be allocated from Central Government to protect South Ossetia s cultural heritage. In addition, the plan envisaged the allocation of Government resources for infrastructure projects and small business development. It also envisaged the payment of pension arrears and the restitution of property lost or damaged as a result of the war in , and creation of an interagency commission to deal with these issues. The conflict resolution plan was to be implemented over three years. During this time, a joint Georgian-Ossetian police force would be established under the command of international organizations, with the capability to ensure the safety and free movement of the population. According to the plan, the OSCE would adopt the role monitor of the peace while the EU would act as guarantor of the peace. On 26 October 2005, the Prime Minister of Georgia also presented the above plan, with additional details, to the OSCE Political Committee and the EU. According to the plan, South Ossetia would be granted wide autonomy, mechanisms of property restitution would be activated, demilitarization of the conflict zone would be started in the Tskhinvali Region, and the involvement of the international community in the peace process and negotiations would be
16 increased. With the inevitable exception of Russia, all members of the European Union supported this plan. On 6 December 2005, at a meeting of OSCE foreign ministers in Ljubljana, a Statement on Georgia was adopted. In this statement every member of the OSCE unanimously supported the Georgian peace plan. It is particularly significant that the Foreign Minister of Russia also implicitly supported the Georgian proposal. However, this early success was short-lived: the separatists, with Russian support, deemed the plan was unacceptable. It is noteworthy that Russia, within the OSCE framework, did not directly oppose the Georgian peace plan, demonstrating the weakness and inconsistency of their positions at the international level. The importance of the peace initiatives introduced by President Saakashvili at the 59th UN General Assembly was underlined in the Ljublana OSCE Statement. The statement emphasized the importance of increasing the effectiveness of the existing peace formats, including the joint control commission. Special attention was drawn to efforts directed to the return of IDPs, the facilitation of constructive political dialogue, confidence building, implementation of economic and social rehabilitation programs, the determination of the status of the conflict regions within the state of Georgia, and the increased participation of international organizations. Regarding Abkhazia and new peace initiatives, the roles of the UN, Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, UN Group of Friends, and Russian Federation (its peacekeeping mission) were re-evaluated. Special attention was paid to the implementation of human rights projects and the economy in the conflict region. In this context, the necessity of opening a human rights office in Gali Region with the support of the OSCE and UN was proposed. The opening of that office was blocked by the Abkhaz separatists. The positive role of confidence building measures and importance of preventing firing was also emphasized. In the Ljublana statement, the OSCE member states approved the establishment of a UN civil police component in the Gali Region. The statement called on the Abkhaz party to support the speedy establishment of the above police component. It is also underlined the need to start negotiations on facilitating the establishment of a UN civil police component at the Gudauta Base. On 14 June 2006, at the OSCE Donor Conference in Brussels, the donor states allocated 7.8 million for the implementation of the plan and its composite rehabilitation programs. The Government of Georgia showed its readiness to allocate the same amount for the rehabilitation programs. Based on this aid, an Economic Rehabilitation Program (ERP) was launched. The program was co-financed by EU member states and Georgia, which allocated 300,000. The project was implemented under the patronage of the OSCE. Under the program, educational and healthcare institutions were rehabilitated in Georgian and Ossetian villages in the region (namely the schools in Kheiti, Java, Artsevi and Ksuisi and the regional hospital in South Ossetia/Tskhinvali and an out-patient clinic in Sveri); rehabilitation of energy and drinking water infrastructure (South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region gas pipeline rehabilitation works and bringing in special equipment, rehabilitation of South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region water pipeline, rehabilitation of Kemerti water pump, South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region electric distribution network rehabilitation works), rehabilitation of road resources (rehabilitation of bridges in Ksuisi and Dmenisi); handing over of modern agrotechnologies to the local population (bee hives and tree nurseries in South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region and adjacent villages). Despite the over-arching economic context of the program, the main goal of the initiative was to bring the local population closer together, build confidence and joint performance, which was fully compatible with the policy implemented by the Government of Georgia.
17 On 29 December 2006, the Parliament of Georgia adopted a Law on the Restitution and Compensation of Property Lost or Damaged within the Territory of Georgia as a Result of the Conflict in the Autonomous Region of South Ossetia. The Law envisaged the establishment of a commission on a parity basis (composed of candidates from representatives of Georgian and Ossetian parties and international law entities). The commission was to be tasked with returning property to those who suffered damage within the territory of Georgia as a result of the conflict and, if this is not possible, provision of adequate accommodation or compensation. The law was written with the input and assistance of a number of international organizations specializing in this field, including the UNHCR. In March 2007, the Government of Georgia sent a memorandum to the parties involved in the conflict and the international community on further steps it proposed to take to resolve the conflict in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Among other things, the memorandum proposed the following: Direct negotiations under the aegis of the OSCE (with the participation of the EU, US, and Russia). Creation of a special coordination center (with the participation of the EU, US, and Russia) for the purpose of coordinating and monitoring the performance of lawenforcement structures and economic rehabilitation programs. Under the leadership of this coordination center, the establishment of a unified police agency in the conflict zone (over the entire territory of the former South Ossetia Autonomous Region). Training and equipment of this police unit was to be provided by EU experts. The full demilitarization of the region and long-term economic rehabilitation programs. The South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region would be granted wide autonomy, and the OSCE and European Commission would help create a legislative basis for its autonomy. In April 2007, the Parliament of Georgia adopted the Law on the Creation of Relevant Conditions for Adequate Conflict Resolution in the Former South Ossetia Autonomous Region, This law formed the basis for the creation of a temporary territorial-administrative unit and its administration in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Among the main functions of the Administration of the temporary territorial-administrative unit were the following: State administration within the limits of delegated authority. Holding negotiations related to the determination of the autonomous status of the former South Ossetia Autonomous Region. Within the limits of its competence, cooperation with Georgian state bodies and international organizations for the purpose of implementing the programs and activities necessary for peaceful resolution of the conflict. The development of relevant plans and projects (including participatory project design) for the purpose of conflict resolution; provisions were included to promote the participation of the local communities in the process of developing these plans and projects. Facilitation of improvement of relationships between the population residing within the territory of the former South Ossetia Autonomous Region. Coordination of international humanitarian projects. Facilitation of local infrastructure reconstruction programs.
18 To achieve an agreement based on this law, the Government of Georgia started consultations with the representatives of various interest groups in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Taking into account these views, on 10 May 2007, by Decree of the President of Georgia (further approved by the Parliament of Georgia), a temporary territorial-administrative unit and its administration were created. Dimitri Sanakoev, a former leader of the separatist movement in South Ossetia, started leading the new administration. On 24 July, The Commission for the Development of Proposals on the Determination of the Autonomous Status of the Former South Ossetia Autonomous Region within the Limits of the State of Georgia was created by a Resolution of the Government of Georgia. The Commission held numerous meetings, generated new ideas, and brought together the involved parties. Concrete decisions were taken on the establishment of financial and social programmes in the region and development of the local administration. On 24 January 2008, by Presidential Decree No. 33, the position of State Minister for Reintegration was established in place of State Minister on Conflict Resolution Issues. By Resolution No. 23 of 8 February 2008, of the Government of Georgia created the Office of the State Minister for Reintegration and approved its statutes. The main task of this new institution was providing political support for conflict resolution, generating new peace initiatives and reintegrating the conflict regions and their population with the rest of Georgia. The Office would facilitate the process of creating the preconditions necessary for the full-scale resolution of the Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region conflicts. For this purpose, it was necessary to fully activate the internal, state and community resources based on a State commitment to peacefully resolve the conflicts. In addition, the Office would seek to integrate and utilize still existing but not previously activated Georgian-Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhaz relationships. The Office also activated the political and economic possibilities created by the presence of international organizations and Western partners. Among them were the European Neighborhood Program, the OSCE rehabilitation programs, and multi-profile programs implemented in Georgia by the US and individual Western states. Also, the Office helped work on the idea of having the EU serve as the lead mediator in the conflict-resolution process. All these were developed in political, socio-cultural and economic initiatives and proposals. These activities laid the groundwork the Georgian Government believed was necessary to achieve long-term conflict resolution in both Abkhazia and the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. Due to the fact that legal mechanisms for withdrawal from the Joint Control Commission were non-existent, the State Minister for Reintegration of Georgia introduced an initiative to modify the existing but inactive peace format (3+1=Russia, North Ossetia-Alania, South Ossetian separatist regime, Georgia) through the scheme of 2+2+2, whereby discussions on conflict resolution would be held on three levels. The first level would include local leaders bringing together the Tskhinvali separatist regime and Dimitri Sanakoev s Administration; the second would be Russia and Georgia as distinct international legal entities and parties involved in the conflict; and the third level would be the OSCE and the EU, as neutral international mediators and facilitators. In response, both Russia and the separatists categorically rejected this proposal. The separatists refused to deal with the State Minister for Reintegration at all due to the inclusion of the word reintegration in the title of his Office. To overcome this, the status and title of the State Minister was amended to: Special Representative of the President of Georgia for Conflict Resolution Issues.
19 On the subject of arranging meetings for Sanakoev, the separatist administration threatened to revoke the permission of all foreign officials and diplomatic representatives to enter the territory under the control of the separatists, and warned that they would also boycott all future meetings (which they indeed did by banishing from South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region the ambassadors of EU states on 23 June, 2008, because they had met Mr. Sanakoev in Kurta). In April 2008, in spite of the on-going provocations and illegal actions of separatist leaders, the President of Georgia once again introduced new initiatives for conflict resolution in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region, according to which the Ossetian party was offered wide autonomy, social protections for the population, compensation and restitution of damaged property, free and equal elections, official status for the Ossetian and Georgian languages, the development of Ossetian television and radio (subsidized by the Government of Georgia), a locally controlled education system, the development of regional print media, museums, and cultural institutions, and a simplified process for moving from the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region to North Ossetia- Alania. In spring 2008, the Government of Georgia started discussions on the creation of social and economic zones integrated with the conflict territories, a project developed by the State Minister for Reintegration. It was also proposed to create a free industrial zone in the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region. The rationale was that the creation of such zones would facilitate the legal and economic development of the regions and thus help foster further reconciliation of the population. The last attempt to avoid conflict took place on the 7 August 2008, when the State Minister for Reintegration of Georgia went to the South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region to hold direct negotiations with the separatist leaders. The separatist leadership, however, refused to meet him. Georgia s peaceful initiatives related to the Abkhaz conflict were similarly intensive and prolific. On 22 September 2004, the peaceful initiatives introduced by the President of Georgia at the UN General Assembly relating to the Abkhaz and South Ossetian conflicts (see above) were followed up by a further round of intense work by the Government of Georgia. The conflict regions were included in the rehabilitation programs of European aid programs, foreseen by the EU s Neighborhood Policy Action Plan developed by Georgia and the EU. Under the auspices of these plans, significant funds (approx. 4 million) were allocated for the rehabilitation of infrastructure in the region and the improvement of the economic conditions of the population. In June 2006, for the purpose of resolving the Abkhaz conflict, the Georgian Government proposed a road map, the aim of which was again full-scale conflict resolution. The main principles of this plan were: Offering Abkhazia wide autonomy in the Federal State of Georgia. Representation of Abkhazia in the central government of Georgia. Full protection of the Abkhaz language, culture and historical heritage. Return of the IDPs to their homes. Peaceful resolution of the Abkhaz conflict through dialogue and confidence-building mechanisms. Involvement of international and regional organizations in the process of peaceful conflict resolution.
20 Implementation of mutually coordinated economic projects for the purpose of economic development of Abkhazia. For the same purpose, on 25 October 2007, the State Minister on Conflict Resolution Issues of Georgia went to Sukhumi. The purpose of the visit was to build trust and start negotiations. On 28 March 2007, the President of Georgia announced new peace initiatives, which in an effort to resolve the Abkhaz conflict offered the Abkhaz the following: Broad political representation for the Abkhaz, including the creation of a special position of Vice-President, which would be held by a representative from Abkhazia. The plan also provided for guaranteed representation in the ministries and institutions of the Central Government of Georgia. The right of veto over legislative issues related to the constitutional status of Abkhazia, and issues related to the culture, language, and cultural heritage of Abkhazia. Creation of a free economic zone within the territory of the Gali Region and Ochamchire. International guarantees and Russian mediation in peaceful conflict resolution for Abkhaz autonomy. It is notable that the initiatives presented to the separatists by the President of Georgia on 28 March 2008, included the proposals demanded by the Georgian opposition parties and nongovernmental organizations. Despite multiple initiatives, attempts and proposals made by the Government of Georgia, the position of the representatives of Russia and the Sukhumi separatist regime remained inflexible and non-constructive. They categorically rejected all proposals from Georgia. They also declined the three-stage plan of conflict resolution, developed under the leadership of the Foreign Minister of Germany, in July This plan included the following: Trust building efforts; starting direct negotiations; return of the IDPs of the 1990s to Abkhazia. Development of joint rehabilitation and economic projects. Determination of the political status of Abkhazia. With the beginning of the war in August 2008, the Georgian Government directly called upon the leaders of the Abkhaz separatist regime not to violate the ceasefire agreement and not to get involved in military action, in order to retain general stability and peace within the Georgian- Abkhaz conflict zone. In spite of this, the de facto Abkhaz government fulfilled the task given by Russia and attacked Georgian police units, located in Upper Abkhazia, and by doing so violated the Moscow Ceasefire Agreement of It is unfortunate that the peace initiatives proposed by the Georgian Government to help resolve the conflict in the separatist regions were ignored. Puppet, separatist regimes, controlled by Russia, instead chose the path of confrontation.
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