Categories: Equitable Economy

Building an Equitable Tax Code: A Primer for Advocates

In recent years a national discussion has been underway about the causes and effects of growing inequality, but one cause that has received little attention is the role of the U.S. tax code. The individual tax code contains more than $1 trillion in tax subsidies known to policymakers and economists as tax expenditures because, like spending programs, they provide financial assistance to support specific activities or groups of people. Of these subsidies, more than half a trillion, $540 billion, support some form of savings or investment (e.g., higher education, retirement, homeownership).

In theory, tax code–based public subsidies should help all families save and invest, but instead, wealthier households receive most of the benefits. In fact, a recent analysis of the largest wealth- building tax subsidies found that the top 1 percent of households received more benefits from these tax code–based subsidies than the bottom 80 percent combined.

The new brief answers key questions about tax expenditures: What are they, how do they work, and who benefits? In addition, since the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) does not collect tax data by race, the primer uses data related to the distribution of benefits by income quintiles and the demographics of each quintile to provide a rough approximation of how different racial and ethnic groups do or do not benefit from the different categories of tax expenditures.


SQL Server Hardware Tuning and Performance Monitoring

Once we have tuned the SQL Server memory settings, it is a good idea to decide if you want SQL Server 7/2000 to tune the process memory automatically, or manually configure memory usage. For better performance, you can lock the amount of working set memory that SQL Server reserves. The trade-off here is that you may receive out of memory messages from other applications on the same server. If you do decide to fix the amount of working set memory, two configuration settings are necessary. First, equalize the MIN SERVER MEMORY and MAX SERVER MEMORY settings. Then turn on the SET WORKING SET SIZE configuration flag using sp_configure. MAX SERVER MEMORY should not exceed the RAM available for the server.

Due to the dynamic nature of the memory in SQL Server 7.0 and SQL server 2000, Microsoft removed support for one of the most useful tools available in SQL Server 6.5, DBCC MEMUSAGE. Now, to get this information, you have to monitor a variety of performance counters in the Buffer Manager object and the Cache Manager object since the information is no longer statically mapped in a table like sysconfigures.

While this handy tool is listed as unsupported and no longer returns the breakdown of memory usage, go ahead and try running it. You will see that this unsupported snapshot continues to return a top 20 list of buffered tables and indexes. When analyzing performance of an individual application in a test environment, it can be invaluable.

SQL Server Process Memory Tuning

Once you have gotten the overall OS and SQL server memory tuned, look further at the SQL Server memory usage. Four counters are desirable here:

  • Process: Working Set:sqlserver
  • SQL Server: Buffer Manager: Buffer Cache Hit Ratio
  • SQL Server: Buffer Manager: Free Buffers

The process: Working Set:sqlserver instance shows the amount of memory that SQL Server is using. If the number is consistently lower than the amount SQL Server is configured to use by the MIN SERVER MEMORY and MAX SERVER MEMORY options, then SQL Server is configured for too much memory. Otherwise, you may need to increase RAM and MAX SERVER MEMORY.

Buffer Cache Hit Ratio should be consistently greater than 90. This indicates that the data cache supplied 90 per cent of the requests for data. If this value is consistently low, it is a very good indicator that more memory is needed by SQL Server. If Available Bytes is low, this means that we need to add more RAM.

When Free Buffers is low, this means that there is not enough RAM to maintain a consistent amount of data cache. It too is indicative of a need for more memory.

If Total Server Memory for SQL Server is consistently higher than the overall server memory, it indicates that there is not enough RAM.

CPU Performance Monitoring

In CPU performance monitoring, we are going to be using several counters:

  • Processor: Percent Processor Time
  • Processor: Percent Privileged Time
  • Processor: Percent User Time
  • System: Percent Total Processor Time

Generally, CPU performance monitoring is straightforward. You need to start by monitoring Processor: Percent Processor Time. If you have more than one processor, you should monitor each instance of this counter and also monitor System: Percent Total Processor Time to determine the average for all processors.

Utilization rates consistently above 80-90 percent may indicate a poorly-tuned or designed application. On the other hand, if you have put all the other recommendations of this article into use, they may indicate a need for a more powerful CPU subsystem. In general, I would spend a little bit of time analyzing the applications before immediately going out and buying more processors. Spending this time experimenting, to discover CPU performance problems and correcting them through software improvements, will often keep you from just spending money on a more powerful CPU that only covers up poorly written software for little or no time.

If you do see high CPU utilization, you will then want to monitor Processor: Percent Privileged Time. This is the time spent performing kernel level operations, such as disk I/O. If his counter is consistently above 80-90 per cent and corresponds to high disk performance counters, you may have a disk bottleneck rather than a CPU bottleneck.

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Browse Dictionary by Letter

Dictionary Suite
age-old as old as the ages; ancient.
agglomerate to gather into a heap or mass. [4 definitions]
agglutinant causing or producing a gluing or sticking together; adhesive. [2 definitions]
agglutinate to fuse or unite, as by glue. [4 definitions]
agglutination the act or process of gluing or sticking together, or causing to do so. [2 definitions]
aggrandize to increase in size or scope; enlarge; extend. [2 definitions]
aggravate to make worse. [2 definitions]
aggravating (informal) causing great annoyance or frustration.
aggregate a sum, combination, or composite of separable elements. [6 definitions]
aggregation the act of collecting or being collected into a whole or mass. [2 definitions]
aggress to initiate an attack or quarrel; be the aggressor.
aggression unprovoked hostile action against a country by another's military forces. [3 definitions]
aggressive characterized by hostility in action. [2 definitions]
aggressor a person, group, animal, or nation that starts aggression against another.
aggrieve to distress or bring grief to; cause to suffer. [2 definitions]
aghast filled with terror or consternation; shocked.


This limited-edition photograph was  made the day after the earthquake in Tokyo by Rinko Kawauchi, one of the most noted Japanese photographers of her generation. She is known for her quiet aesthetic, offering viewers a glimpse of tender, fleeting moments that often go unnoticed. In this photograph Kawauchi captures the sun straining through a soot-filled sky. The resulting image is hauntingly beautiful, and a poignant illustration of the immediate aftermath of the earthquake.

Net profits from the sale of this print will be donated to the American Red Cross Japan Relief Fund.


This is not a list of ‘top 10’ or ‘must read’ books about Pakistan in the traditional sense.  Rather, it’s a collection of titles that present a wide range of perspectives about a country that has a complex past and, to put it mildly, a confusing present.  It covers topics that include everything from the history behind the creation of Pakistan, to the man who led the movement, to a critique of how our history is being presented today, to a glimpse into the future.

The Great Divide Britain–India–Pakistan; by H. V. Hodson

This book looks back at the final days of the Raj (British rule) up to the creation of Pakistan.  The author discusses in great detail the events that led to the partition, how the power was transferred to the two nations and the aftermath of this history-altering event.

Although most historical accounts assert that the “two-nation theory” was the basis of the creation of Pakistan, there are opposing arguments as well.  In her book, Ayesha Jalal refutes the conventional explanation about the creation of Pakistan.  She shows how Muhammad Ali Jinnah negotiated with the British government and used the religion aspect as a strategic tool to protect the interests of the Muslims in India.

Jinnah: Creator of Pakistan, by Hector Bolitho

This is the first authoritative biography of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, which remained the only significant work for thirty years.  In this book, Bolitho interviewed numerous contemporaries and colleagues of Mr. Jinnah and weaved this insight with the political and personal life of this great leader.

Jinnah of Pakistan, by Stanley Wolpert

Coming 30 years after Hector Bolitho’s ‘Jinnah: the Creator of Pakistan‘, this book takes a different approach.  Up until this point, Jinnah’s depiction was quite misrepresented in most of the written works.  Stanley Wolpert presents a balanced and objective view of this towering figure of the modern world politics.

The primary characters involved in the partition of India include: Jinnah, Gandhi, Nehru and Lord Mountbatten.  Among these four leaders, Jinnah has received a less than fair portrayal of his character, strategy and achievement.  This influential study by Akbar S. Ahmed, counters the prevailing narratives and presents a more balanced and well-rounded picture.

Pakistan: A Modern History, by Ian Talbot

The populist view of Pakistan in the west is fairly stereotypical with fundamentalism, violence and absence of true democracy as the central themes.  Ian Talbot presents a more refined understanding of Pakistan while breaking down the prevalent stereotypes. He argues that Pakistan is a complex region and is going through change and showing resilience against repeated dictatorial regimes and economic hardship.

The Idea of Pakistan, by Stephen P. Cohen

We constantly hear how Pakistan is a failed state, which is about to collapse.  This book counters this popular argument and presents an alternate view point.  The author touches upon various facets including foreign policy, the role of army, the role of Islam, economy, etc.  Stephen Cohen also presents some possible scenarios about the future of Pakistan.

The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History Edited by Ayesha Jalal

Students of Pakistani history will find this work to be of great value as it encompasses objective information about a vast array of topics related to Pakistan.  It begins with the pre-partition period and moves on to include the people, culture, architecture, economics, art, education and several other related subjects.

What we have come to know as the history of Pakistan, is it really like it is told? In this seminal work, K.K. Aziz keenly analyzed the history books used in our educational institutions.  He highlights the historical inaccuracies in our text books and discussed its impact on the minds of the students.

The prevalent discourse about Pakistan is fairly similar across the board, the primary themes of which are failed state, fundamentalism and a gloomy future.  But this collection of papers from various acclaimed authors tells otherwise based on research from multiple angles.

Do you see any substantial books missing from my “list”? I’m sure there are and I am counting on you to name a few.  Please share your picks with us.

(Image Courtesy: Brenda Starr)


Views and Comments No. 32 (November 1958)

The No. 32 (November 1958) issue of Views and Comments, an anarcho-syndicalist leaning publication produced out of New York by the Libertarian League from 1955 until 1966.

A history of Dutch fascism and the militant anti-fascist response - Job Polak

World War II Dutch resistance fighters

A radical history of the struggle against fascism in Holland since the early 20th century, written by member of the Dutch section of Anti-Fascist Action.

Fontamara: Ignazio Silone

Fontamara estas la nomo de fikcia vilaĝo en Abruco kaj scenejo de romano de la itala verkisto Ignazio Silone.
La romano estas pri vivo en malriĉa kamparo, sube la Faŝista registaro de Mussolini.

Theory and action in Marxist doctrine - Amadeo Bordiga

In this article from 1951, Amadeo Bordiga presents a master-summary of various bourgeois ideologies and their underlying social dynamics, before outlining the Marxist conception of party, praxis, and the Marxist approach to the unions.

Anti-fascism: formula for confusion - Bilan (1934)

Sabate: guerrilla extraordinary - Antonio Tellez

Sabate cover illustration by Clifford Harper

Duonhoron kun Eriko Malatesto

Intervjuo de Eriko Malatesto en Italio pri loĝas suben la faŝisto reĝimo .

A pit occupied by Nazi troops


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The study, to be published in the October edition of Oxford University's neurology journal Brain, found that those who took music lessons showed more changes in brain responses.

Even when parents hear only what sounds like random notes or nonsense, it's likely their children are developing their brains in ways that could enhance their overall thinking, said professor Laurel Trainor, who led the study with Takako Fujioka, a scientist at the Rotman Research Institute in Toronto.

"There are probably really fundamental things going on in the brain as those kids are learning over that first year, so even though they appear on the surface to maybe only play a few pieces, very simple pieces, it's probably setting up networks in their brain," Trainor said.

Music training could lead to improvements in literacy, verbal memory, visiospatial processing, mathematics and IQ, she added.

The study found particular changes in the attentional systems of children who took music lessons, which affected their ability to pay attention to important things around them.

"A child with a superior attentional system will be able to apply that in different domains, so they'll be able to focus in on what's important in a verbal learning task, they'll be able to concentrate when figuring out a mathematical problem," Trainor said.

"So you can imagine how a superior attentional system would have wide-ranging consequences across many domains."

Trainor said the study represents the first time researchers have identified the benefits of music lessons for preschool children.

Value of music education

Previous studies compared the impact of music classes and drama classes in older children and found kids who learned an instrument had better improvements in IQ scores.

"I think our study and other studies show that music has benefitsâ¦ for cognitive processing and cognitive development," she said.

"We would hope that when decisions have to be made, music would be considered a core part of the preschool and school curriculum."

Many studies have shown the value of music education and many parents want it for their children, said Ingrid Whyte, executive director of the Coalition for Music Education in Canada.

"There's this tremendous emphasis on math and English and science, and those are wonderful and important things, but here's a study proving, yet again, that music education does help develop the brain," Whyte said.

"There's also a whole range of other skills that are being developed in terms of social skills and creativity, and a sense of belonging and community and collaboration with one another."


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Debt-for-nature swaps: a decade of experience and new directions for the future

J.P. Resor

James P. Resor is Director, Conservation Enterprises, World Wildlife Fund-United States.

This article discusses the experience of debt-for-nature swaps, their achievements, some current limitations and how they have led to other creative conservation financing strategies such as conservation trust funds.

A view of the El Nido Marine Sanctuary, established as part of a debt-for-nature swap on Palawan Island in the Philippines

In 1984, World Wildlife Fund [now the World Wide Fund for Nature] (WWF) initiated the debt-for-nature swap as a mechanism for enhancing conservation efforts in developing countries. The idea arose from the observation that much of the world's biological diversity is harboured in the same countries that face the greatest financial strain from foreign debt burdens. Debt-for-nature swaps leverage funds for use in local conservation efforts, based on the model of debt-equity swaps - in which private sector interests buy discounted debt and exchange it for local currency investments in the indebted country. While debt-for-equity swaps did provide the initial outline for the financial mechanism, debt-for-nature swaps have a very different purpose. A debt-for-equity swap is used to generate profits for the investor. A debt-for-nature swap does not seek profit, but rather to provide additional funds for conservation activities within a country. The debt-for-nature swap differs in that there is no transfer of ownership or repatriation of capital to a foreign investor.

In 1987, the Government of Bolivia and Conservation International (CI) signed the first debt-for-nature swap agreement. Under that agreement, CI was able to acquire US$ 650000 of Bolivian external debt at a discounted price of $100000. In return, the Government of Bolivia undertook to provide the Beni Biosphere Reserve with maximum legal protection and to create three adjacent protected areas. It also agreed to provide $250000 in local currency for management activities in the Beni Reserve. However, the swap raised a lot of controversy and encountered delays before implementation owing to a combination of factors: a lack of open participation by 1 organizations in Bolivia; some misperceptions of the swap agreement, fuelled by misleading press reports; and the newness of the debt-for-nature swap concept (FAO, 1993; Conservation International, 1989). In the long teen, however, the controversy of the Bolivian swap had the beneficial- results of attracting much needed attention to conservation challenges and helping debt-for-nature swaps take root as a creative tool for financing conservation.

The debt swap mechanism came to be viewed as a clever way to multiply contributions to conservation in developing countries. Donors conservation organizations liked it, since they saw a way to increase funding for badly needed conservation efforts in these countries. Many developing country governments embraced it as a tool to help manage their foreign debt situation as well as promoting selected conservation and development programmers in their countries. And, from a publicity standpoint, the idea of swapping debt for nature sold well.

Debt-for-nature swaps in the Philippines

In 1988, WWF purchased an initial $390000 of Philippine debt at a discounted cost of $200000 (51 percent of face value). This debt was then redeemed by the Central Bank of the Philippines for the equivalent of the full face value of $390000 in Philippine pesos over a two-year period, In other words, the Central Bank no longer owed $390000 in dollars to the commercial banks, but instead it agreed to pay the peso equivalent to support designated conservation projects. This arrangement enabled the Central Bank to keep money in the country to help stimulate investment, rather than send it out as debt repayment. This reduced pressure on the Bank's scarce stock of hard currency. The advantages of the swap from a conservation perspective are also clear. Haribon Foundation, an environmental organization in the Philippines, used the funds from the debt swap for a variety of conservation actions, ranging from enhanced management support for national parks to training programmes for national conservation professionals.

Debt-for-nature swaps - how they work

A debt-for-nature swap involves purchasing foreign debt, converting that debt into local currency and using the proceeds to fund conservation activities. The key to the transaction lies in the willingness of commercial banks (or governments) to sell debt at less than the full value of the original loan. This seems counterintuitive: why would any lending institution holding a promissory note for US$ 1 million, for instance, be willing to part with it for just half that amount? The answer lies in the hard economic fact that many developing countries have not been able to repay their debts in full, and may never be able to do so. As a result, commercial banks may prefer to sell debts at a discount rather than wait for an uncertain repayment in the future.

While no two debt-for-nature swaps are the same, they usually include the following steps:

1. An indebted country establishes general guidelines for a debt-for-nature programme and invites participation from conservation organizations.

2. An international conservation organization and local private and public organizations reach agreement on a conservation programme.

3. The participating conservation organizations verify that sufficient funding will exist for the debt purchase or that debt donations or partial forgiveness may be possible.

4. The partners request government approval for the swap, usually from the central bank and the Ministry of Finance, and often from the government ministry that has jurisdiction over the relevant sector where the proceeds will be used.

5. Specific terms of the swap are negotiated, including the exchange rate from foreign currency to local currency, the redemption rate and the local investment instrument. The purchase price depends on the secondary market price of the debt, which is determined by the market's view of the credit history and repayment expectations for the particular country. The amount of conservation funds generated depends on the redemption rate, which is the percentage of the face value debt that is redeemed in local currency. The redemption rate is sometimes 100 percent of the face value debt, but it is often less depending on negotiations among the parties involved. The redemption rate must exceed the purchase price of the debt by a large enough margin to make the transaction worth while.

6. The debt is acquired and is presented to the central bank of the indebted country which cancels the debt and provides funds in local currency, either in the form of cash or bonds.

7. The conservation projects are implemented over the life of the agreed programme.

The Cuyabeno Ecological Reserve In Ecuador

Debt for development

To date, a total of approximately $180 million in foreign commercial debt has been acquired at a total cost of $47 million (i.e. 26 percent of face value), generating more than the equivalent of $ 130 million in funds for conservation. If one includes swaps in other social sectors (e.g. health, education), more than $500 million of debt-for-development swaps had been executed by 1995. In fact, between 1989 and 1995, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) alone acquired $ 189 million of debt at an average purchase price of 12 percent and generated $44 million (average redemption of 23.3 percent) of funding for child development programmes in eight countries. The acquisition cost of the debt was very low on average, since $127 million of the debt were for swaps in the Sudan and Zambia, where debt prices were very low - about 2 and 11 percent, respectively.

In addition, swaps involving commercial debt spearheaded by NGOs have led to a second generation of debt swaps where government-to-government debts have been restructured to reduce financial transfers out of developing countries and provide funding for conservation and other social sectors. For example, the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative (EAI), which involved the partial forgiveness of debts owed by Latin American governments to the United States Government, forgave 53.8 percent of the original $ 1626.3 million for seven Latin American countries during the 1991-1993 period. As a result, approximately $ 154 million in funding will be generated for conservation and child survival programmes over the next ten years.

These amounts represent only a small portion of outstanding developing country debt, which exceeds $1 trillion, but significant gains in conservation and other social programmes have resulted. Debt-for-nature swaps have also influenced the way that conservation organizations, donors and governments in developed and developing countries approach the topic of financing conservation.

While considerable attention initially focused on the unusual nature of the swap process, it is only a means rather than an end in itself. The ultimate success of debt-for-nature swaps depends on the viability of the programmes financed, and on the strength of the organizations and communities implementing the programmes and managing the swap proceeds.

A mountain gorrilla In Uganda's Bwindi Impenetrable Forest National Park

One of the most important successes of debt-for-nature swaps has been their ability to influence conservation over the long term. Swaps provide a long-term source of funding which facilitates the implementation of conservation programmes with long time horizons.

For example, two separate swaps, carried out in Ecuador by Fundación Natura (an Ecuadorian NGO), WWF and The Nature Conservancy (a United States-based environmental organization), in 1987 and 1989 funded a $10 million programme. The Central Bank of Ecuador is paying out swap proceeds to Fundación Natura over nine years with a percentage each year being placed into an endowment fund which will exist in perpetuity (Gibson and Curtis, 1990). In turn, Fundación Natura is working with the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (responsible for National Parks) and numerous NGOs in Ecuador to carry out a variety of conservation programmes. Thus, the $10 million debt swap programme has already generated more than $10 million in local currency for conservation in Ecuador and will continue to generate funding for years to come.

However, challenges and limitations remain: organizational capacity and strategic planning on the part of conservation organizations were initially inadequate and have proved difficult to institutionalize, despite the advantages of having long-term funding in place. These challenges are further complicated when political and economic landscapes are unsteady to the point where swaps, which have substantial transaction costs and long-term payouts, are not justified. This partially explains why many countries, despite having very highly discounted debt, have not had correspondingly robust debt swap programmes.

The case of Zambia illustrates some of these issues, but it also demonstrates how they can be satisfactorily addressed. In 1989, WWF executed a $2.2 million swap in Zambia. On the surface, this swap appeared very successful since the debt was purchased at a cost of only 20 percent. However, owing to poor planning and the rapid devaluation of the Zambian kwacha, WWF was forced to spend the local currency proceeds of the swap in less than one year. This greatly undermined the intended conservation impact of the swap.

By contrast, after lengthy negotiations, in 1993 the Government of Zambia established a debt conversion programme which permitted an orderly conversion of external debt by many NGOs. In this programme, funded by a World Bank IDA debt buyback and facilitated by the Debt-for-Development Coalition (a non-profit institution that executed debt-for-nature swaps on behalf of single NGOs), NGOs purchased Zambian debt at 11 percent and received a dollar-denominated note worth 16.5 percent.

While the multiplier was only 1.5 (16.5/11.0), the programme was well-structured to permit NGOs to finance development activities in Zambia with a high degree of certainty and reliability, which significantly improved the development impact of the swaps.

Strengthening the capacity of the local conservation organizations to plan and manage funds effectively is as essential to the success of the conservation initiative as the funds are. In the early swaps, WWF and other organizations did not include sufficient investment and technical assistance to meet these organizational challenges in the original design and budgeting of the programme.

Beyond debt-fop-nature swaps

Encouraged by the success of the 1988 debt-for-nature agreement in the Philippines and the projects financed under it, beginning in 1990 leaders of the Philippine NGO community, the Philippine Government, WWF and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) began planning for a much larger swap to capitalize a major new institution, the Foundation for the Philippine Environment (FPE). The strategy was to capitalize FPE with an endowment fund and thus permit FPE to set its own direction and finance conservation efforts for decades to come. As a result of two large swaps - $9.8 million in 1992 and $19 million in 1993 FPE has an endowment of 640 million pesos (about US$ 26 million), making it the largest capitalized environmental NGO in the developing world. FPE has a Board of Trustees comprising representatives of Philippine development and conservation organizations, government representatives, the business community, academia and one international NGO (initially WWF and now the World Resources Institute). FPE is currently financing a wide variety of conservation and development projects throughout the Philippines.

As the experience in the Philippines suggests, debt swaps have been the starting point for the development of a number of new approaches for long-term financing of conservation and have also benefited other social sectors.

Conservation trust funds

In March 1991, WWF, the Royal Government of Bhutan and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) established the first hard currency trust fund for conservation. Currently, the Bhutan trust fund has a $20 million endowment with contributions from the Global Environment Facility (GEF), WWF and the Governments of the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland. While Bhutan did not have a foreign debt problem (and thus a debt swap was not possible), the impetus for the trust fund still came from WWF's past experiences with debt swaps, since the Bhutanese were very interested in establishing long-term capacity for conservation that was not possible under conventional short-term arrangements.

The Bhutan trust fund has been the precursor for trust funds in many other countries, with varied institutional arrangements reflecting the uniqueness of each country, the sources of funding and the respective conservation objectives. For example, ECOFONDO a conservation trust fund in Colombia was largely capitalized through government-to-government debt swaps between Colombia and the United States and also swaps between Colombia and Canada. ECOFONDO has a national agenda and has formed 12 regional committees to handle the different needs and priorities throughout the country (Gibson and Schrenk, 1992; WWF, 1996)

The Mgahinga-Bwindi Impenetrable Conservation Trust in Uganda received a $4.4 million capital infusion from the GEF. Its conservation objectives are targeted specifically to village-level conservation and development activities in and around Mgahinga and Bwindi National Parks, which harbour remarkable biological diversity including a majority of the world's remaining mountain gorillas (World Bank, 1995b).

The Belize Protected Areas Conservation Trust (PACT) offers an important difference from debt swaps and trust funds preceding it in that PACT is to be funded largely by domestically generated funds rather than by external donations. PACT, established in June 1996, raises revenues on an ongoing basis from "conservation fees" and earmarked taxes collected from tourists and other natural resource "users" (Spergel, 1996). Table 2 summarizes the salient features of these three trusts in order to illustrate the range of issues that have been considered in their respective formations.

TABLE 1. Profiles of five debt-for-nature swaps

Cost (US$)

Face value of debt (US$)

Conservation funds generated (US$)

Payout in years

Fundación Natura

Fundación Natura

Haribon Foundation

Foundation for the Philippine Environment

Foundation for the Philippine Environment

1 Endowment means that debt swap proceeds are continually reinvested so that the principal is not used and only annual investment income is used for conservation projects.

Where do we go from here?

Debt-for-nature swaps have made important contributions to conservation. They have done this directly, for example in the Philippines and Ecuador where they have generated substantial funding for conservation and helped catalyse new institutions, and indirectly by providing lessons for conservation bust funds and other institutional reforms that can foster participation from diverse sets of stakeholders ranging from national monetary officials to grassroots community organizations.

However, debt swaps and conservation trusts funds have limitations, as they are largely dependent on donor grants. In the case of debt swaps, the financial multiplier enhanced donor interest in debt swaps, but several factors have eroded the potential for such multipliers and generally have decreased opportunities for debt swaps in the late 1990s and beyond. Some countries, for example the Philippines and Mexico, have undergone structural adjustment, including restructuring of their external debt, and thus the premium associated with debt conversions has decreased substantially as their own debt situation has improved. This is particularly true in the Philippines, where not only did debt prices increase (from mid-40s in 1988 to the high 60s in 1993) but the redemption price offered by the government decreased sharply from 100 percent to about 10 percent above the debt price, as determined by a competitive auction. For other countries, even when debt prices remain very low, the lack of local private conservation and development organizations will remain a limiting factor.

TABLE 2. Profiles of three conservation trust funds

Protected Areas Conservation Trust

Mgahinga-Bwindi impenetrable Forest Conservation Trust

Value of the fund

US$ 18000000

US$ 500000 per year estimated

US$ 4400000

Principal sources of funding

Debt swaps by USAID and the Canadian International Development Agency. Grants from local and international NGOs and Colombian Government for establishment

US$ 3.75 tee per foreign tourist, other 'user" fees

Fund capitalized by GEF grant. Administrative costs for first two years funded by USAID

Principal sources of technical assistance in designing the fund

Colombian Government, local NGOs, TNC, WWF

WWF. USAID, Colorado State University

World Bank/GEF, Ugandan Government, Makerere University, WWF

Representatives on the fund's board of directors

7 voting members:
- 5 from Colombian NGOs
- 2 from Colombian Government
USAID and CIDA have separate accounts over which they retain some authority

7 voting members:
- 3 from Belizean Government
- 3 from NGOs, tourism industry and village councils
- 1 at large 2 non-voting members

9 voting members:
- 2 from Ugandan Government
- 1 Ugandan conservation NGO
- 3 from local communities
- 1 research institution
- 1 from tourism industry 1 international NGO

Institutional mechanisms to increase grassroots participation in fund governance

General Assembly composed of 297 NGOs and 27 governmental organizations, meets once a year to approve the annual budget and set broad policies; there are also 12 regional councils

NGO and Village Council representation

Local Community Steering Committee and county organization screen community project proposals and make small grants

Legal structure

Private non-profit corporation established under Colombian law

Trust established by act of parliament

Private trust established under Ugandan law

Investment policy

Fund's capital is invested locally by private Colombian investment firms

Fund's capital will be invested in local currency bank deposits and any foreign currency can be invested internationally

Fund's capital is invested internationally by a United Kingdom investment firm

Principal grant beneficiaries

Environmental and development NGOs

Conservation and development organizations, local community groups

Local communities (60%) research (20%) national parks (20%)

Sources: ECOFONDO 1995 Annual Report: Spergel (1996).

While there was a surge of government-to-government debt swaps in the early 1990s often with local proceeds being at least partially managed by local NGOs - these kinds of swaps also face constraints since they ultimately rely on foreign assistance budget allocations from developed countries at a time when foreign assistance and national budgets are contracting.

Given the success of debt swaps involving commercial debt and government-to-government debt, there has been much debate over the potential of conversions involving multilateral development bank (MDB) debt. This is particularly relevant for most of the highly indebted countries for whom MDB debt stock and servicing flows represent a major portion of their foreign debt. Despite a 1995 World Bank working paper arguing that MDB debt should be restructured along the lines that commercial debt and bilateral debt have been restructured, this portion of the debt pie has remained off limits (World Bank, 1995a). However, this offers the most significant opportunity for the next generation of debt conversions.

With debt swaps, the international community has successfully modified the debt-for-nature concept from its inception in 1984 through the mid- 1990s to keep it fresh and innovative and thus an effective means for financing conservation. While debt swaps will continue to offer good opportunities on a case-by-case basis, we have reached a point of diminishing potential except perhaps until there is a major breakthrough on MDB debt. The pace and amount of debt swaps will decrease. Thus, it is necessary to look for new ways to generate more sustained funding for conservation.

The Belize PACT, which derives its funding from a $3.75 "conservation fee" paid by each of the estimated 140000 tourists visiting Belize annually, is a step in this direction. Other possibilities for generating conservation funding from natural resource "user fees" include charging fees for timber extraction and fishing as a logical extension of the Belize PACT model, although it is to be expected that industry participants may resist initially. Several organizations, including WWF, are already pursuing this avenue to generate more funding for conservation as well as encouraging more environmentally sustainable patterns of resource use altogether.

The next challenge is to mobilize long-term financing for conservation on a commercial basis, i.e. where investors can realize an economic return and still promote conservation. This could accelerate the adoption of environmentally sustainable development to replace resource liquidation practices that are common (and often preferred by financial markets) in many places. Conservationists need to engage the private sector on terms favourable for the environment - along the same lines as those followed by debt swaps over the past ten years to encourage investments that are good for conservation and the people who depend on those natural resources.

Community-based timber processing in the Kikori River Basin, Papua New Guinea

In the Kikori River Basin of Papua New Guinea, WWF is facilitating an ambitious partnership among local landowners, private investors and a timber company which specializes in environmentally certified timber. The goal is to establish an environmentally sustainable and economically viable forestry operation. It is anticipated that this joint venture, which will adhere to independent environmental certification, can demonstrate the mutual economic benefits to be derived from collaboration and simultaneously secure conservation objectives for future generations (Henry and Price, 1996).

Debt-for-nature swaps have ushered in a new way of thinking about conservation and also initiated opportunities to involve institutions not previously engaged in conservation efforts. Proponents have successfully found new opportunities and tailored the mechanism to the particular national circumstances. Now there are emerging examples of harnessing similar creativity and strategic partnerships in order to tackle the greater challenge of attracting more private investment on terms that balance economic returns with conservation objectives over the long term.

Asiedu-Akrofi, D. 1991. Debt-for-nature swaps: extending the frontiers of innovative financing in support of the global environment. Int. Lawyer, 25(3): 557-586.

Chamberlin, M., Gruson, M. & Weltchek, P. 1988. Sovereign debt exchanges. University of Illinois Law Review, No. 2.

Conservation International. 1989. The debt-for-nature exchange: a tool for international conservation. Washington, DC.

FAO. 1993. Debt-for-nature swaps to promote natural resource conservation. Conservation Guide No. 23. Rome.

Gibson, E.J. & Curtis, R.K. 1990. A debt-for-nature blueprint. Columbia Journal of Transnational Law, 28(2).

Gibson, E.J. & Schrenk, W.J. 1992. The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative: a second generation of debt-for-nature exchanges with an overview of other recent exchange initiatives. Washington, DC, George Washington University Press.

Henry, D. & Price, J. 1996. Integrating conservation and development in Papua New Guinea. A Chevron/World Wildlife Fund case study. Washington, DC, WWF.

Lovejoy, T.E. 1984. Aid debtor nations ecology. The New York Times, 4 October 1984 (A31).

Mukherjee, M. 1992. How can debt swaps be used for development? World Bank Working Paper WP5895. Washington, DC, World Bank.

Resor, J. 1993. Bulgaria: debt-for-nature swaps potential and opportunity. Project No. PD9105-05. Washington, DC, Biological Diversity Support Programme.

Sher, M.S. 1993. Can lawyers save the rainforest? Enforcing the second generation of debt-for-nature swaps. The Harvard Environmental Law Review, 17(1).

Spergel, B. 1995. Trust funds for conservation. Washington, DC, WWF.

Spergel, B. 1996. Belize's protected areas conservation truer: a case study. Washington, DC, WWF.

World Bank. 1995a. The multilateral debt facility for heavily indebted poor countries. Washington, DC.

World Bank. 1995b. Uganda: Bwindi Impenetrable National Park and Mgahinga Gorilla National Park conservation. Project Document. Washington, DC.

WWF. 1996. The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative: Supporting tile environment and child survival in Latin America and the Caribbean. Washington, DC.

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ingredient information
Zincum Gluconicum
Zinc gluconate (also calledÂ zincum gluconicum) is the zinc salt of gluconic acid. It is an ionic compound consisting of two moles of gluconate for each mole of zinc. Zinc gluconate is a popular form for the delivery of zinc as a dietary supplement. Effect of zincum gluconicum nasal gel on the duration and symptom severity of the common cold in otherwise healthy adults. BACKGROUND: Previous studies suggest that zinc salts may be effective in treating the common cold. Since rhinovirus infections occur primarily in the nasal cavity, an attempt to arrest the infection at the portal of entry seems logical. AIM: To assess the ability of zinc nasal gel to shorten the duration and reduce the severity of the common cold in healthy adults. STUDY DESIGN: Randomized, double blind, placebo-controlled study. METHODS: Of 1087 patients screened by telephone, 80 patients were enrolled, all presenting within 24-48 h of the onset of illness. They received one dose per nostril of a nasal gel spray containing either 33 mmol/l zincum gluconicum, or an identical placebo four times daily until their symptoms resolved, for a maximum of 10 days. RESULTS: Median duration of cold symptoms in the zinc group was significantly shorter than in the placebo group (median [IQR] 4.3 days [2.5-5.5] vs. 6 days [5-8.5], p=0.002). Nasal drainage, nasal congestion, hoarseness, and sore throat were the symptoms most affected. Significant reduction of total symptom scores started from the second day of the study. Adverse effects (mainly nasal stinging) were similar in both groups. DISCUSSION: Zincum gluconicum nasal gel shortens duration and reduces symptom severity of the common cold in healthy adults, when started within 24-48 h of the onset of illness. PMID: 12509647 [PubMed - indexed for MEDLINE] Source:


Golf - Oosthuizen reels in Jamieson to win in Durban

World number six Louis Oosthuizen fired a six-under-par 66 to overhaul third-round leader Scott Jamieson and clinch the Volvo Golf Champions by one shot at the Durban Country Club, a victory that will move him to fourth in the rankings.

Golf - New Year joy continues for Oosthuizen with Volvo win

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South African Louis Oosthuizen poses with his trophy after winning the Volvo Golf Champions at the Durban Country Club

Jamieson had held a five-stroke advantage after 54 holes but seven birdies from 2010 Open champion Oosthuizen gave him a sixth European Tour win on 16-under 272 ahead of Briton Jamieson (72), who nearly holed a chip at the 18th to force a play-off.

Thailand's Thongchai Jaidee (68) sealed third place a shot further back while triple Major winner Padraig Harrington (68) finished fourth on 12-under.

Oosthuizen, who yesterday surrendered the lead as he struggled to a 74, birdied two of the first three holes to put the pressure on Jamieson.

Birdies at the 10th and 11th holes propelled him into the lead, and despite bogeying the par-four 16th after finding the greenside bunker, Oosthuizen's two-putt pars at the 17th and 18th holes were enough to clinch victory.

"I played the complete opposite of what I did yesterday," the 30-year-old, who will move to a career-high fourth place in the rankings released on Monday, said.

Oosthuizen, who has now recorded a win in the last three seasons in his native South Africa, said his ambition was to climb even higher in the rankings although world number one Rory McIlroy was a little far off.

"Top spot is a tough one. I think Rory (McIlroy) is far ahead, so if I can somehow get myself to number two then I can work on trying to get to number one," he said.

Scot Jamieson, who won his maiden European Tour title at the inaugural Nelson Mandela Championship in Durban five weeks ago, nearly forced a play-off when his eagle chip at the short par-four 18th finished inches from the cup.

"I almost had a grand-stand finish at the end there," the world number 100 said after a frustrating day where he managed just three birdies, a double-bogey on the front nine proving costly.

"I just couldn't make any birdies after doubling the fifth. That was just a bit of a kick in the teeth. I had a ton of chances and just couldn't take them."

Following his play-off triumph in December at the rain-shortened 36-hole event, Jamieson said he found it more difficult this time around with a significant advantage going into the final round.

"It's a completely different mindset, but you try and make it as similar as possible. But it's a lot easier to get yourself up for it when you're trying to chase somebody," said the 29-year-old.

"If you have a healthy advantage it's difficult to raise yourself to think that you need to make birdie - because you don't necessarily do," added the European Tour Race to Dubai money leader before paying tribute to Oosthuizen.

"Louis is a great player, and a major champion, so there's no shame in losing to him. I gave it my all - it just wasn't to be today."

Four-times major winner Ernie Els finished with a two-under 70 to end on seven-under 281, a shot ahead of fellow South African and twice US Open champion Retief Goosen (70) who was making his comeback after a five-month injury lay-off.

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In two separate studies, video-based tests of situational judgment were developed and validated against measures of performance for hourly service workers. In the first study, 684 employees were used to develop a test of retail associate judgment and 787 newly hired employees were used to cross-validate the instrument. In the second study, 412 current employees were used to develop a test of nursing home caregiver judgment and 148 newly hired caregivers were used to cross-validate this video-based test. In both studies, responses to video-based situational vignettes were empirically keyed against supervisory ratings of performance. The resulting keys produced uncorrected cross-validities in the low .20s. The video-based test scores were also found to be related to measures of cognitive ability and, to a lesser extent, experience. These results suggest that cognitive ability and possibly experience account for some but not all of the predictiveness of video-based situational tests. Video-based situational tests demonstrated score differences between Whites and non-Whites of roughly one-half a standard deviation, indicating that the use of such tests could produce adverse impact against non-Whites. In the second study, customer preferences regarding desired behavior were also used to develop a rational scoring key. This customer driven key was significantly related to performance (r= .33) in the cross-validation sample, demonstrating that customers' preferences can provide the basis for developing valid predictors. Potential benefits of video-based situational tests in selection and directions for future research are discussed.


Psychological science, conservation, and environmental sustainability

Because environmental degradation has the potential to negatively affect mental and social well-being, environmental sustainability is highly relevant to psychologists, who have a tradition of interventions designed to change behavior. Although many psychologists are already using psychological knowledge and tools to protect environmental resources, their efforts are neither widely known nor extensively utilized in applied conservation settings. Here, we describe some barriers to effective conservation interventions adopted by psychologists and conservation professionals alike, and provide suggestions to both disciplines for more productive engagement. We also present an illustrative example of psychological science applied to promote environmental conservation in a zoological park setting. Our aim is to raise awareness of the possibilities for such collaboration and to urge conservation professionals and psychologists to work together in order to proactively address pressing environmental challenges.

Rising temperatures, vanishing forests, and diminishing biodiversity threaten ecosystems and are all linked to human activity. Addressing such phenomena will therefore require attention to human behavior, its causes, and possible means of changing it (Schultz 2011). These environmental challenges arise, at least in part, from anthropogenic causes, and they also threaten human health and well-being. Communities may be uprooted as the natural resources on which they depend become contaminated or depleted; social and political conflicts may develop over access to diminishing resources; and individuals may experience increased depression, stress, and anxiety as a direct or indirect response to these environmental changes (Doherty and Clayton 2011). Because of both the causal influence of humans on environmental degradation and the potentially harmful effects that such degradation can have on humans, we argue that psychological science must be involved in environmental protection.

In a nutshell:

  • Protecting natural resources requires changing human behavior

  • Attempts to change behavior should take into account the potential for substantial positive impact on the environment and the plasticity of the behavior

  • Influences on behavior are not always obvious or intuitive, and interventions that do not incorporate relevant psychological science may be unsuccessful as a result of inaccurate assumptions

  • Collaborations can help both psychologists and ecologists meet their professional goals

Policies to promote resource conservation and ecosystem protection can be more effective if informed by psychological research. Psychologists have already been working in this area, but much of the research is insufficiently mindful of the practical context for conservation. Meanwhile, conservation initiatives have sometimes ignored important psychological principles. Here, we offer suggestions to encourage effective involvement by psychologists, review basic principles of human behavior and behavior change, and discuss certain misperceptions that may thwart effective communication about conservation. To illustrate the potential for collaboration, we describe one conservation project in detail and close by emphasizing the importance of working together to achieve conservation aims.

Psychologists and environmental conservation

Psychologists have been working for decades to discourage environmentally destructive behaviors such as wasteful consumption of natural resources and to promote environmentally beneficial behaviors such as the use of mass transit. A typical approach includes an evaluation of the behavior and its social and physical context, an intervention that targets direct antecedents and/or consequences of the behavior, and an assessment of the intervention's impact. Numerous studies have demonstrated the effectiveness of these approaches (see reviews by Lehman and Geller 2004; Abrahamse et al. 2007; Steg and Vlek 2009; Osbaldiston and Schott 2012).

To a large degree, however, effective interventions for environmental protection have not “escaped” from the pages of scholarly journals to make substantial contributions toward solving sustainability problems. Research with limited applicability, limited external validity, or limited availability to practitioners will have limited impact. As a countermeasure, we suggest 11 specific ways to address these issues (Panel 1).

Panel 1. Principles for effective application of psychological science in conservation and sustainability

Points 1–3 relate to the type of behavior that is targeted for change. Points 4 and 5 highlight selected influences on behavior, whereas Point 6 emphasizes the importance of communicating findings to non-psychologists. Points 7–9 describe meaningful ways to work with others. Point 10 underscores that human behavior is subject to empirical analysis, and behavioral-change attempts should be assessed. Finally, Point 11 centers on the need to foster interdisciplinary collaborations.

  1. Target conservation behaviors with potential for the greatest sustainability impact.

  2. If possible, target efficiency behaviors (one-time choices, like buying an efficient car) over curtailment behaviors (behaviors that must be repeated, such as taking shorter showers).

  3. For maximum impact, target organizations rather than individuals.

  4. Examine the external context for barriers and for rewards and punishments associated with particular behaviors, whether intentional or unintentional.

  5. Incorporate intrinsic reinforcement: that is, rely on the self-motivational advantages of perceived choice, competence, and community rather than trying to manipulate behavior solely through external rewards such as money or things with economic value.

  6. Teach relevant principles of behavioral science to people in a position to make changes.

  7. Work with architects and engineers to develop and test simple design modifications.

  8. Work with policy makers and professionals to construct intervention programs designed to change behavior.

  9. Engage local and indigenous staff as agents to carry out the interventions.

  10. Collect, review, and report behavioral data to assess impact.

  11. Address the challenge of dissemination by: (a) developing an interdisciplinary support network of researchers, practitioners, corporate leaders, community volunteers, and government personnel concerned with sustainability; (b) exchanging jargon-free, practical information with policy makers and grass-roots organizations; (c) documenting research findings in publications (including periodicals and newsletters) that reach potential change agents; (d) using the news media to promote cost-effective interventions; and (e) gaining support from the private sector.

Choosing appropriate behaviors

When considering how to promote behavior change, the behavioral target must be carefully chosen. In studies of behavior change, psychologists frequently focus on behaviors that are easy to measure. Yet some important behaviors are relatively difficult to perceive, thus complicating any attempt to either assess or support them. Others are easier to assess but have a limited impact on environmental protection. One-time efficiency behaviors, such as purchasing an electric automobile, will typically have a larger impact than ones that require repetition, like walking instead of driving (Stern and Gardner 1981). For purely practical reasons, publicly monitored, high-impact behaviors should be the first candidates when attempting to foster change (Points 1–2 in Panel 1).

Recognizing the limits to people's control over particular behaviors is also important. Institutional practices may have a greater impact on the environment than individual choices, in a given context. Although individuals have more influence than is generally recognized (eg Dietz et al. 2009), in some cases people have very little freedom to choose their behavior. If resources to support interventions are limited, conservation efforts should be prioritized at a more structural level, focusing on institutional policy (Point 3 in Panel 1).

Identifying determinants of behavior

It is often assumed that humans make free and informed choices about what they do, and thus that behavioral change is best achieved by educating people about the effects of their actions. In fact, although individuals usually can control their behavior, they often do not exercise conscious control and instead may respond reflexively to stimuli, or unknowingly imitate the behavior of others. For this reason, education or attitude change may be an ineffective approach to encouraging pro-environmental behavior. Changing the “default” option – for example, setting indoor electric lights to turn off automatically after people leave the room and requiring active intervention to leave those lights on – can be highly effective in changing behavior (Thaler and Sunstein 2008). Having others display the behavior can be powerful (McKenzie-Mohr 1999), particularly when that behavior is modeled by those who are locally influential (Point 9 in Panel 1).

When making voluntary decisions about behavior, individuals may be guided by factors that are not immediately obvious. The external context within which behavior occurs, and particularly the costs and benefits associated with particular behaviors (eg Lehman and Geller 2004), must be considered (Point 4 in Panel 1). People are not motivated solely by economic considerations or by the desire to minimize effort, but are strongly influenced by the consequences of different behaviors. Such consequences could be monetary; all other things being equal, rational people choose behaviors that are less financially costly or are financially beneficial. But other costs, such as time and effort, are also powerful incentives. Social approval (or disapproval) is a possible reinforcer (or punisher).

To bring about long-term behavioral change, we maintain that internal factors such as attitudes and values are also relevant. Geller (2013) encouraged individuals to engage with their social and physical environments through “actively caring”. People often care about nature, have strong ethical and moral convictions, and are motivated by both prosocial (concerned with the welfare of others) and transcendent (concerned with absolute ideals such as truth and justice) values. Thus, changing people's minds may not be necessary. Rather, given that most people value the natural environment, effective behavioral change may only need to highlight these values (Schultz and Kaiser 2012). When reminded of their attitudes or values, people are more likely to make behavioral decisions that are consistent with them (Fazio 1995).

Even when individuals want to engage in environmentally beneficial behaviors, their choices may be based not on value preferences but on knowledge (or the absence thereof). Some behaviors are avoided because people believe, rightly or wrongly, that they do not know how to perform them. In these cases, behavioral skills training is more important than encouragement. People may need to hear how to reduce their carbon emissions, for example, rather than just being exhorted to do it. Information about behaviors may also increase perceptions of self-efficacy (competence at achieving a desired outcome), which have been shown to be strongly related to pro-environmental behavior (Figure 1; Hines et al. 1987; Eigner and Schmuck 2000).

Figure 1.

A sign at the Cleveland Zoo designed to encourage perceptions of self-efficacy among visitors.

Attempts to encourage pro-environmental behavior run the risk of possible reactance, a backlash against the perceived threat to personal autonomy represented by a behavioral prescription or proscription (Brehm 1966). Because people do not like to feel that their personal control is being challenged or taken away, the best strategies will preserve the perception of choice by making the pro-environmental choice more desirable, rather than by punishing the less sustainable option (Brehm and Brehm 1981). If “love of nature” is not a compelling motive for a particular target, interventions can emphasize other values such as financial savings, community health, or environmental stewardship. It is important to correctly identify the motives that might operate for a given set of people in a specific situation so as to avoid both backlash and negative spillover – a situation in which refraining from one harmful behavior makes people feel more entitled to engage in another (Evans et al. 2012). Interventions that are effective in one situation may be ineffective or even counterproductive in another. The most effective behavioral-change interventions will consider both external and internal motivators (Geller 2013).

Designing effective communications

Psychologists can not only provide information about behavioral-change techniques; they can also ensure that conservation scientists incorporate accurate assumptions about human nature and do not include messages that may lead to the opposite effect from the one intended. Cialdini (2003), for example, described cases in which messages designed to deter a particular behavior have the paradoxical effect of encouraging that behavior: by describing the large numbers of people who engage in an environmentally destructive behavior, the message normalizes the behavior. Messages that emphasize potentially dire consequences of selected human behaviors may frighten people into a state of denial (Witte 1998; Fritsche and Häfner 2012).

With regard to animal conservation, messages designed to promote awareness may incorporate three potentially harmful myths: (1) the myth of the “wild” (pristine wilderness areas, free of human activity), (2) the myth of the “evil” predator (demonized species), and (3) the myth of “cute” and “cuddly” exotic pets (idealized species). Manipulation of images (eg cropping out humans) or documentaries that avoid showing humans in wilderness areas may contribute to the myth of the wild (Litchfield 2013). Images that include evidence of human activities and interventions in wilderness areas can be truthful and powerful because they highlight the beauty of animals against the backdrop of reality (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Humans are part of the wildlife-viewing experience.

Some species, particularly predators, have been “demonized” by their portrayal in commercial movies (eg leopard seals in Happy Feet, hyenas in The Lion King, wolves in The Grey), and scientists themselves can malign species by labeling them as “pests” (eg rhesus macaques [Macaca mulatta]) or “weeds”. People may be less likely to actively support the conservation of species that they neither appreciate nor connect with. Therefore, changing attitudes about these maligned species is critical. Conversely, the illegal pet trade is fuelled by the desire to own exotic animals. People think non-human primates are cute and amusing based on their “antics” in advertisements or appearances in movies or television sitcoms (Figure 3). Such popular media portrayals of chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) distort public perception of this endangered species and may hinder its conservation (Ross et al. 2008; Schroepfer et al. 2011).

Figure 3.

Unrealistic depictions of non-human animals can affect the way that they are perceived.

In counteracting misrepresentations of animals in the media, communications professionals in conservation-oriented organizations may debate whether public outreach efforts will be more effective if they describe animals as, for example, vulnerable or powerful, or as similar to or different from humans. These decisions require empirical testing (Point 10 in Panel 1). Rather than relying on intuition and assumptions about human behavior, conservation professionals need to access the relevant psychological research.

Integrating psychologists into conservation – the case of zoos

Collaborations between psychologists and natural scientists, including those working in applied conservation settings, are necessary to reach non-academic audiences on a large scale (Point 11 in Panel 1). Zoos provide one opportunity for such collaborations, which target a massive organizational network (through associations of zoos) rather than households (Litchfield et al. 2012). Zoos not only operate across the whole spectrum of conservation activities –from ex situ breeding of imperiled species; to research, public education, and advocacy; to in situ support of species, populations, and habitats (WAZA 2005) – but also have a large audience of visitors whose knowledge, understanding, attitudes, behavior, and involvement can be influenced and harnessed (Litchfield et al. 2012; Smith 2012). The experiences and messages that people encounter during zoo visits (Smith et al. 2011) can be applied to target pro-conservation behaviors (Smith et al. 2012). Although many zoos emphasize conservation education, they also have the opportunity to develop effective campaigns directed at changing behavior, whether advocating environmentally responsible use of natural resources (eg water, energy), fostering volunteerism or other “helping” behaviors, minimizing human–wildlife conflict, or promoting the development and use of sustainable products or technologies (Litchfield and Foster 2009).

Australian zoos have participated in several behavioral-change campaigns, including the national “They're Calling on You” (mobile phone recycling) and “Don't Palm Us Off” (to gain mandatory labeling of palm oil) campaigns to help protect wild great apes (initiated by Zoos Vic; Lowry 2009; Litchfield et al. 2012), as well as the “Fish4Life Challenge” (to promote sustainable seafood consumerism; managed by Taronga Zoo; Smith et al. 2011). However, through lack of either resources (time, staff availability, money) or expertise, the impact of zoo campaigns is not always formally assessed (ie ignoring Point 10 in Panel 1). Addressing this omission is the ideal task for a conservation psychologist working within a zoo or collaboratively with a team of other experts to both evaluate the campaign and disseminate the findings widely (lay and academic audiences; see Panel 2).

Panel 2. Illustrative example – the “Seal the Loop” program

The “Seal the Loop” program initiated by Zoos Victoria (Zoos Vic) combines principles of psychology and community-based social marketing in an interdisciplinary and multi-stakeholder community conservation project (Geller 1989; McKenzie-Mohr 1999). This project, based on the Zoos Vic “Connect–Understand–Act” model (Lowry 2009), merges education and behavioral changes within and outside the zoo in an effort to reduce solid waste (plastics, fishing line, etc) discarded along the coast, which threatens hundreds of thousands of seabirds, mammals, and fish every year.

Visitors to Melbourne Zoo are encouraged to recycle their plastic waste onsite, which is then manufactured into special “Seal the Loop” bins (Figure 4); these bins are placed in popular fishing locations in and around Melbourne, making it easier for recreational anglers to dispose of their unwanted fishing tackle in an environmentally responsible way. This approach targets a behavior with an unmistakable environmental impact that can be easily monitored (eg amount of waste collected). Although it is a repeated behavior rather than a one-time decision, the relative ease of performing this behavior as well as the large potential audience for the intervention makes it worth targeting. Posters provide information, and disposing the waste into visible recycling bins can enhance the sense of effectiveness that recyclers experience. Seals housed at Melbourne Zoo – including Silva, an Australian fur seal (Arctocephalus pusillus doriferus) rescued more than 20 years ago after being found entangled in a discarded fishing net – serve as “ambassadors” for their wild counterparts and encourage motivation based on intrinsic reinforcement among the zoo visitors.

Signage and bin associated with the Melbourne Zoo's “Seal the Loop” program.

After a 5-month trial period using 20 of these bins, more than 1.5 km of fishing line, >300 hooks, 77 swivels, and other fishing-related waste materials were collected (Sanders 2011). Consequently, a Victorian Government grant, funded through fishing license fees, was acquired, which allowed more than 80 “Seal the Loop” bins to be installed. This project involved collaboration between zoo staff, government and non-government organizations, community volunteer groups, recreational fishing groups, local councils, and others (Sanders 2012). However, from a conservation psychology perspective, another step remains in the collaborative process: assessment.

One of the authors (CL), an adjunct conservation psychologist at Zoos South Australia, will work with her colleague E Pearson to evaluate the “Seal the Loop” project systematically and determine the project's impact on the local community, in particular the fishing community. A study will be conducted to measure knowledge about marine wildlife entanglement and other threats to marine wildlife as a result of human behavior, attitudes toward marine wildlife, attitudes toward the “Seal the Loop” project, and finally, effectiveness of “Seal the Loop” bins in educating and changing behavior.

Figure 4.

Toward effective collaboration

The discipline of psychology has traditionally been guided by both science and values: the dual objective to understand human behavior and to promote human well-being (Doherty and Clayton 2011; Geller 2013). Unfortunately, psychologists are often trained to adopt a narrow, individualistic perspective on well-being, emphasizing changes in individual behavior and cognition in order to promote an individual's mental and physical health. Psychologists must recognize that the phenomena they study are embedded within a context that incorporates non-psychological processes. Psychological health and well-being are not attributes of the individual regardless of context; rather, they result from a socioecological system that supports an individual's needs.

Most psychologists understand the relevance of the social environment to well-being, and it is increasingly difficult for them to ignore the relevance of the natural environment to well-being. Humans undeniably require clean air, clean water, and sufficient environmental resources to supply them with food and shelter. Beyond that, a growing body of evidence demonstrates the importance of the natural environment to more abstract indicators of human functioning. Stress, creativity, interpersonal relationships, and cognitive abilities exhibit both short-term and long-term effects of exposure to “green” environments such as trees, grass, and water (Staats 2012; Wells and Rollings 2012). Environmental degradation will not only prevent people from benefiting from the natural environment, it will also increase social inequities in the distribution of environmental “goods”.

While psychologists consider how their work can further environmental sustainability, those working to promote conservation in the field should consider ways in which people are relevant to their project. Zoos are far from being the only example. Collaborations could involve community-based conservation projects, work in regional and national parks, and citizen science, among other possibilities. Can human behavior ensure or prevent the success of any of these projects? Does the success of the conservation initiative have implications for human well-being? Professionals involved in conservation and sustainability need to recognize the role of human actions and reactions in environmental protection.

To protect natural resources and biological diversity, both behavioral and natural scientists should do more to look beyond their disciplinary boundaries. Psychologists ought to be involved in environmental conservation and sustainability, not only because it is in their interest as human beings, but because it is a professional obligation to consider environmental health along with other factors relevant to physical or mental health. Conservation professionals, in turn, should consider the human dimensions of conservation initiatives. Both groups need to educate themselves about relevant projects and activities in other disciplines, and seek out ways to make their own professional expertise useful. Papers written for a broad audience, as well as cross-disciplinary, problem-focused workshops and conferences, will provide more opportunities to collaborate in helping to conserve the environment and its resources for future generations.


Total Time
Prep 2 hrs
Cook 0 mins

Kabobs with Spanish flavors.

Ingredients Nutrition

  1. In a mortar, combine the garlic with 1/4 teaspoon salt. Mash together with a pestle to form a paste.
  2. In a dry small fry pan over high heat, combine the coriander seeds, paprika, cumin seeds, thyme and red pepper flakes. Heat, shaking the pan occasionally, until hot and fragrant, about 30 seconds. Transfer the mixture to a spice grinder and grind to a fine powder.
  3. In a bowl, stir together the garlic paste, ground spices, the remaining 3/4 teaspoon salt, black pepper, olive oil, lemon juice and parsley.
  4. Add the pork or chicken cubes and turn to coat well. Cover and let stand at cool room temperature (can refrigerate) for 1-2 hours, stirring occasionally.
  5. Prepare a medium-hot fire in a grill. At the same time, soak in water 12 bamboo skewers.
  6. Remove the cubes from the marinade, reserving the marinade and drain the skewers. Thread the pork cubes onto the skewers, dividing the cubes evenly among them. In a small pan, bring the reserved marinade to a boil over high heat and boil for about 3 minutes. Remove from the heat. Place the kabobs on the grill rack 4 - 5 inches from the fire and grill, basting occasionally with the reserved marinade and turning every 2 - 3 minutes, until browned but still juicy, 10 - 15 minutes. Careful not to overcook.
  7. Garnish with lemon wedges. Serve immediately.


Consumer Spending

What is 'Consumer Spending'

Consumer spending is another term for voluntary private consumption, or an exchange of money for goods and services. Contemporary measures of consumer spending include all private purchases of durable goods, nondurables and services. In a purely free market, the aggregate level of private consumer spending in an economy is necessarily equal to the total market value of economic output.

BREAKING DOWN 'Consumer Spending'

Many economists, especially those in tradition of John Maynard Keynes, believe consumer spending is the most important short run determinant of economic performance. Other economists, sometimes known as supply-siders, accept Say’s Law of Markets and believe private savings and production is more important than aggregate consumption.

Investors and businesses closely follow consumer spending statistics when making future forecasts. Every year in the United States, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) conducts consumer expenditure surveys to help measure consumer spending. Additionally, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) estimates consumer spending for monthly, quarterly and annual periods.

If consumers spend too much of their income, however, future economic growth could be compromised because of insufficient savings and investment. Modern governments and central banks often examined consumer spending patterns when considering current and future fiscal and monetary policies.

Consumer Spending as an Economic Variable

Consumption of final goods (i.e. not capital goods or investment assets) is the end result of economic activity. This is because individuals ultimately use these goods to satisfy their own needs and wants; economists refer to this satisfaction as “utility.”

Consumer spending is the demand side of “supply and demand;” production is the supply. When economists or policymakers refer to aggregate demand, they simply mean the combined market value of all consumer spending within a given area, over a given period of time and at a specific price level.

By its very nature, consumer spending only reveals the “use” economy, or finished goods and services. This is distinguished from the “make” economy, referring to the supply chain and intermediate stages of production necessary to make finished goods and services.

Most official aggregate metrics, such as gross domestic product (GDP), are dominated by consumer spending. Others, including the much newer gross domestic expenditures (GDE) or “gross output” (GO) reported by the BEA, also include the “make” economy and are less influenced by short-term consumer spending.

Consumer Spending as an Investment Indicator

Consumers are, naturally, very important to businesses. The more money consumers spend at a given company, the better that company tends to perform. For this reason, it is unsurprising that most investors and businesses pay a great amount of attention to consumer spending figures and patterns.

In fact, the American Association of Individual Investors lists real GDP as the single most important economic indicator to watch. If consumers provide fewer revenues for a given business or within a given industry, companies must adjust by reducing costs, wages, or innovating and introducing newer and better products and services. Companies that do this most effectively earn higher profits and, if publicly traded, tend to experience better stock market performance.

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Sea Shepherd’s Watson tells U.S. court, ‘We’re not pirates’

A fugitive activist known for attacking Japanese whaling vessels off Antarctica insisted “we’re not pirates” Wednesday as he addressed a U.S. appeals court considering whether he and the organization he founded should be held in contempt.

“We don’t care what people call us,” Watson said, responding to an earlier ruling from the court that called the activists “pirates.”

“We’re not pirates. . . . Protesting against illegal activity is not piracy.”

The white-goateed 62-year-old described his history of environmental activism and accolades, and said he has spent the past year at sea. He fled Germany in 2012 after being arrested at the behest of Costa Rica, and Japan continues to seek his arrest related to his interference with a whaling vessel in 2010.

“Over the last year there’s been a lot of negotiation on different levels that allowed me to come ashore,” he said, in response to a question from his lawyer. Watson did not elaborate, and it remained unclear whether he might still face arrest.

The case is part of a long-running fight between the protesters and Japan’s whaling fleet, which kills up to 1,000 whales a year, as allowed by the International Whaling Commission.

For several years, Sea Shepherd operated anti-whaling campaigns in the Southern Ocean. Activists aboard its vessels would hurl smoke bombs and butyric acid stink bombs at the whalers and drag ropes in the water to foul their propellers. They claim they have saved thousands of whales.

Last December, just before the whaling season was to begin, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ordered Sea Shepherd Conservation Society, Watson and anyone acting “in concert” with them to keep 500 meters away from the whaling vessels.

In response to the injunction, Sea Shepherd says it withdrew from any participation in the anti-whaling campaign, and Watson stepped down from the organization. Instead, Watson and Sea Shepherd said, its cousin, Sea Shepherd of Australia Ltd., took over — and that organization insists it wasn’t subject to the court’s order.

The hearing in Seattle, which began last week, is aimed in part at determining whether the Australian organization carried out the protest in concert with Sea Shepherd. The whalers argue that the distinction between Sea Shepherd and its Australian counterpart is largely fictional: Sea Shepherd spent about $2.5 million preparing for the protest, including the cost of fuel and ship crews eventually used in the protest.

Watson, whose exploits have been featured on the Animal Planet reality television show “Whale Wars,” insisted that it was important for him to comply with the injunction — but by the time the injunction was issued, he was already on board one of the protest vessels. He remained only as an observer, he said, and at one point urged Sea Shepherd of Australia to abide by the court’s injunction.

He also argued in court Wednesday that although the injunction ordered the protesters to keep 500 yards from the whalers, “it didn’t say anything about whether the Japanese whaling vessels could come within 500 yards of us.”

Watson said he didn’t believe he could have ensured compliance with the order. The captains of the ships were likely to intervene if they believed a whale’s life was at stake, he said.

Jeff Hansen, director of Sea Shepherd of Australia, testified Tuesday that his organization did not coordinate with the American Sea Shepherd group after the injunction was issued. He said he does not believe the U.S. courts have jurisdiction over international waters — “no disrespect, of course,” he told the court.

“We’re answering to our clients, which is the whales,” he said.

  • Ramtane Lamamra

    lol I wonder if the bailiff had to explain to Watson what “the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth” actually means?

      He probably not have to do that, but I’m almost 100% sure that the whalers had to be told (and probably shown drawings) what that means since they have a habit of telling lies and faking stuff !!

  • Dennie Macumber

    STOP killing the whales ,extinction means gone forever. Wake up JAPAN.

  • deBare

    Paul Watson is a hero. Who else is standing up for one of the most amazing species on our planet?!? Can you imagine if the ‘scientific’ research of any other endangered species – gorillas, elephants, rhinos, pandas etc – involved the killing of those animals (and selling of their meat) in order to complete the alleged studies? The world would be rightfully outraged as they are at the spurious pretence by Japanese killing whales in the alleged name of science. What a joke! For a nation which has given the world so many high quality scientific and technological advancements in the 20th and 21st centuries, it must be curious and embarrassing for modern Japanese to defend a barbaric practice that dates back hundreds of years. I’m all in favour of allowing Japan to continue whaling just like their ancestors did – using exactly and ONLY the types of ships, harpoons and navigational tools that their ancestors did in the 1600s. That would at least create a level playing field. To me any time you defend a practice as ‘culturally critical’ to today’s way of life, you better make sure everything else lines up with those past practices including the exact methods used. It’s hard to defend and justify a way of life that simply does not exist any longer. Japan is no longer a feudal state governed by an Emperor who was treated like a god. The country and world have long evolved to a more enlightened state of mind. Why try to hold onto one throwback to the dark ages when you’ve moved forward in every other aspect of your modern way of life?!? Hopefully a younger generation of Japanese (like Icelanders) will finally free their country from the shameful shackles of this unnecessary cruelty against whales!

  • Ramtane Lamamra

    Hey Don, say that Sea Shepherd can no longer run its Southern Ocean campaigns. Would that be a catastrophic defeat for Sea Shepherd, do you think?

    • AnimuX

      It’s amusing that every year around this time pro-whaling antagonists confidently declare that Sea Shepherd will fail only to then witness Japan’s whale poaching fleet sent back from the Southern Ocean with a mere fraction of its intended quota just a few short months later.

      • Ramtane Lamamra

        Do the pro-whaling antagonists declare that? Or did you just make that up?

        The yearly declarations that are well documented are those by Sea Shepherd that they will bring whaling to an end and that the final whaling season is afoot. And yet every year, the whaling happens. And the following year it happens again. And again. And again.

        But this isn’t amusing, because by telling these lies, they actually relieve their supporters of millions upon millions of dollars by way of donations. All for nothing.

        Don have you decided what you’ll do when Sea Shepherd’s Southern Ocean circus is soon brought to a final close? You’re going to have to find yourself a new hobby. Have you considered adopting the cause of a species that is actually endangered? Or will you stick to the ‘survival of the cutest’ theme and go with save-the-seals or something?

      • AnimuX

        It’s not all for nothing. In fact, Japan’s own representatives proved that before the International Court when their own slide presentation explained a dramatic decline in the number of whales killed directly correlated to Sea Shepherd deploying more ships to the Southern Ocean. :-)

        Those are measurable results and people who donate to Sea Shepherd can clearly see their contribution has not been wasted.

        Last season, the whalers were sent home with the lowest catch since Japan’s bogus ‘research whaling’ began in the 1980s. Well done, Sea Shepherd Australia.Well done.

  • Tina C

    jesus was a terrorist- he attacked the authority of the Church and the politicians. god also demanded that we watch over the flora and fauna… that does NOT mean to watch it all die!

  • AnimuX

    The lack of logic and sense in that response is frankly hilarious.

    Sea Shepherd is physically interfering with those killing protected whales in a whale sanctuary. The action doesn’t get much more direct than that.

    Second, apparently you don’t understand that the international moratorium on commercial whaling, and the international whale sanctuary are actual ‘conservation efforts’.

    Protest is often suppressed through the courts whether it’s the British imprisonment of Gandhi and his followers, the American imprisonment of civil rights activists, or the Russian imprisonment of Greenpeace activists.

    So, in terms of historical precedence, Sea Shepherd is right where most protesters end up. And they didn’t punch anyone in the face to get there. But they did prevent Japan’s whale poachers from killing hundreds of whales for several years, so far. :-)

  • Robert

    i hope the entire whaling fleet sinks


little charles

“oh, her hatred for me started literally on the wedding. we went to windenburg because her family couldn’t make it to oasis springs; and there was this one little guy…”

“a guy? seriously? weren’t you like seven or something?”

“yeah, we were. that’s why this is so stupid. anyway, his name was nathan arlington, also known as charles’ little brother.”

“so, bree’s uncle?”

“exactly. bree had a huge crush on him. and he had a huge crush on me.”

Benedict Cumberbatch as Little Charles

from DVD extras - deleted scenes. please link back if you want to repost or gif it.


However, another reason reef sharks receive less attention is that they are a rare sight. Coral reef biologist Alan Friedlander from the University of Hawaii told me that he can’t remember the last time he saw a shark in the Caribbean—and he’s studied those reefs for 25 years.

The results are staggering: the scientists estimated that, throughout the Pacific islands they studied, reef shark density is only 3-10% what it would be if no humans lived in the area. And just 100 people living within 200 kilometers of the coast was enough to drive most of the sharks away from the reefs.

Of course, people aren’t just going to up and leave their homes so the reef sharks can reclaim theirs. But the researchers are working to understand why exactly the sharks disappeared to help conserve them and their habitat.

This study, published today in Conservation Biology, is a good reminder that, while sharks have a bad reputation for being bloodthirsty, we do more harm to them than they do to us. For more information, read “5 Reasons to Revere, Not Fear, the Shark.”


The White Lab is interested in identifying novel therapeutic targets for multiple disease states as well as answering some fundamental mechanistic questions in biology. We are particularly involved in quantifying changes in the protein signaling networks using a combination of mass spectrometry based proteomics and computation modeling.

Receptor Tyrosine Kinase (RTK) Signaling

Despite the wealth of computational techniques designed to predict responses from RTK signaling, the data available for these efforts is relatively poor. Major shortcomings include lack of site specificity, relative quantification, and poor temporal resolution. We have developed new mass spectrometry-based methods that improve measurements of signaling dynamics... more >>

Cancer Biology

Insulin Resistance

Insulin receptor signaling regulates blood glucose homeostasis. Obesity, among other conditions, decreases insulin receptor signaling, resulting in increased blood glucose, increased insulin levels, and a host of adverse health effects... more >>

Analog Sensitive Kinases

One of the key challenges of mapping a kinase to particular substrate phosphorylation events is establishing a direct kinase-substrate interaction.  Such knowledge would be useful for further understanding signal transduction networks and discovering novel substrates of kinases... more >>

Chemical Proteomics

Mass spectrometry-coupled chemical proteomics approaches have been utilized in multiple aspects of small molecule drug research, including identification of drug targets, quantification of drug-to-target interaction affinity, and selectivity profiling... more >>