For many children in the villages of Sindhupalchowk district, fluency in their mother tongue has become a barrier for their education. With the state recognizing Nepali as the only official language, the Tamang-speaking students in local schools are being taught in the same language. Students in remote Sangachowk village have fared poorly in national-level exams, as they hardly understand the language they are taught in. Had the school management realized the importance of providing education in their mother tongue, which in this case is Tamang, the students could have overcome the learning difficulties.
Not only in this Tamang-speaking village, this dynamic is being played out in public schools throughout the country where Nepali has for ages been the only official language of teaching. Had the state given a serious thought to educating people in their mother tongue, it would not have created divisions among people in the multi-ethnic and multi-culture Nepali society on the basis of language. The issue of language is just an example why the country needs a serious re-think of its state structure. The current debate on federalism has brought this issue to the fore, but unfortunately such debates have been confined to the capital.
There should be greater public discussion on the issue of federalism to bring about a change in the traditional society defined by a hierarchical caste structure. Since the debate over state restructuring started after the formation of the Constituent Assembly, the issue of ethnicity-based federalism has come to the fore. There are differing views on the issue. Some believe ethnicity-based federalism could create divisions in the society, whereas the marginalized communities feel that this is the time to assert their rights, the right to equality recognized as a basic human right. One thing is for sure: Discrimination on the basis of caste, ethnicity, gender, religion and region will only undercut Nepal’s claim to being a true democracy. As we are on the verge of formulating a historic constitution to consolidate the democratic republic, it is high time the debate focused on ending discriminatory practices and changing the society’s feudalistic nature.
But with the dissolution of the popularly-elected Constituent Assembly, the debate over the nature of federalism has been sidelined. The power elites should have realized by now that all the major parties have faced problems addressing the issues of the marginalized communities, with some even facing unwarranted splits. But there is no doubt that the society has to change for the better. Be it Janajatis, Madhesis, Dalits, Brahmins or Chhetris, the issue here is not dividing federal states on the basis of ethnic identity but ensuring that all ethnic communities have their say in state affairs and power is decentralized at the lowest level. Names of the states hardly matter as long as the new constitution ensures equal participation of all and helps building a new democratic and inclusive society.
The new federal states should address the grievances of all ethnic communities and recognize their identities, but it should not come at the cost of a rise in ethnic tension. But for this too, the capital-centric federalism debate should expand to the people who have suffered at the hands of an elite-controlled state and give them the opportunity to decide their own future