Gender swapping occurs when a male or female player chooses to play as a female or male avatar, respectively (Lou et al ., 2013 ). According to Bergstrom, Jenson, and de Castell ( 2012 ), more than 20% of World of Warcraft players showed a gender discrepancy between player and avatar. Despite the existing phenomenon of gender swapping, little attention has been paid to articulating the reasons and impacts of swapping. The current study explores factors affecting gender swapping in an online gaming environment and its diverse behavioral consequences. Going against previous literature, which has assumed that one's avatar serves as an extension of the self and reveals one's identity, this paper proposes that gender swapping can result from a rational choice based on practical benefits in online games. Consequently, we predicted that game players would behave differently after gender swapping to maintain the consistency with this choice.

Digital games have a history of allowing players to only choose from a predefined set of characters. Like the popular examples of “Snake” or “Lara Croft,” ( Metal Gear Solid and Tomb Raider , respectively) in most single‐player games, players often control only one predefined character. In this case, the avatar has no connection to the player's representation of self or gender identity. However, a number of recent massively multiplayer online role playing games (MMORPGs) give players the freedom to choose and design their avatar. As avatars are created and altered by the players, there is extraordinary freedom and flexibility in identity construction, including deviating from or altering one's offline identity (Huh & Williams, 2010 ). Thus, there is a question as to how players choose their avatars and whether players reveal their own identity in this context. Specifically, when players choose their own avatar, it is a question of whether the avatar reflects one's gender identity or is just a simple tool for gameplay.

A virtual world is defined as a computer‐simulated environment where individuals assume an identity as an avatar (Jarvenppa, Leidner, Teigland, & Wasko, 2007 ). Avatar generally refers to an electronic image that represents and is manipulated by the user (“avatar”, n.d.). In the virtual world, individuals interact with each other and the environment using their avatars, and scholars have viewed avatars as an extension of the self into the virtual world (Belk, 1988 ). Accordingly, the relationship between each user and their avatar can become meaningless if the avatar does not represent the user's identity, thereby making identity an important issue related to avatars.

The emotional attachment is literally defined as emotional bond or tie between a player and an avatar. If someone thinks the avatar is the representation of self, it can be considered as self‐love or self‐attachment. Other scholars mentioned the psychological merging of player and avatar as parasocial character attachment (Banks & Bowman,; Lewis et al.,). In contrast to, which is a typical virtual venue where one represents their offline self as an avatar, we assumed that avatars might be used as tools for game play under gender‐swapped context. Although players consider their avatars as objects, rather than as an extension of themselves, they can develop emotional attachments toward the avatars. As an emotion‐laden, target‐specific bond, attachment is the strong, affectionate tie we have with special people in our lives that leads us to feel pleasure when we interact with them and to be comforted by their closeness during times of stress (Berk,; Thomson, MacInnis, & Park,). Such attachments are possible not only between two people, face‐to‐face, but also between people and non‐personal items such as mobile phones (Vincent,) or consumer brands (Thomson et al.,). Therefore, an emotional attachment can be developed between a player and his or her avatar, which is a nonpersonal item. Particularly, under gender‐swapping context, players who have strong emotional attachment with their avatars may purchase more virtual goods for their avatar, in much the same way that parents buy toys for their children and pet owners pamper their pets. Regarding the relationship between gender swapping, emotional attachment, and virtual goods purchasing, the following hypotheses are proposed.

If gender‐swapping players purchase more items, there can be two possible explanations. First, players who are deindividuated in the virtual environment may adhere to a new identity that is inferred from their avatars. In turn, they will purchase decorative items in order to appear to behave as females do. Second, although players may choose different gendered avatars without consideration of their own identity in order to gain in‐game benefits, they may gradually come to feel an emotional bond with their avatar. This, in turn, can promote the purchasing of virtual goods. To clarify the reasons underlying the purchasing of virtual goods, we hypothesized the influence of gender swapping.

Previous literature has examined the effect of gender on the purchasing of virtual goods. Generally, male players more frequently purchase items than do females. However, depending on the function of the item, in some cases female players may show greater purchase intention than do male players. The actual usage of the virtual goods is classified into two categories. One is functional, which refers to using the items to enjoy advantages in the game. The other is decorative, referring to items purchased for their esthetic and social attributes (Lehdonvirta, 2009 ). In the case of decorative items, females tend to show higher purchase intention. For example, women have stronger intentions than do men to purchase decorative digital items for self‐presentation (Kim et al ., 2012).

Selling virtual goods is one of the most important business models in digital platform services. One popular case is the “freemium model,” as described by Anderson ( 2009 ). This model provides a free service to customers, often as a strategy for attracting users, and then sells a premium level to some. In the gaming industry, for example, although most games provide their services free to customers, they can gain profit through in‐game item sales. Therefore, previous studies of online item purchases have focused on the factors affecting purchase decisions (Guo & Barnes, 2009 ; Lehdonvirta, 2009 ).

Even though the underlying mechanism is unclear, gender swapping results in behavioral changes. Based on this literature, we hypothesized that male players who gender swapped would display more socially amiable behaviors, because they are attempting to obtain benefits from other players.

This literature seems to indicate that the gender of an avatar affects behaviors in the virtual world. There are possible explanations regarding behavioral changes resulting from gender swapping. According to Lehdonvirta et al . ( 2012 ), gender as perceived by other participants shapes their expectations of an individual, which in turn influences that individual's behavior. Alternatively, the individual adjusts his or her own behavior to be more consistent with the gender of his or her avatar, independent of the perceptions of others.

Another study examined the direct relationship between the gender of the avatar and behavior. Huh and Williams ( 2010 ) found that female players behaved differently when they gender swapped, showing more masculine behavioral patterns, sometimes even more so than men. Lehdonvirta et al . ( 2012 ) found that avatar gender influenced help‐seeking behavior, independent of player physical sex. Recent research on interaction and profile data from an MMORPG has corroborated the gender‐related behavioral changes suggested by previous literature (Lou et al ., 2013 ). For example, female players using a male avatar exhibited a rather drastic transformation into a “male‐like” aggressive, achievement‐oriented character. Additionally, players engaged in lengthier conversations when their avatars were of different genders, regardless of the true gender of players, even though the avatar did not completely mask the real persona. In addition, female avatars profited more from trades than did male avatars.

Some previous literature has reported that avatars can lead to behavioral changes in users (Huh & Williams, 2010 ; Lehdonvirta, Nagashima, Lehdonvirta, & Baba, 2012 ; Lou et al ., 2013 ; Yee & Bailenson, 2007 ; Yee, Bailenson, & Ducheneaut, 2009 ). Specifically, Yee and Bailenson ( 2007 ) showed that participants assigned to more attractive avatars were more intimate with strangers than were those assigned to less attractive avatars. This behavioral change can be explained by the Proteus Effect (Yee & Bailenson, 2007 ), according to which users in an online environment conform to the persona of their avatars. In addition, Yee et al. ( 2009 ) demonstrated that behavioral changes stemming from the virtual environment transferred to subsequent face‐to‐face interactions.

On the other hand, female gamers swapped for different reasons, such as an experimental means to overcome any restrictions to women perceived in real life, or in order to prevent unsolicited male approaches, or so that they would be treated as equals by the predominately male player base (Hussain & Griffith, 2008; Huh & Williams, 2010 ).

As opposed to games like Second Life , which is a virtual venue wherein is it typical to represent one's offline self as an avatar, avatars might be used as tools to play in games (Grimes & Feenberg, 2009 ). Previous studies have suggested that gender swapping might not be related to identity at all, but to esthetic or pragmatic choices, or just fun (Fahs & Gohr, 2012 ; Hussain & Griffiths, 2008 ; Martey et al., 2014 ). It is generally known that males and females may have different motivations for gender swapping. For example, one reason for males to gender swap is for competitive advantage. By posing as attractive females and interacting with other male players, these swappers seek to gain extra money or weapons and avoid being targeted and attacked by other players (Hussain & Griffith, 2008 ; Huh & Williams, 2010 ). Furthermore, male players tend to show more prosocial behavior towards female avatars. Thus, a male player may gender swap in order to enjoy the advantages of using a female avatar (Griffiths, Davies, & Chappell, 2004 ; Wang & Wang, 2008 ). According to MacCallum‐Stewart ( 2008 ), male players' gender swapping is seen as perfectly normal behavior within the context of the game. Today many players choose gender swapping for aesthetic pleasure, rather than active “gender bending (i.e. actively rebels against, or ‘bends,’ expected gender roles).”

When new playable races were added tothrough the first expansion package, called “The Burning Crusade,” one of them was called the “Blood Elf.” The Blood Elf had rather feminine features, unlike previous masculine characters. Since then, players using the Blood Elf avatars have become frequent targets of criticism. They were treated as “kinky” players who liked only female characters. Regarding this Blood Elf case, there are interesting anecdotes of instances of gender swapping in an online forum (Fireburns,). For example, one player complained about males playing female characters with the following: “I don't know why this pisses me off so much, but it really gets to me when I see a female character in‐game and for all I know there could be a guy playing it. Guys that play female characters just annoy me relentlessly. I'm not going to say ‘guys must not make female characters’ as it is your money, and you can choose how to play the game. But it still annoys me. It seems wrong to me.” Thus, similar to sexual minorities in the real world, gender swappers in the virtual world can be frequent targets of criticism and can be considered deviant or kinky. Thus, when the online environments are highly anonymous, they may be more likely to be perceived as safe and promote gender swapping.

Contrary to the physical world, communication in the virtual world has fewer identity cues. For example, in an offline situation, people can easily confirm another's identity through nonverbal cues such as their facial expression, gestures, and intonation. However, users online can easily conceal their identity under the condition of anonymity. Because of the reduced social cues online than in face‐to‐face communication, people in online relationships can both benefit and suffer from the relative anonymity. The benefit is that people have more space for freedom and experimentation, while the cause for suffering is that relationships can become empty without the commitment that identity offers (Turkle, 2011 ). In many cases, anonymity is a prerequisite condition for gender swapping because there is still some disapproval or hassle created by gender swapping. In fact, male users who use female avatars seem to often be criticized among gamers. Not conforming to gender roles can result in negative perceptions and evaluations from others (Huh & Williams, 2010 ; Mahalik, 2000 ). Therefore, men and women who violate the norms concerning gender roles are likely to experience social disapproval (Harrison & Lynch, 2005 ). Similarly, Sirin, McCreary, and Mahalik ( 2004 , p. 120) claimed that “even though men and women internalize and display both masculine and feminine characteristics, people still expect men to be masculine and women to be feminine and reward and punish them accordingly.”

If players do not consider an avatar as an extension of themselves, their gender identity may not affect the selection or design of their avatar. To examine whether gender identity affects avatar selection, we measured individual gender schemas using the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI; Bem,), a scale for measuring gender roles. According to the BSRI, gender schema explain how individuals take on a gender in society and how gender roles may be defined as expectations about what is appropriate behavior for each sex. It assesses how people identify themselves psychologically. In other words, it quantifies gender as a concept related to identity, representing the degree to which one thinks of oneself as masculine or feminine. The BSRI consists of three sections of 20 items each that measure masculinity, femininity, or neutrality. As our study sample comprised male MMORPG players, the femininity items of the BSRI were used to investigate whether gender identity affects gender swapping, as previous literature has assumed. If players represented their own gender identity with an avatar in the virtual world, male players who were feminine would be more likely to gender swap (i.e., choose female avatars). If not, gender identity would not be considered a major factor predicting gender swapping.

Meanwhile, other researchers have contended that gender swapping might not be related to identity at all, but rather are the result of esthetic, pragmatic choices, or just for fun (Boler, 2007 ; Martey, Stoner‐Galley, Banks, Wu, & Consalvo, 2014 ). As opposed to those perspectives considering gender swapping as a subversive or experimental act, they argue that it is routine or common behavior (Boler, 2007 ). In fact, many male players prefer gender swapping to enjoy the esthetics of watching a female avatar form or for practical reasons (Boler, 2007 ; Fahs & Gohr, 2012 ; Hussain & Griffiths, 2008 ; Martey et al ., 2014 ).

These stereotypes have influenced research on gender swapping. Some researchers have suggested that players use avatars that depart from their offline physical sex because this virtual self is an expression of their true identity. For example, Huh and Williams ( 2010 ) argued that gender swapping is more prevalent among homosexual players because they identify more with a different psychological gender than their genetic sex. Such research assumes that homosexuals have physical bodies that differ from their psychological gender.

Sex is a biological term that defines a person as male or female based on his/her genes (Mintz & O'Neil, 1990 ). However, gender is a multidimensional construct that encompasses the many ways our society is differentiated on the basis of sex (Cook, 1990 ). Although gender includes various complexities attributed to social and psychological characteristics, it has been traditionally modeled in research through the artificial dichotomization of masculine and feminine (Murphy, 1994 ). This dichotomy contributes to stereotypes or myths about sexuality, such as that “real men” are the combination of male and masculine, “real women” are the combination of female and feminine, “gay” is flamboyantly feminine men, and “lesbian” is highly masculine women.

Going against previous literature suggesting that people prefer avatars matched to their gender (Nowak & Rauh, 2006 ) and that gender swapping is a deviant behavior (Huh & Williams, 2010 ), we predicted that players who gender swap are satisfied with their avatar as a tool for gameplay and not as an extended self. Based on this assumption, we suggest a research model examining the reasons and consequences of gender swapping.

Gender swapping refers to the phenomenon where one chooses an avatar of a different gender from one's biological sex (Roberts & Parks, 1999 ). Gender swapping has traditionally been considered a negative behavior, much like a deception or gimmick. For instance, in an early version of online gaming called Multiuser Dungeon (MUD) environments, gender swapping was considered deceptive play for which a player should be banned (Huh & Williams, 2010 ). Although some recent studies have investigated deceptive self‐presentation behaviors in the context of impression management (DeAndrea, Tong, Liang, Levine, & Walther, 2012 ), players who swapped their genders have often been considered homosexual or sexually deviant (Huh & Williams, 2010 ). This is due to the presupposition that players have built their avatar to reflect their identity and that each avatar has a personality like the player and is an extension of the self into the virtual world (Kafai, Fields, & Cook, 2007 ).

Virtual worlds such as Second Life may promote uniquely strong relationships between player identities and avatars because these games resemble reality more closely and players adopt avatars as direct representations of themselves. For example, a survey of 354 Second Life residents indicated that interactivity (i.e., enhanced interactions with objects) had a significant positive impact on telepresence and flow. In other words, avatars became extensions of the participants' selves during the heightened sense of telepresence, which resulted in a highly immersive virtual experience (Animesh et al ., 2011 ). However, virtual worlds such as those in Second Life or The Sims attempt to create representations of many aspects of reality exactly, literally generating a “virtual reality.” In contrast, other types of virtual worlds such as online games might show more deviations from real life, because such games are already free from real‐life simulation. In fact, gender swapping occurs frequently in online games.

Scholars have long recognized the importance of identity in online environments (Donath, 1999 ). Within online worlds, identity is marked primarily by an avatar, which is a visual representation of the player. An individual may choose black hair for her avatar because she likes her black hair in real life. Alternatively, she may choose blond hair for her avatar because she has always wondered what it would be like to be blond. On the other hand, she may not care about hair color in real life or the mediated environment and thus choose an option randomly for her avatar. In the first two cases, the avatar's hair color is related to the individual's identity, and so indicates that the avatar is partly an extension of that individual's self (Ratan & Hasler, 2010 ).

Purchasing virtual goods was measured by adopting the items used by Kim et al . (2012). Three items measured likelihood of purchasing virtual goods (“I would consider buying digital items for my avatar,” “My willingness to buy digital items for my avatar is high,” “The likelihood of purchasing digital items for my avatar is high”). The Cronbach's alpha was .928 (M = 2.981, SD = 1.031).

Emotional attachment was measured with five items adopted from Thomson et al . ( 2005 ). It represented the strength of the affectionate tie between the participant and their avatar (“I feel emotionally connected to my avatar,” “My avatar is like a real friend of mine,” “I am very attached to my avatar,” “My avatar captivates me,” “My avatar makes me delighted”). The Cronbach's alpha was .902 (M = 2.97, SD = 1.28).

Socially amiable behaviors included three social components: socializing (“I have more interest in chatting with other players when I play as a female avatar”), relationship (“I have the desire to form meaningful relationships with others when I play as a female avatar”), and teamwork (“I am more satisfied with contributing to the group when I play as a female avatar.”) (Yee, 2006 ). The Cronbach's alpha was .763 (M = 3.27, SD = .693), which is lower than in other constructs, but still exceeded the recommended threshold (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994 ).

Players often have multiple avatars in MMORPGs. Furthermore, they might switch gender sometimes, but not at other times. Therefore, we measured the extent to which male players used female avatars rather than relying on a dichotomous classification of whether they swapped or not. The three measurement parameters were the degree of time spent as a female avatar (“I spend more time playing as a female avatar”), the degree of female avatar ownership (“I have more female avatars than male avatars”), and the degree of enjoyment in playing as a female avatar (“I prefer and enjoy playing as a female avatar”). The Cronbach's alpha was .894 (M = 2.81, SD = .976).

This consisted of three items related to the perception of an advantage for a female avatar in the game environment (“Others seem to like playing games with female avatars,” “People are more likely to cooperate with female avatars,” “People are more willing to help female avatars”). The Cronbach's alpha was .858 (M = 3.34, SD = 781).

Perceived anonymity was measured using three items adopted from Zhong, Bohns, and Gino ( 2010 ) and represented the game player's perception of anonymity in a virtual environment (“In general, I think my identity isn't known to others in online environments,” “In general, I think my decision go unnoticed in online environments,” “In general, I think my identity isn't known to others in online environments”). The Cronbach's alpha was .839 (M = 2.99, SD = .812).

To measure gender schema, the short form of the BSRI was adopted (Colley, Mulhern, Maltby, & Wood, 2009 ). The BSRI, particularly the short form, is still widely used as a measure of gender‐related attributes. Because all respondents were males, only items measuring femininity were used to ensure parsimony of measurement. Each item consisted of a feminine descriptor (understanding, sympathetic, eager to soothe hurt feelings, compassionate, affectionate, gentle, warm, tender), and players rated how much each applied to them. The Cronbach's alpha was .899 (M = 3.55, SD = .632).

A professional survey company was hired to administer the survey and respondents were given a small reward (approximately $3 online shopping coupon) for completing the questionnaire. The survey was distributed to 2,584 people randomly. Among them, 526 people tried to begin the survey. However, 112 respondents were screened out at initial screening question since our survey targeted male players who have experienced MMORPGs. Also 84 respondents dropped the survey before completion. Finally 330 respondents completed the survey. The response rate was 12.8%. We also asked the respondents to comment on which MMORPGs they played as for reference. Twelve respondents out of 330 were excluded since they wrote non‐MMORPG such as online board games without the use of avatars. Consequently, 318 valid samples were used for the final analysis. Respondents played diverse MMORPGs such as World of Warcraft, Lineage , and Blade & Soul . The age divisions of the final sample were as follows: 18–19, 10.1%; 20–29, 26.4%; 30–39, 46.9%; over 40, 16.7%. The overall age range of the survey participants was 18–47 years old (M = 32.5, SD = 7.1).

The sample is limited to male players for practical and theoretical reason. Above all, it was difficult to find females revealing a gender‐swapping intention. MMORPG studies have reported that gender swapping is much more common among male players (Bergstrom et al ., 2012 ; Martey et al ., 2012; Yee & Ducheneaut, 2011 ). Furthermore, previous literature suggests that there may be differences between males and females in the underlying factors affecting gender swapping (Griffith, Davies, & Chappel, 2004 ; Huh & Williams, 2010 ; Hussain & Griffiths, 2008 ; MacCallum‐Stewart, 2008 ). Thus, we focused only on the gender swapping of male players in this study.

In September 2013, an online survey was conducted with MMORPG players in South Korea. MMORPGs are appropriate for studying gender swapping because players assume the role of a character and take control over many of the character's actions. According to the game chart in Korea (Online Game Chart 100, 2014 ), the MMO/MMORPG genre has 52% of the domestic market share. Many people enjoy playing locally developed MMORPGs (e.g., Lineage , ArcheAge , and Blade & Soul ). In addition, widespread access to the Internet supports a computer gaming environment and enables computer gaming as a popular culture in South Korea. Therefore, South Korea is suitable for online gaming research, especially that targeting MMORPGs.

Figure 1 depicts the main path coefficient, t‐values, and explained variances of the endogenous variable ( R 2 ). Five of the seven paths in the research model were supported. Gender schema was not associated with avatar gender swapping (β = .064, p = .397), which did not support H1. Perceived anonymity (β = .473, p < .001) and perceived benefits (β = .169, p < .05) were found to be significantly related to gender swapping, supporting H2 and H3, respectively. Overall, approximately 21% of the variance in gender swapping was explained by these antecedent variables. Furthermore, gender swapping had a positive influence on socially amiable behaviors, supporting H4 (β = .111, p < .001), and explained approximately 11% of the variance in socially amiable behaviors. The direct relationship between gender swapping and virtual goods purchasing was not supported (H5). However, this relationship was mediated by emotional attachment. Gender swapping affected emotional attachment (β = .401, p < .001), supporting H6, and explained approximately 24% of the variance in emotional attachment. Emotional attachment was strongly associated with virtual goods purchasing, supporting H7, and had a high path coefficient (β = .850, p < .001). Income as a control variable was not significant in predicting virtual goods purchasing. The variance in virtual goods purchasing explained by the structural equation model was 45%.

Discriminant validity was assessed by comparing the square root of the AVE for each construct against the interconstruct correlation estimates (Fornell, Tellis, & Zinkhan, 1982 ). The square root of the AVE of each construct was found to be greater than any other corresponding interconstruct correlation coefficients.

To validate the measurement model, reliability and validity analyses were conducted. The convergent validity of the model was examined using the average variance extracted (AVE) and the composite reliability for each construct. For adequate convergent reliability, all AVE values should be greater than .5 (Fornell & Lacker, 1981 ), while all composite reliability values should be greater than .7 (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994 ). Both AVE and CR met recommended threshold criteria.

Discussion and Implications

The primary purpose of this study was to examine the reasons for gender swapping and its impacts on online gaming behavior. We challenged the issue of self‐representation with online gaming avatars. More specifically, we explored whether players perceive their avatars as a form of self‐representation and use avatars to express their gender as measured by gender schema (degree of femininity). Findings showed that feminine gender schema was not a significant predictor for male‐to‐female gender swapping in an online gaming context. That is, a male player's degree of femininity was not associated with an increased likelihood of gender swapping in an online game. However, the result should be interpreted with caution, because the absence of feminine traits does not automatically represent the male players have masculine one. Furthermore, we also proposed that gender swapping may be a rational choice in order to obtain practical in‐game benefits. The findings of this study supported that perceived benefits with anonymity increase the likelihood of gender swapping. While using a female avatar, male players were more likely to show socially amiable behaviors traditionally considered as characteristic of females. Moreover, male game players were more willing to purchase virtual goods to decorate their gender‐swapped avatars, moderated by their emotional attachment to their avatar.

Theoretical Implications When new technologies are introduced, people tend to anticipate that they will subvert the existing regime and bring about a new order. Many people predict that new communication methods might resolve or at least alleviate social inequalities or political problems. This perspective is somewhat reflected in the gender swapping of avatars, suggesting that the tradition survives. That is, gender swapping might disrupt sexual inequality or control power distributions by allowing people to experience different gender roles. For example, women who have less power within society can find some degree of relief from social oppression by playing a male avatar, or that sexual minorities can express their true identity within an anonymous environment. Nonetheless, people seem not to use avatars in this way while playing online games. For example, Huh and Williams (2010) expected that women would be more likely to change their gender online, because women may typically have less power in offline society. However, their results showed the opposite, with gender swapping being less common among female players than among male players. Ducheneaut, Yee, Nickell, and Moore (2006) also observed that there are more female avatars than female gamers. This suggests that men gender swap more often. In addition, players are still influenced by traditional gender stereotypes. Dill and Thill (2007) reported that male characters are stereotyped as aggressive and female characters are sexually objectified. DiGiuseppe and Nardi (2007) found several common gender stereotypes reflected by users' character choices in game, such as females being more likely to choose characters that have supportive roles, and males being more likely to play characters that engage in physical combat. Virtual worlds are not free from heterosexual metrics. The potential for gender performance is limited by norms that exist outside the game, the social context in which the game is played, the design of the game, and the social structure of the gaming community (Eklund, 2011). As Boler (2007) argues, gender swapping can reinforce traditional gender binaries because it can be used to demonstrate gender stereotypes. According to the results of our current study, male players tended to consider their avatars as objects or tools, at least within the game context, and not as an expression of themselves. Based on previous discussions and empirical findings from the current study, we propose that online gaming worlds provide a context that may reproduce a kind of male chauvinism. In line with this premise, our results suggest that the motivation for gender swapping is more associated with practical benefits rather than the personal identity. Findings support that men gender swap in online environments to gain practical benefits as players, if their anonymity is guaranteed. It might be that gender‐swapping players see anonymity as guarantee of safety, a kind of mask or gimmick allowing them to conceal their identity and enjoy the freedom to do any beneficial behavior. Since we measured the degree of perceived anonymity in the online environment in general and it was related to gender swapping in an online game, other implications of perceived anonymity in other online contexts should be investigated in future studies. Overall, results of this study support the notion that gender swapping is not a way of presenting one's gender identity. Rather, our data suggest that players swap their gender based on a rational judgment to gain practical benefits in the virtual world. Regarding behavioral aspects, this study confirms that players' behavioral patterns can change as a result of gender swapping. Previous literature has suggested that avatars can lead to behavioral changes in users (Huh & Williams, 2010; Lehdonvirta et al., 2012; Lou et al., 2013; Martey et al., 2014; Yee & Bailenson, 2007; Yee et al., 2009). This study confirmed that gender swapping male players tend to behave as more feminine. That is, male players who swap genders display more socially amiable behaviors. It is possible that this effect is a cause rather than an effect of gender swapping. Although there is still debate regarding the causality, this study aimed to test previous theories about avatar selection and behavioral changes. For example, Martey et al. (2014) argued that when male players use a female avatar, there is evidence that they reinforce an idealized notion of feminine appearance and communication. We tested this recursive model and our data show greater support for our proposed model. Thus, we interpret socially amiable behavior to be a consequence, rather than a cause, of gender swapping. Additionally, players with more emotional attachment to their avatars bought more decorative virtual goods. Although the mechanism underlying this effect is unclear, there are two possible explanations. The gender of the avatar shaped the expectations of other players, which in turn influenced the player's behavior. Alternatively, individuals adjusted their own behavior to be consistent with the gender of their avatar, independent of the perceptions of others. In other words, the players considered their avatars as an objective other, separate from the self. Another considered the avatar as themselves. As our data have suggested that gender swapping is more associated with practical benefits than expressions of gender identity, the result of emotional attachment seems to support the latter notion that players think of their avatar as an objective other, separate from the self. Our study suggests that the behavioral changes based on avatar selection are more likely to be due to a players' conscious adjustment of behavior. It gives a room for thinking the notion of gender performativity (Butler, 1999). The results of this study showed that gender is not biological one. Rather it is socially constructed throughout everyday acting or role playing. Our results contribute to theory and research related to avatars and behavioral changes.

Practical Implications Purchasing virtual goods for one's avatar is common. Although participants in a virtual world did not need to change their avatar's clothes, fix their hair, buy and furnish a home, or have drinks in their hands while in a virtual bar, many do in order to fit in and feel comfortable. Nerad (2010) also noted that the consumption of virtual goods is driven by the need to project and communicate an image for their avatar that is fulfilled by investing in virtual skins or clothes. Additionally, Fahs and Gohr (2012) argued that male players often prefer the esthetics of a female avatar form. In light of this literature, we predicted that men playing female avatars would be more likely to purchase virtual goods to fulfill their desires. Although gender swapping was not related to virtual goods purchasing directly, it possibly increased players' intentions to buy through the mediating role of emotional attachment to the avatar, which in turn resulted from gender swapping. Since gender‐swapping players objectify their avatars, they gradually come to develop an emotional attachment to them, similar to the way in which people develop emotions toward pets or infants. Finally, gender‐swapping players tend to purchase more items for their avatars. These results support the notion that virtual goods that alter players' appearances can be an effective means of increasing sales. The actual uses of the virtual goods can be classified into two categories. One is functional (affording advantages in gameplay) and the other is decorative (affording hedonic and social attributes; Lehdonvirta, 2009). Normally, virtual items in online games such as MMORPGs tend to be the functional type. However, gender‐swapping male players purchased more decorative items as opposed to functional ones for their avatars. Although the specific virtual goods purchased needs to be examined more thoroughly, the results of this study can have practical implications on the sale of virtual goods in online games.