Fascism is a form of government which is backed by brutal force or the warrior class . Fascism promotes nationalism to justify its existence and actions [2,3] and portrays its exploitation as rational, constitutional and based on the national interest .
Fascism is born from the mentality of thriving on the lifeblood of others & thinking this to be natural. Such people move along the path of a particular geo-sentiment in the social sphere – even worse than in the case of geo-sentiment in the religious sphere – they do not think at all of other .
1. “Fascism is a form of government which is backed by brutal force or the warrior class. Fascism prevailed in Italia during Mussolini’s rule although the country had a hereditary king as its head. The real power was in the hands of Mussolini.
Nazism is a form of government which is backed up by brutal force or the warrior class. The difference between Fascism and Nazism is that when Hitler came to power in Germany, there was also an elected advisory council.” – Sarkar, Prabhat, 4 July 1987, Calcutta, Prout in a Nutshell Part 12, Some Different Forms of Government – Section C
2. “Economic exploitation has various forms and includes colonial exploitation, imperialist exploitation and fascist exploitation. There are similarities and dissimilarities in both the principles and characters of these forms of exploitation. Let us examine each of these three forms of exploitation by taking the example of Bengal.“…
…” Fascist Exploitation
The final and most dangerous form of economic exploitation is fascist exploitation. In order to canvass national support to justify their exploitation, the imperialists popularize the theory of nationalism. They portray their exploitation as rational and constitutional and based on the national interest. The British imperialists, in order to legitimize their exploitation, embraced nationalist theory. Following the example of the British, Mussolini of Italy and Hitler of Germany moved along the same path. When communist imperialism was established after the Second World War, the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin propagated the concept of the Slavic supremacy. Likewise, the Chinese leader Mao Zedong built up Chinese superiority.
As soon as an imperialist power is transformed into a fascist power, it spreads out its tentacles to psychically and culturally oppress a vanquished people. To perpetuate unhindered economic exploitation, psychic exploitation starts almost simultaneously. Where psychic exploitation is used to further economic exploitation, it is called “psycho-economic exploitation”.
At the very outset, the fascist exploiters select a weak community which inhabits a region rich in natural resources. The fascists socially and culturally uproot the victimized community by imposing a foreign language and culture on them. Because the local people cannot easily express their individual and collective feelings and sentiments in a foreign language, they develop a defeatist psychology and inferiority complex with respect to the exploiters. This defeatist psychology destroys the natural spiritedness and will to fight of the local people, and the fascists skillfully utilize this golden opportunity. The primary interest of the fascist exploiters is to gradually suck the vitality of the local community so that they can pillage and plunder their natural resources, but if necessary they will even obliterate the local community from the face of the earth.
During the British rule of India, the Bengalees were the victims of various types of rapacious psychic exploitation by the British fascists. The British adopted several methods of psychic exploitation. For instance, the British exploiters, obsessed with crushing freedom struggles and national revolts, tried to destroy the revolutionary spirit of the Bengalees. To achieve this objective they also started psycho-economic exploitation. Besides this, in order to reduce the Bengali population, they divided Bengal into different regions and annexed them to the adjoining states. A large section of the population became separated from the mainstream of Bengali life and identified with the cultural heritage of the newly formed states. The same approach is being followed even now.
The Indian capitalists followed the example of the British. Their exploitative psychology was clearly manifest in the refugee policy. By the end of 1949 the rehabilitation problem of the refugees who came from West Pakistan had been completely solved, but the refugees who came from East Pakistan were subject to an altogether different policy. The Bengali refugee problem was kept in abeyance. Many Bengali refugees, by dint of their self-confidence, physical capabilities and hard work, still struggle for survival in Tripura, Assam, Bihar and Orissa, while millions of poor and helpless refugees continue to live on the streets in the towns and cities of Bengal, wandering aimlessly in search of food and shelter.
The plan to reduce the size of the Bengali population is being implemented through the systematic destruction of the vitality of the Bengali people. The most powerful means of expression of a people’s collective psychic power is their language and literature. Hence, to try and uproot a people from their culture is a special form of psychic exploitation. The cultural suppression of Bengalees throughout eastern India is rampant. To undermine the morality and integrity of Bengal’s national character, lewd films and books have been spread throughout the state like ulcerous wounds.
In the factories and the rural production centres, the capitalist exploitation of India continues unabated, and the landholders, as the last vestiges of a feudalistic social order, perpetrate their exploitation in the villages. The capitalists and landlords carry on their exploitation hand-in-hand. The survival and social security of the landless labourers depends solely on the whims of the landlords, who can expel the labourers at any time on any pretext.
The exploitation by capitalists and landlords is accompanied by the exploitation by moneylenders. In the rural economy they lend money to the farmers and rural peasants, and are present in nearly every village and hamlet of West Bengal. Where the landlords are not physically present, their loyal agents are very active. The moneylenders have nothing to do with the land – they merely give loans to the poor farmers at high interest. Sometimes poor farmers cannot afford to procure farming implements, hence they are compelled to take loans from the moneylenders. If a moneylender gives one hundred rupees to a farmer, the farmer will have to repay two hundred rupees with interest, but the moneylender does not take back the loan in cash. Instead he realizes the amount in kind in the form of paddy, potatoes, etc., at cheap rates at the time of the harvest. The poor farmer, under the pressure of circumstances, has to accept this unwelcome system. He is a double loser – first, he has to pay more than double the amount of the original loan, and secondly, this amount is paid in kind at the rate of the harvest price of the crop, which is naturally very cheap. This whole process is conducted through agents, who also take their profit. Thus, the peasants and farmers of India are deprived of all their agricultural produce in four to five months of the year to repay the moneylenders, so for the remaining seven to eight months they have to approach the moneylenders again for fresh loans. At first they mortgage their implements, and then they are forced to part with their land. When the amount of the loans with compound interest increases to the point where the interest and the mortgage is equal to the price of their land, the moneylenders confiscate the land of the farmers. Consequently, the farmers get evicted from their land and move from village to village, living on the streets as beggars.
The direct representatives of the capitalist exploiters in the rural economy are the middlemen. They take advantage of the poverty and distress of the farmers and force them to depend on the capitalists for their production. For example, in West Bengal, Calcutta is the main centre of the capitalists, but of course they have subsidiary centres in various parts of the state. For instance, they have centres in Siliguri in North Bengal, Sainthia in Birbhum district, Purulia town in Purulia district and Midnapore town in Midnapore district. From these centres the capitalists, through their agents and middlemen, control the rural economy of West Bengal. The farmers depend on these middlemen not only to procure farm implements, but also to sell their agricultural produce. They also take advantage of the illiteracy of the simple uneducated farmers, collect their signatures or thumb prints for a larger loan, and pay them less than the market value of their produce.
Indian society is basically capitalistic, and the administrative system is a capitalist dominated democracy. It is the capitalists who control and direct the social, economic and political systems of India. The problem of how to remain in power is the most important issue for every political party that comes to power in an election. When political interest is of paramount importance, naturally the government will frame laws to safeguard the interests of the capitalist exploiters. The responsibility of upholding the interests of the exploiters in the name of law and order devolves onto the bureaucracy and police. The political leaders merely engage in internal bickering over their share of the ill-gotten gains.
India’s peasants, under the enormous weight of the exploitation by capitalists, landlords, moneylenders and corrupt politicians, together with the crippling burden of poverty, have been pushed to the brink of death. At any cost, the peasants will have to shoulder the responsibility of freeing themselves from the jaws of destruction. But what is the way out for them? Is sanguinary revolution the surest way of attaining freedom? Is there any other way out? In my opinion, if the path of bloodshed can be avoided by some means or other, and if the exploiters can be brought back to their senses, that would be the most preferable option. But to do this the following requirements would have to be fulfilled.
First, a decentralized economy which replaces the current centralized economy must be introduced. Economic planning should be based on block-level planning and include every village. This is the only way to put an end to colonial, imperialist and fascist exploitation.
Secondly, in every stratum of the economy, the cooperative system must be expanded so that no one can take an undue share of the collective wealth produced by the industrial and agricultural labourers.
Thirdly, moneylending by private capitalists should be banned and provisions must be made to pay loans in advance to the farmers through the banks. This will eradicate the exploitation by moneylenders and political cadres.
Fourthly, the floating population of any state must be either settled where it is living, or made to leave that area and return to its original region. It will have to choose either option.
The progress of history can never be reversed – the current of destiny can never be resisted. The elevated and benevolent intellect is the solution to all human problems.” – Sarkar, Prabhat, 1981, Calcutta, Prout in a Nutshell Part 19, Economic Exploitation of Bengal
3. “Similar is the case with socio-patriotism and socio-economics: “Let that country be destroyed. I will conquer that nation and drain its vitality for the sake of my own country” – this is socio-patriotism, also called “fascism”.” – Sarkar, Prabhat, 28 February 1982, Calcutta, The Liberation of Intellect: Neohumanism, Bondages and Solutions (Discourse 2), Developing Proto-Spiritualistic Mentality
4. “Geo-Economic Sentiment
I have already said that when people move along the path of a particular geo-sentiment in the social sphere – even worse than in the case of geo-sentiment in the religious sphere – they do not think at all of others. They thrive on the lifeblood of others, thinking this to be natural. The other day I said that in practical life, fascism is born from such a mentality – and also imperialism, capitalism, oligarchy and bureaucracy. Thus you can easily understand how dangerous this mentality is, and how detrimental to the progress of humanity.
This is regarding geo-sentiment in social life; the same is the case in economic life. “Although there is no iron ore or cheap electricity, we must have a steel plant in our area.” This is nothing but an expression of geo-economic sentiment. “Although crude oil and cheap electricity are not available, we must have oil refineries in our area!” – another expression of geo-economic sentiment.
Let me give another example in this connection. The jute industry of Dundee [in Great Britain] flourished because a supply of jute came from Bengal and, again, the finished products were sold in the markets of Bengal. What a peculiar situation! This was a case of non-utilization of Bengal’s potentialities and resources; and for Dundee it was an irrational industrial plan with every possibility of failure. If the jute had not been supplied from Bengal, the factories of Dundee would have closed. If finished jute products had not been sold in the markets of Bengal, the industry in Dundee would have failed.
Under such circumstances the industrially-developed countries, to ensure a permanent supply of raw materials and the continuing availability of markets for their finished products, resort to imperialism, economic and political fascism, and so on. They try to create an arena of satellite markets to ensure the supply of raw materials and markets for their finished goods. When the developing, or undeveloped, countries detect the intentions of the developed countries, conflict arises between the developed and undeveloped countries, and this poses a great threat to world peace.” – Sarkar, Prabhat, 7 March 1982, Calcutta, The Liberation of Intellect: Neohumanism, Geo-Sentiment (Discourse 3), Geo-Economic Sentiment
5. “[filler] In all walks of present-day life, the dark shadows of immorality are fast taking definite shapes and hampering human progress. It requires a very strong moral force to wipe out this filth of immorality. One cannot expect this moral force from a government power functioning within a democratic structure. We must expect it from the non-political side. The government, be it fascist, imperialist, republican, dictatorial, bureaucratic or democratic, is sure to become tyrannical if there is no moral force to check the capricious activities of the leaders of the party in power.
[filler] Those who wish to purify society of all defects will have to keep an eye on every man; social reform can be effected only through the purification of individuals. Social life cannot be elevated merely by speeches delivered from political platforms; political leaders cannot produce sadvipras by their rhetoric. Besides, who are those who deliver lectures from platforms? Are they not the people who sling the mud of political censure on others? Most of them are blind after powers. What will they teach others? Mental and spiritual training alone can create sadvipras. Sadvipras are only those who are perfect in morality and aspirants of Supreme Consciousness.” – Sarkar, Prabhat, Date Unknown, The Great Universe: Discourses on Society, Do Not Delay