  Incomplete neutralization refers to phonetic traces of underlying contrasts
in phonologically neutralizing contexts. The present study examines one such
context: Russian assimilatory palatalization in C+j sequences. Russian
contrasts plain and palatalized consonants, with the plain consonants having a
secondary articulation involving retraction of the tongue dorsum
(velarization/uvularization). However, Russian also has stop-glide sequences
that form near-minimal pairs with palatalized stops. In the environment
preceding palatal glides, the contrast between palatalized and plain consonants
is neutralized, due to the palatalization of the plain stop (assimilatory
palatalization). The purpose of the study is to explore whether the
neutralization is complete. To do so, we conducted an electromagnetic
articulography (EMA) experiment examining temporal coordination and the spatial
position of the tongue body in underlyingly palatalized consonants and those
derived from assimilatory palatalization. Articulatory results from four native
speakers of Russian revealed that gestures in both conditions are coordinated
as complex segments, i.e., they are palatalized consonants. However, there are
differences across conditions consistent with the residual presence of a tongue
dorsum retraction gesture in the plain obstruents. We conclude that
neutralization of the plain-palatal contrast in Russian is incomplete;
consonants in the assimilatory palatalization condition exhibit inter-gestural
coordination characteristic of palatalized consonants along with residual
evidence of an underlying tongue dorsum retraction (velarization/uvularization)
gesture.
