In comparison with the battles in neighbouring Afghanistan, or the daily carnage in Iraq, this is relative tranquillity. But it is troubling none the less, and it underlines a paradox: General Musharraf's regime is one of the foundations on which western policy in Afghanistan and in the battle against al-Qaida-linked terrorism rest - and yet Musharraf's success against extremists on his home patch has been limited, to put it mildly. There are parts of Pakistan that the regime does not control, and probably could never subjugate.
But alarm grew when "Talibanisation" from the frontier province surfaced in the heart of the capital, courtesy of the Red Mosque, early this year. Clerics from the mosque, two of whom claim links with Osama bin Laden, unleashed morality squads to threaten music shops and kidnap suspected prostitutes. For weeks, General Musharraf seemed reluctant to crack down on the mosque's activities, apparently fearing bloodshed - which in turn emboldened the militants. Under political pressure in recent days, he belatedly grasped the nettle, and surrounded the complex with troops. But it remains to be seen whether the siege will end quietly or in a Waco-style tragedy.
Critics of the general have often accused him of being soft on Islamist militants, and there is no doubt his regime has sometimes had murky dealings with them - in the struggle with India over Kashmir, for instance. Amid signs of western frustration over his performance, there are suggestions that Washington may be eyeing Benazir Bhutto, the former prime minister, as a possible replacement (though General Musharraf says he intends to secure another presidential term later this year).
Since coming to power, General Musharraf has had to juggle the demands of the west and the need to avoid unduly provoking the Islamist forces that threaten to overwhelm his government. Any successor would face the same dilemmas. Viewed from a comfortable distance, in Whitehall or Washington, the struggle against the militants can look more black-and-white than it is in reality - a point that the new foreign secretary, David Miliband, would be well-advised to keep in mind.
Since last Tuesday, following violent confrontations with Pakistan's army, up to 1800 clerics and students are still holed up in Islamabad's Red Mosque. Clashes began last week following mounting antagonism between the mosques hard-line leaders and the government lead by President Pervez Musharraf. 

The mosque has been accused of enforcing its own Islamic law in the capital, notably the illegal detention of Chinese foreign nationals working in massage parlors.

20 people have been reported killed over the past six days, which have seen multiple gun battles and demolition of the mosques exterior walls. Currently, there seems little chance of a negotiated resolution. A delegation of Islamic leaders were refused access, and the mosques leader Abdul Rashid Ghazi has declared suicide a favourable option to surrender.

The mosques leaders follow the Hanafi school of thought, believing that the Koran is the authority by which justice should be metered. Historically the mosque has had close links with the Pakistan leadership, and members of the current administration have resisted calls for a crackdown on the mosques provocative behaviour.

The stand-off represents a decisive ideological challenge to the president who is walking a fine-line between Islamic extremists at home and foreign pressure to crack-down on militancy in the lawless tribal regions.