  Recent developments in theoretical linguistics have lead to a widespread
acceptance of constraint-based analyses of prosodic morphology phenomena such
as truncation, infixation, floating morphemes and reduplication. Of these,
reduplication is particularly challenging for state-of-the-art computational
morphology, since it involves copying of some part of a phonological string. In
this paper I argue for certain extensions to the one-level model of phonology
and morphology (Bird & Ellison 1994) to cover the computational aspects of
prosodic morphology using finite-state methods. In a nutshell, enriched lexical
representations provide additional automaton arcs to repeat or skip sounds and
also to allow insertion of additional material. A kind of resource
consciousness is introduced to control this additional freedom, distinguishing
between producer and consumer arcs. The non-finite-state copying aspect of
reduplication is mapped to automata intersection, itself a non-finite-state
operation. Bounded local optimization prunes certain automaton arcs that fail
to contribute to linguistic optimisation criteria. The paper then presents
implemented case studies of Ulwa construct state infixation, German
hypocoristic truncation and Tagalog over-applying reduplication that illustrate
the expressive power of this approach, before its merits and limitations are
discussed and possible extensions are sketched. I conclude that the one-level
approach to prosodic morphology presents an attractive way of extending
finite-state techniques to difficult phenomena that hitherto resisted elegant
computational analyses.
