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The beginning of family formation may be either marriage or parenthood. It should not be concluded from the fact that sexual intercourse is a prerequi-site for pregnancy that all peoples regard marriage or the establishing of a man-woman relationship as the first step in family formation. Indeed, according to Bohannan , p. In some societies it is thought proper that marriage should precede pregnancy, while in others the reverse sequence is regarded with favor; in the extreme case marriage is viewed as irrelevant to family formation. However, it seems safe to assert that in most societies the nuclear family is thought to be well launched only when both conditions are met.
The opportunity for dominance exists in a dyad when resources desired by one member are controlled by the other, that is, when one is dependent upon the other.
Resources may be viewed broadly to include both material goods, such as food, and intangibles, such as a compliment. Where no organizational feature exists to deter-mine otherwise, it appears that men have usually dominated women.
The reasons for this originate in the two criteria differentiating masculine from feminine pursuits and in their anatomical and physiological bases. A woman with small children has greater need of a man to take care of her than the man has need of her. His care may be viewed as a resource, and by granting or withholding that resource, the man can dominate the woman.
This is a state of affairs that has been remarked by social scientists from Aristotle through E. Aside from this situation of unilateral dependence, other possibilities are mutual interdependence, where the resources are not available to either one unless they cooperate, and mutual independence, where each has control over his own resources.
With respect to organizational features, W. Sumner and A. Keller have remarked that where the bridal couple lives has bearing on which is the dominant sex and therefore that matrilocal marriage is a condition favorable to the relative standing of women. In traditional China, the favored pattern was patrilocal, and a wife was expected to obey her husband; masculine dominance was miti-gated, however, in the case of adoptive marriage. During the second quarter of the twentieth century there was a good deal of concern about the state of the family in the Western world.
There was evidence that divorce rates had risen, that the family had lost functions to other social structures, that the birth rate had fallen, that certain totalitarian regimes were trying to bring about the disintegration of the family, and that broken families were spawning delinquent children.
Although these studies did not undertake to dis- tinguish very sharply among the three terms just noted, it does seem useful to differentiate them as follows. There are two kinds of marital adjustment, one pertaining to the role and the other to the psyche of the performer. An actor is adjusted to a marital or any other kind of role to the degree that he knows the expectations that define the role and, under the appropriate conditions, can produce the behaviors expected.
On the other hand, he is adjusted psychically to the degree that the energy he invests in the role performance is commensurate with the gratification derived from it. Much of the research on marriage has been concerned with marital adjustment-that is, both with the aptitude to carry out the marital role and with the capacity to derive commensurate gratification from the performance. Kirkpatrick has surveyed a large number of studies and has reported the variables he finds that have correlated most consistently with what is here called marital adjustment.
He has divided these variables into two sets: those that were clearly operating before the marriage and those that may or may not have been.
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Presumably the determinants of marital adjustment are more likely to come from the former set. Kirkpatrickp. New York : Free Press. Bohannan, Paul Social Anthropology. New York : Holt. Goode, William J. American Sociological Review Hsu, Francis L.
New York: Columbia Univ. Kapadia, Kanailal M. Bombay: Oxford Univ. New York: Ronald Press. Lang, Olga Chinese Family and Society. New Haven : Yale Univ. Levy, Marion J. Cambridge, Mass. Malinowski, Bronislaw Marriage. New York: Harcourt. Murdock, George P.
Social Forces New York: Dover. Every society has rules governing the assumption of the conjugal roles of husband and wife; there are also discernible rights accruing to and obligations incumbent upon the individuals who assume. Marriage in all societies thus brings about a change in the jural status of the parties to the contract.
Where marriage is defined by the state, it is possible to describe most of its jural entailments by reference to one or more legal codes adopted by that state. However, among many of the peoples studied by anthropologists, the jural tenets governing marriage cannot be ascertained by reference to codes laid down by a state and hence must be derived from the study of the recurrent patterns of behavior and of folk models that prescribe ideal behavior. Marriage entails not only a change in the jural status of the individuals who enter the roles of husband and wife but also a change in the lawful status of specifiable consanguineal kinsmen of the individual partners.
In fact, it is the linkage of groups as well as of individuals that is crucial to the formulation of the difference between marriage and its social analogues. Only marriage creates or maintains affinal relationships between the kinsmen of individuals who claim the roles of husband and wife see Fortesp.
The importance of affinity to an understanding of marriage is made clear through a consideration of the nature of kinship. The social relations subsumed under the concept of kinship are of two fundamental types which, though referable to the biological processes of heterosexual mating and procreation, cannot be reduced to biology.
Those social relationships based on parenthood and descent or, more precisely, on parenthood and filiation, are generally termed consanguineal relationships.
All persons related by socially defined direct or shared descent are consanguineal kinsmen P. Bohannanchapter 4. The continuance of publicly acknowledged affinal kinship depends on adherence to prescriptions and proscriptions delimited by the particular society under consideration. Societies differ considerably with respect to the rules governing the way in which the roles of hus-band and wife should be assumed, with respect to the specific rights and obligations which accrue to persons in these roles, and with regard to the behavioral and jural attributes of the other affinal roles created by marriage.
Nonetheless, most anthropologists have regarded the institution of marriage as a universal in human societies, and many have attempted to provide definitions of marriage sufficiently general to encompass its various manifestations. Edmund R. Leach was among the first to argue that a definition of marriage in terms of legitimacy is too limited.
The task of the anthropologist would then be to ascertain and delineate the particular rights and obligations associated with these kinship roles in the particular societies being studied. Operating with such a definition, no investi-gator could classify as married any particular woman who had assumed the jurally recognized kinship role of wife but who had not borne children. However, for any given case, the researcher would have to await the birth-or perhaps the conception-of a child be-fore he could ascertain whether conditions entailed in the husband-wife relationship had been violated.
If a universal definition of marriage is to be formulated, it would seem that the one proposed by Prince Peter should serve as a model. The roles of husband and wife must be defined in terms of the essential rights and obligations and the behavioral attributes entailed in them in any particular society.
However, if the statement were modified so as to define marriage as the jurally valid and socially or publicly recognized assumption of the kinship roles of husband and wife, there would be few or no problems concerning the distinction between marriage and its socially recognized alternatives. Such a proviso emphasizes that the publicly acknowledged kinship roles created by marriage-as opposed to its alternatives-derive support from the juridico-political domain of the society.
While it is normally expected that marriage will lead to parenthood, the roles of husband and wife need not be defined by reference to children who will come to be regarded as legiti-mate offspring of individuals in these roles.
The roles of husband and wife should be defined in terms of the rights and obligations which attach to them, and marriage must be defined as the lawfully or jurally recognized assumption of these roles.
In all societies, socially derived limitations are placed on the range of persons from among whom spouses may be chosen. Regulations which prescribe marriage outside a stipulated group are referred to as rules of exogamy.
Kin groups such as lineages, or territorial groups such as bands or villages, may constitute exogamous units. Societies possessing corporate unilineal descent groups usually prescribe that a person select as spouse someone from a descent group other than his own.
In some cases the selection may be made from among persons within the descent group but outside specified degrees of relationship. Among the Gisu of east Africa, for example, it is the minimal patrilineage, comprising persons who trace their descent from an ancestor three to five generations removed from the oldest living generation, which constitutes the exogamous unit.
In many societies the incest taboo is extended to various other kinsmen in the parental and filial generations. Among some royal or ruling groups, as in dynastic Egypt and in Polynesia, relatives ordinarily prohibited from mating may be preferred as marriage partners. The mating of close relatives is also permitted in some societies on specified ritual occasions. The castes of traditional India are the most often cited example of endogamous groups.
Other societies also prescribe marriage among persons of the same social stratum.
Among the Swazi of south Africa, where lineage exogamy prevails and where royalty marries royalty, there are frequent subdivisions of the royal lineage so as to make possible otherwise prohibited marriages.
A number of studies indicate that in the absence of explicit prescriptions, it is posssible to discover endogamous tendencies within social or territorial groups of various size and scale.
In addition to proscriptions associated with incest and exogamy, societies usually prohibit marriage between certain other categories of persons In some instances slaves cannot marry freemen. Where age sets are a feature of social organization, as among the Nuer, a man may be prohibited from marrying the daughter of another man in his age set.
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Societies which prescribe that a spouse be chosen from among one or more designated categories of persons have been said to possess closed marriage systems. Those in which such prescriptions do not exist have been characterized as having open marriage systems. The most frequently cited closed marriage systems are found among the indigenous societies of Australia.
In this society and others practicing matrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a localized descent group gives wives to one or more other such groups and receives wives from a different set of such groups.
In Murngin society there are descent groups which are allied through ties of kinship and ritual. Moreover, each pair of such allied groups stands in balanced opposition to another similar pair with which it exchanges women on a nonexclusive basis. In open marriage systems, the only group of persons unequivocally proscribed as marriage partners are those to whom the incest taboo is extended.
There are no normative prescriptions relating to groups from which spouses should be chosen. Nonetheless, many studies indicate that demographic, ecological, and sociological factors enter into the choice of spouse.
Age, residential propinquity, class, religion, ethnicity, education, and occupation have been isolated as important determinants in the choice of marital partners. Likewise, parents and peer groups are often instrumental in delimiting for each individual the field from which a spouse will be chosen.
Marriage involves the allocation of rights and obligations among the parties to the agreement. A number of anthropologists have attempted to classify the various rights which are known to be allocated at marriage in different societies. In discussing the jural element in marital and other kinship relations, Radcliffe-Brownp. A right in personam confers on an individual or a group the power to order the performance of certain duties by another individual or group.
In most societies husbands and wives have personal rights in each other: either spouse may claim certain duties of the other. In an important contribution to the literature on marriage, Laura Bohannan distinguishes two classes of rights in females which may be allocated at marriage. Rights in uxorem rights in a woman as wife are distinguished from rights in genetricem rights in a woman as mother.
Distinct classes of marriage payments were necessary to the transfer of each of these two classes of rights. Moreover, the marriage of a woman of the royal lineage never involved the transfer of rights in genetricem to the lineage of her huband L.
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Bohannan Even though it is usually rights in women which are in the forefront of marital negotiations, Leach has pointed out that marriages also serve to allocate rights in and over men a, pp. He suggests that a marriage may serve to do the following:.
Leach thus focuses attention on rights in and regarding children, sexuality, domestic and economic services, and property. In the last instance, he suggests that marriages may establish between groups of men mutual interdependencies which could entail any of the above rights as well as others of a political nature.
Where there are corporate kin groups, the allocation of rights at marriage is usually effected by and between at least two such groups. In the case of first marriages, it is usual that the groups into which the husband and wife were born are parties in this rearrangement of social relations. The woman herself, as an adult member of the society, may retain some control over the dispensing of these services.
Often her kin group retains the right to call upon these services. However, a woman maintains control over her economic powers and resources, and her natal lineage retains the right to call upon her domestic services in certain circumstances. She is called upon to buy and prepare food at times when deities associated with her lineage must be propitiated, and on the death of a member of her lineage, she is expected to be of service in various ways.
This raises another point: in most societies possessing corporate patrilineages, a married woman does not usually relinquish all her rights in her natal lineage. She may retain some proprietary rights therein, and she usually remains under the religious protection of her lineage ancestors.
Whatever rights are transferred to the husband or his lineage may be temporarily or permanently reallocated by him or his lineage. In some societies, a man who is impotent may choose a sexual partner for his wife in order that she may bear children. Where this is so, the husband is the lawful father of the children, even though he is not the genitor.
In matrilineal societies, rights over the procreative capacities of women are held in perpetuity by their kin groups while partial or total rights in their sexuality are transferred at marriage to their husbands. Customarily, the husbands also attain rights to the domestic services of their wives. The rights and obligations entailed in the marriage may be allocated in serial fashion, the timing of their transfer being dependent on the transfer of the appropriate goods and services.
In such cases, the exchange of goods and services may commence during the period of betrothal and continue even after the formal transfer of certain rights has taken place. Where goods and services are exchanged as part of the marriage procedure, certain of these may be regarded as necessary prestations without whose exchange a transfer of rights will not take place.
Others are contingent prestations which, although part of the contract, are not essential to the ex-change of jural authority and the assumption of marital rights and obligations. The most general terms used to describe prestations entailed in the marital contract are those of bridewealth or bride-price and dowry. The dowry is the more familiar to Westerners, since for centuries it has been a part of the marriage contract in Europe.
However, both bride-wealth and dowry have been reported for various parts of the world. The sanctions which emanate from the jural domain of the society are strengthened by the incorporation of rituals associated with the religious realm of the society. Concurrent marriages.
The transfer of rights at marriage and the rituals associated with this transfer signify the assumption of new roles by the parties involved. In societies which permit polygyny or polyandry -marriages entailing a plurality of wives or of husbands, respectively-one of the partners to a marriage assumes the role of co-wife or co-husband along with the role of husband or wife.
In polygynous marriages, the husband usually acquires the same categories of rights in each of his wives. He may or may not have claims over the children which she bears him. The sexual rights of the other husbands are exercised with the consent of the first husband and the wife. All the children have equal claims to the properties owned by their mother.
Thereafter, when she attained appropriate age, she could begin to enter into relationships, termed sambandham unions, with a number of men, for whom she might bear children.
A man acknowledged the paternity of a child by bearing certain expenses associated with its delivery. This man could be any one of those with whom the mother had entered into a sambandham union.
In many societies, an individual may assume the role of husband or wife in order to secure rights for a kinsman. In the latter case, however, any children born to the woman are recognized as her own. The actors in roles characterized by joking or by avoidance have divergent interests which could generate conflict between them and thereby under-mine the bases of their common interests.
The institutionalization of avoidance and joking serves to minimize the chance of the development of openly hostile relations between the parties. Such restrictions on contact may also extend to actual or classificatory brothers or sisters of the father-in-law or mother-in-law.
A man behaves in similar fashion toward his motherin-law, but the likelihood of such contact is minimized by their residence in different compounds and often in different villages. These relationships are characterized by the use of intimate names, the use of language otherwise considered lewd or abusive, and, in some cases, by indulgence in sexual play. Affinal relatives are often expected to give assistance to one another in times of exigency. In many societies where political functions are vested in roles defined primarily by kinship criteria, affinal relatives serve to minimize open conflict between their respective consanguineal kin groups.
They might serve, as among the Tiv of Nigeria, as emissaries of peace in cases of latent or open conflict between two lineages. The linkage of individuals through marriage leads to the creation of new groups or, in NadeFs terminology, to the creation of new sets of bounded social relationships and thereby constitutes a phase in the developmental cycle of kin groups.
As Radcliffe-Brown has pointed out, the eventual result of most marriages is that new sets of individuals are linked through common descendants. Ultimately, the fission of kin groups can often be traced to relations generated by marriage. This process is evident in many societies where lineages or, for that matter, ramages are a feature of social organization.
When adult members of a lineage segment occupy a common residence along with their spouses and children, the process of incorporation of additional coresidents through marriage often eventually leads to the founding of households in other locations. In the course of time, the founders of such households and their descendants may come to form new lineage segments. Neolocal residence predominates when couples establish in-dependent domestic units after marriage.
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Residence is characterized as virilocal when most couples in a society join a domestic group in which the husband resided prior to marriage or in which he rather than the wife has proprietary or other claims. Residence is called uxorilocal when couples join the domestic group to which the wife was attached prior to the marriage or in which the wife rather than the husband has claims.
The above terms may be compounded with others to describe more precisely the nature of the domestic group joined by the couple. Data collected by Goodenough and J. Fischer among the Nakanai of New Britain show that the classification of postmarital residence patterns is not as straightforward as some might assume. Their data also illustrate that there is no simple correlation between particular residence rules and particular rules for recruitment to descent groups.
Goodenough shows that in this matrilineal society, a man takes his bride to live in the village in which his father resides.
A man whose father is deceased takes his bride to live with the group which includes the man who acted as father-surrogate at the time of the marriage. Goodenough shows that even where ideal residence patterns suggest one or more prevailing modes of residence, the actual choices which couples make may depend on economic and other factors. Moreover, the kinds of rearrangements which do occur have important implications for many kinds of social relations.
It has been shown, for example, that the study of the developmental cycle of domestic groups touches on virtually all cts of social structure and that postmarital residence patterns are crucial to the understanding of the development of domestic groups Goody Marriage is a process or event signifying the assumption of the roles of husband and wife in accordance with jural tenets prevalent in the society or stratum of society to which the parties belong.
In contemporary societies, marriages are contracts which must be formally legitimized by the state. A state may provide that for purposes of inheritance, or for other specified purposes, persons who are not legally married to each other but who share a common domicile and who otherwise demonstrate a claim to conjugal status may be accorded some or all rights associated with legal marriage. Similarly, a state may choose to recognize marriages contracted according to rules formulated prior to its existence by some or all of the groups which constitute it.
Such is the case in various parts of the world where formerly autonomous or semiautonomous political entities have come together to form modern nation-states. Unions other than lawful marriage are known to have existed in stateless societies as well as in states which did not make the legitimization of marriages their official concern. Yet it seems particularly characteristic of modern societies that there are individuals who, for various reasons, assume some or all of the obligations and rights associated with the roles of husband and wife without entering into legal marriage.
Reference has already been made to the fact that one of the crucial ways in which such unions differ from marriage is that they do not create lawful kinship ties between consanguineal relatives of the couple. Smith has presented a wealth of statistical data in support of his hypothesis that specific mating patterns underlie the various forms of family organization in the Caribbean.
He has demonstrated that the pattern of consensual mating underlies the matrifocal family in that area. However, he does not deal with the origin and persistence of the mating patterns themselves. Nevertheless, the data suggest that demographic and economic factors are important determinants of these patterns.
For example, where the sex ratio is altered by the necessity that males migrate to find work, women often enter into extramarital unions with single or married men who remain behind.
Such alliances may or may not entail co-residence. Consensual unions may constitute a stage in the development of domestic groups and as such are not so much alternatives as preludes to marriage. In parts of the Caribbean where great prestige is attached to church marriages followed by festivities requiring the outlay of large sums of money, couples often assume the roles of husband and wife by mutual consent until such time as they can afford a religious marriage ceremony.
This raises an important point. Even though, in most parts of the modern world, marriages may be contracted without religious ceremonies, historically marriage was the concern of religious institutions before it became the official concern of the state, and most religious doctrines still include prescriptions and proscriptions regarding marriage.
The ambiguities entailed in the concept of marital stability have been succinctly stated by David Schneider:. Stability may be defined in terms of the change of rules or expectations over time or in terms of the degree to which the rules or expectations are conformed to.
Stable marriage may be defined as stable jural relations irrespective of conjugal relations, as stable conjugal and jural relations, or simply as stable conjugal relations.
Thus, divorce, defined as the lawful dissolution of jural ties established at marriage, may occur relatively infrequently even though separation and other breaches in conjugal relations occur relatively frequently. In traditional Nuer society, the jural bonds established by marriage were stable; divorce, signified by the return of bride wealth, was rare.
On the other hand, conjugal separation was relatively frequent. Max Gluckman was one of the first anthropologists to deal with the factors which contribute to the jural stability of marriage in preindustrial societies. His data on the Lozi and the Zulu led him to the hypothesis that the stability of jural relations established by marriage is correlated with the presence of patrilineages. He suggests that where women retain rights in their natal patrilineages, patriliny contributes to the jural instability of marriage by dividing the loyalties of spouses.
Fallers found among the Busoga a relatively high incidence of divorce, which he attributed in part to the fact that loyalties to natal lineages undermined the bonds established at marriage. Leach a, pp. However, there is yet to be undertaken the quantitative and comparative analyses required for a definitive statement on the determinants of stability in the jural cts of marriage. Whether the aim is to isolate the determinants of differential rates of divorce within a single society or to account for the differences in the divorce rates reported for various societies, care must be taken to insure that the data utilized are in fact representative of the populations discussed.
Moreover, more attention must be given than has been in the past to the limits of the utility of numerical data, which, at best, can be considered reliable for relatively short time spans. The separation of spouses is usually taken as an index of instability in conjugal relations. However, it should be obvious that separation can only be taken as indicative of the disintegration of conjugal bonds when the coresidence of spouses is a societal norm.
Even in these cases, separation does not always signal instability in conjugal relations. Among the Yoruba, it is common to find women living and working in one place while their husbands live and work in another. The distinction drawn by Schneider between stability in conjugal relations and stability in the jural cts of marriage relations is useful in the analysis of marriage in contemporary societies.
For example, it would be useful to make such a distinction in discussions of marriage patterns in the Caribbean and in the United States. As has been pointed out, among some of the lower-class populations in these areas, consensual mating is common. Not all the parties to consensual unions are persons who have never been legally married. In fact, where the economics of divorce are a deterrent to the lawful dissolution of marriage, consensual unions are often an alternative to divorce and remarriage.
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Hence, the jural relations established at marriage are often maintained even though conjugal relations are completely or partially severed. Most of the societies whose marriage systems are described in the anthropological literature are now incorporated into independent states. The very existence of these states signals changes in the rules regarding the establishment of marital contracts, since all contemporary states reserve the right to define what types of union constitute legal marriage.
Considerable refinement in research strategies is necessary before it will be possible to state with confidence the extent to which, the precise ways in which, and the specific points at which the spread of industrial technologies and the growth of cities impinge upon or serve to undermine traditional family structures and marriage patterns.
Some of the studies of marriage found in the anthropological literature provide convenient points of departure for investigations of changes in the rules and behavior associated with marriage in different parts of the world.
However, it is obvious that analyses of changing patterns of marriage require the collection of a larger body of quantifiable data than is available in most existent anthropological studies of marriage. Whereas most of the marriage systems described in the anthropological literature lent themselves to representation in terms of mechanical models, such models are becoming increasingly inadequate as representations of particular systems and as bases for comparative studies.
The rules governing the establishment of marriage contracts, the factors influencing the choice of spouses, the rights and obligations entailed in conjugal roles, and the behavior of persons in these roles are sufficiently variable in any one system to require partial or total representation by means of statistical models. With the construction of such models, we can begin the assessment of the directions and rates of change in marriage systems and the isolation of the specific variables which account for these changes.
London: Routledge. The sixth edition was revised and rewritten by a committee of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Christensen, Harold T. Chicago: Rand McNally. American Anthropologist New Series Fallers, L. Africa. Fischer, John L. Man Fortes, Meyer editor Marriage in Tribal societies. Cambridge Papers in Social Anthropology, No.
Cambridge Univ. Pages in A. Oxford Univ. Englewood Cliffs, N. Goody, Jack R. British Journal of Sociology Gough, E. Kathleen The Nayars and the Definition of Marriage. Klass, Morton Marriage Rules in Bengal. Lawrence, William; and Murdock, George P. Leach, Edmund R.
London: Athlone. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Lowie, Robert Marriage. Volume 10, pages in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan. Mogey, John editor Family and Marriage. Leiden Netherlands : Brill. Radcliffe-Brown, A.
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Published for the International African Institute. Ox-ford Univ. Schneider, David M. Man Evans-Pritchard, Max Gluckman, and E. Leach, respectively. Edited by Michael Banton. Association of Social Anthropologists, Monograph No. London: Tavistock. New York: Holt. All societies prohibit marriage with certain relatives, but some societies complement this prohibition by prescribing, or preferring, marriage with other relatives.
This disposition is generally accompanied by exogamy. This article attempts to sum up recent developments in the theory of cross-cousin marriage.
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In the initial stages of kinship studies, the re-construction of fanciful marriage rules or mating arrangements as having supposedly existed in the past was widely used in order to explain seemingly strange ways of classifying relatives kinship terminologies.
This practice has brought discredit, in the eyes of some, to the study of both marriage rules and terminologies. In Lewis Henry Morgan made two assumptions: 1 terminology reflects behavior, and hence, 2 if a terminology cannot be understood from present behavior, it must be because the behavior it reflects belongs to the past.
Quite apart from the difficulty of reconstructing past behavior, anthropological thought in this matter is still ethnocentric. The underlying assumption is that all peoples entertain the same ideas about kinship; their classifying of relatives in different ways is, therefore, due to differences in behavior.
Fully excusable in Morgan, such an assumption is less so today. For Rivers, the marriage rule was the cause, the terminology the effect, and he saw his task as explaining the marriage rule itself. In our time the different features of a kinship system are, in practice, often considered in isolation or are hierarchized according to what is assumed to be their degree of reality or determinativeness.
This tendency, if not found in such crudity as in the past, still exerts considerable pressure even on the best minds, and that it constitutes a major obstacle to the understanding of certain kinship systems can be shown by the example of Australian kinship, a classical subject for kinship theory.
In Australian section systems, de-scent is overstressed; the reasons that may elsewhere justify this emphasis are here misplaced, for it prejudices the consideration of other elements in the system. This is unobjectionable in itself, but in the literature it is accompanied by a bias which makes itself obvious by repetition, whether it be in B. Actually, the hypothesis of underlying matrilineal exogamy among the Kariera and Aranda accounts for the allocation of alternate generations to different groups.
This is the simple, concrete sociological fact, widespread in Australia. If we take this for granted, together with intermarriage between the named sections, we can in each case draw a simple diagram of the whole tribe.
The system of Ambrym Balap is easily represented in the same fashion Deacon All three systems represent variations on the same theme, the number of patrilineal groups being respectively two, four, and three, the number of sections four, eight, and six. Each of the three systems may be conceptualized as forming a single whole through a regular chain of intermarriage and patrilineal descent. The differences in the arrangement follow necessarily from the numbers of groups for details, see Dumont I do not pretend that a second unilineal principle cannot be said to underlie these systems, but only that the above is a simpler view of them.
Let us now turn to the general theory that, like the above analysis, recognizes intermarriage as a basic element in those systems which possess a preferential or prescriptive marriage rule.
We must neglect the scholars who had previously advanced the distinction and description of the types of cross-cousin marriage e. Josselin de Jong has provided an able summary of the book, while Leach and Needham have sympathetically, but sharply, criticized its detail. Our concern here is only with its leading ideas.
From the present point of view, the work is first of all a comparative study of positive marriage rules, informed by a general theory of kinship. Preferential marriage rules and marriage prohibitions are accounted for within an integrated body of theory. The prohibition of incest is recognized as universal; it is seen as a basic condition of social life. A man cannot take in marriage the women who are his immediate kin; on the contrary, he has to abandon them as wives to others and to receive from others his wife or wives.
Levi-Strauss considers this situation as a universal principle which lies beyond sociological explanation-and which implies an opposition between consanguinity and affinity as the cornerstone of kinship systems.
Let us note that a kinship system is viewed here, starting from its basis in the incest prohibition, as an entirety resting on an opposition and not as a mere collection of features in which one feature might, for a priori reasons, be considered to deter-mine the others. Abstractly, a kinship system is taken as combining a number of features descent, inheritance, residence, affinityand an effort is made to characterize the whole by the relations that prevail between the different features.
Thus, a system is called harmonic if all transmission between generations takes place in one and the same line, dysharmonic if some features are transmitted patrilineally, others matrilineally. The rule of cross-cousin marriage, where it exists, correlates with this. Theoretically three types may be distinguished: bilateral, matrilateral, and patrilateral.
Two intermarrying groups exchange women as wives and thus constitute a self-sufficient unit. In opposition to this type, he has stressed the quite different properties and implications of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. This type had been less clearly recognized by previous writers, though he does not consider the Dutch literature on Indonesia in which the type had been characterized e.
Fischer ; ; Wouden This type correlates with harmonic transmission, which may be either matrilineal or patrilineal.
Here the identity of the intermarrying group emerges from the network of relationships, for one group is not closely dependent on any other single group, nor are two successive generations distinguished.
Relatives belonging to different generations within the same group of affines are terminologically equated. Since intermarriage is directionally oriented-a group does not receive wives from the group to which it gives its daughters-there is a probability of difference of status between wife-givers and wife-takers.
For a discussion of the further consequences, see Leachchapter 3; cf. Fischer One, forestalled by Levi-Strauss, is that he argues exclusively about viripotestal societies; another is that his idea of marriage is naive, although this is beside the point, since he was actually concerned solely with the forms and implications of intergroup marriage. To view the prohibition of incest as the basis for the opposition between consanguinity and affinity appears tautological to those who think of consanguinity itself as fundamental and self-explanatory or appears insufficient to those who would like a psychological explanation.
Viewing marriage as an exchange may be questioned on two counts. To mention only the major themes, we have first the clear-cut distinction, advocated by Needham, between prescription and preference in marriage rules. The advisability of the distinction has been challenged by R. Lanep. Moreover, the two forms are not easily distinguishable; the distinction, so presented, is more one of levels than of systems for a recent clarification of this question, see Maybury-Lewis The main development has probably been a refinement of the concept of alliance and the substitution of a more structural for a more empirical notion.
At the start the theory, although anchored in the notion of complementarity, was in large part concerned with the exchange or circulation of women between the major exogamous components of the society. To begin with, three authors have asserted that the units which may be said to ex-change women are, in concrete cases, smaller than the exogamous units.
Needham a. Elsewhere, while marriage alliance does not result in a system of exchange at the level of the group as a whole, it is an integral part of the system of categories and roles as conceived by the people studied Dumontpp.
Like everything else, social relationships are defined by classification. In its restricted field this truly structural theory alone transcends the bias inherent in our own culture. By this means we are able to transcend the limitations of thinking based upon our own society and make comparisons in terms of the basic concepts involved consanguinity and affinity.
Much remains to be done. Certainly the implications of marriage alliance for status, economy, and political organization i. But even regarding the morphology, our analyses are as yet imperfectly structural; we still take too much for granted in the study of terminologies. Before attempting ambitious re Constructions, the basis in comparative data must be strengthened and extended, and we must obtain a clearer view of the limits of the logical integration of features, or conversely, of the plasticity and tolerance of systems, which can in some cases go so far as to deny in effect the ideological primacy postulated above in principle.
Deacon, A. Bernard The Regulation of Marriage in Ambrym. London: Royal Anthropo-logical Institute. Dumont, Louis Descent or Intermarriage?
Fischer, H. Mensch en maatschappij Amsterdam Tijdschrift voor Indische taal- land- en volkenkunde Current Anthropology Homans, George C. Glencoe, III. Mededelingen van het Rijkmuseum voor Volkenkunde, No. Maybury-Lewis, David H. Murdocx, George P. Bijdragen tot de taal- land- en volkenkunde The Hague Oceania, Seligman, Brenda Z. Wolfram, E. Wouden, F. Leiden Netherlands : Ginsberg. Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography. April 23, Retrieved April 23, from Encyclopedia.
Then, copy and paste the text into your bibliography or works cited list. Because each style has its own formatting nuances that evolve over time and not all information is available for every reference entry or article, Encyclopedia. In Jewish teaching, marriage is the ideal human state and is considered a basic social institution established by God at the time of creation.
The purposes of marriage in the Bible are companionship and procreation: "It is not good that the man should be alone; I will make him a help-mate for him Therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife, and they shall be one flesh" Gen. The biblical conception of marriage is essentially monogamous Gen. The prophets using marriage as a metaphor for God's attachment to Israel Isa.
Marriages were usually arranged by parents Gen. It was usual to marry within the clan Gen. Certain marriages, involving close relatives Lev. While marriages outside the clan occurred, they were strongly opposed both as a measure against idolatry Ex. Fruitfulness in marriage is a great blessing and childlessness a tragedy and disgrace Gen. Marriage is the means to true companionship: "Whoso findeth a wife findeth a great good" Prov. The Essenes in general rejected worldly pleasures, including marriage, and practiced continence Jos.
The Covenanters of Qumran did not appear to have been strictly celibate as once was thought. It is clear that some members married and had children Zadokite Document-8; ; Damascus Document The Order of the Community ruled that a young man should not have intercourse before 20 years of age - Archaeologists have found the remains of a few women and children at Qumran but it is not clear to what extent this indicates marriage. The New Testament has a negative attitude to the sexual impulse and regards celibacy as a higher ideal than marriage Matt.
Marriage is a concession to human weakness i Cor. In contrast, rabbinic teaching sees celibacy as unnatural. It is not he who marries who sins; the sinner is the unmarried man who "spends all his days in sinful thoughts" Kid. Marriage is not only for companionship and procreation; it also fulfills one as a person: "He who has no wife is not a proper man" Yev.
Sexual desire is not evil or shameful. He who, by denying his legitimate instincts, fails to produce children "is as if he shed blood, diminished the Image of God, and made the Shekhinah depart from Israel" Sh.
Marriage is so important that a man may sell a Torah scroll in order to marry Meg. One should never approach marriage lightly. To make a successful match is as hard as the parting of the Red Sea Sot. Hence, although in one view a person's marriage is predestined Sot. Marriage should not be for money Kid. Create a Valentine's Day card or a Peanuts comic strip. Read about the different Peanuts characters and complete a quiz to find out whom you look like the most.
Listen to Linkin Park's song 'Valentine's Day'. Discuss the lyrics and write a short story for a youth magazine based on the song. Some say opposites attract. Perform a role-play in teams of two, where one is opposed to everything the other one is saying.
Get a card with half a joke from your teacher. Walk around in class and talk to different classmates to find the other half. Find favourite clips, stories, pictures, cards, proposals, or other romantic gestures from Valentine's Day and give a minutes speech in class about the things you chose.
Watch a clip about the history of Valentine's Day, and use a list of questions to interview each other about Valentine's Day. Choose a photo from a Valentine's Day picture gallery. Write approximately words about Valentine's Day, including a description of the photo.
Read a couple of fictional personal ads and come up with personal ads yourself. Get together in groups and shuffle the personal ads before matching them together. Answer questions secretly and in writing, and try to get as many answers in common with your teammate as possible. Get a role card from your teacher and walk around in class and speed date. You have 1 minute to share as much as you can about yourself. Work in groups and present single guys and single girls to each other.
Write a business plan and create an advertising brochure for your very own dating agency. Af Maja Hansen. Vi kan se, at du ikke er logget ind.