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This paper examined electoral processes and security challenges in Nigeria with specific reference to the 2011 and 2015 presidential elections. The data for this study were drawn mostly from secondary sources. Systematically, the paper reviewed the conceptions of electoral violence, perspectives on election related violence and security of lives and properties in Nigeria.  The major findings of this study reveal that from the 1950s, elections in Nigeria approximated a war that is often waged to determine political power. All weapons are always available for politicians in Nigeria to use religion, ethnic sentiments, outright bribery, the power of incumbency, corruption, the abuse of electoral processes, etc. to unleash violence and threaten the security of lives and properties in the country in such a way that in such election-related crises, it is estimated that over 10,000 Nigerians have lost their lives, hundreds of thousands have been displaced while properties worth billions destroyed during pre-election, election and post-election period.  The study deployed the qualitative historical research method to carry out its analysis, which implied the use of the descriptive analytical tool where data were drawn from secondary sources.

1.1     Introduction

Elections are considered as cardinal and indispensable in the practice of modern democracy.  According to Nnoli (1990), “it is closely tied to the growth and development of democratic political order that is generally held to be the single most important indicator of the presence or absence of democratic government”.  Elections, if properly organized, devoid of rigging and all forms of electoral manipulations and malpractices do not only establish and entrench democracy, but confers legitimacy on the leadership that emerges from the process, the political institutions, policies and programmes that accompany such administration.

Election has been defined as the manner of choice agreed upon by people out of many to occupy one or a number of positions of authority (Nnoli, 2003).  Elections have always been the legitimate way of transferring power from one regime to another through elections, popular conduct and participation in public affairs is created in the society (Ugoh, 2004).

The current global emphasis on democratization has made election an inevitable process of leadership choice and succession.  Obviously, the success of every conditional democracy is tied to the integrity of electoral process while the quality of a representative government is also linked to the capacity of state to evolve viable, transparent and trusted electoral machinery that will inspire the interest and confidence of broad spectrum of civil society and contending factors of political society (Okolie, 2008).

Regrettably, election in Nigeria since independence has been characterized by violent actions that always result in socio-economic tension and unrest.  This has indeed remained a recurring decimal in Nigeria’s political life despites efforts at curbing it.  Besides, political violence in the country has been sustained and reinforced mostly by religious, ethnic and tribal diversities of Nigeria.  For instance, the political violence that greeted Nigeria’s first and send republics which eventually led to the military intervention and long spell in the country’s government and politics.  This had its roots in ethnic and tribal considerations.

The Human Right Watch revealed that between independence in 1960 and 1990, Nigeria produced only two elected governments, both later overthrown in military coups.  Nigeria’s military ruled the country for nearly 30 of 40 years of independence.  However in 1999, Nigeria made a transition to civilian rule.  The 1999 elections, which brought a retired general, Olusegun Obasanjo to power, were blights by such widespread fraud that observers from carter centre concluded that “it is not possible for us to make an accurate judgement about the outcome of the Presidential election”.

Federal and states election in 2003 were again married by fraud as well as serious incidents of political violence that left over 100 people dead and many others injured.  Human rights watch found that members and supporters of the ruling party were responsible for the majority of abuses, though opposition parties also engaged in political violence.  Most deaths occurred where opposing bands of armed gangs fought each other in an effort to control an area and displace supporters of  the opposing  party.  Human rights watch documented how ruling party politicians in the oil-rich Niger Delta mobilized and funded armed groups to help rig elections.  This led to a sustained increase in political violence and criminality in the region.

Despite the abysmal record of the 1999 and 2003 elections, the government did not correct the problems in the next elections.  Observers from the European Union described the 2007 elections which brought Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to power, as the worst they had witnessed anywhere in the world.  Human Right Watch estimates that at least 300 people were killed in political violence linked to the 2007 elections.

The 2011 general elections process under Atahiru Jega was commended and domestic observers regarding major improvement in areas like voter registration exercise, accreditation and counting phases of the elections.  The 2011 presidential elections raised strong domestic  expectation, as exemplified by the high turnout rates, especially in the core Hausa/Fulani states of Northern Nigerian, where women living in “KULLE” (a king of Islamic nunnery) were mobilized on religious grounds to vote for Gen. Muhammadu Buhari of  Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) (Human Rights Watch, 2011).

However, the whole electoral process has been criticized for number of reasons ranging from under age voting, campaigning during election, intimidation and political violence.  The presidential election was marred by allegation of vote buying, ballot box stuffing and inflation of results most noticeable in south eastern Nigeria.  Jonathan’s stronghold were official results in the presidential elections in some rural areas recorded close to 100 percent voter turnout and parts of Kanduna, Plateau and Adamawa States with Christian “enclaves”.  This was greeted with widespread protest which later turned to violence in Northern Nigeria (Human Rights Watch, 2011).

The 2011 presidential elections had come and gone, but the “credible” elections had been stained by the blood of Nigerians who had their lives in the post-election violence experienced mostly in Northern part of Nigeria.  According to Corinne Dufka, a Senior West African researcher at Human Rights Watch, “the April elections were heralded as among the fairest in Nigeria’s history, but were also among the bloodiest”.

Following the announcement of the result of the 2011 Presidential election which saw to the re-election of the incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan candidate for the ruling People’s Democratic Party, violence began with widespread  protests by the supporters of the main opposition candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) challenging the results.  The protest generated into sectarian violence and killings by the Almajiri (Sanghaya School Students) in the Northern States of Bauchi, Adamawa, Bornu, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Katsina, Nigeri, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara. Relief official estimates that more than 65,000 people were displaced while over 800 people were estimated to have lost their live.

In a bid to forestall future occurrence, two commissions were established in May, 2011 following the elections, to examine the factors that led to the insecurity issues.  Governor Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa established a twelve man commission in Kaduna, and nationally, President Jonathan established a 22 person commission headed by Sheikh Ahmed Lemu.  The commission’s work was to identify the root causes of the violence, and even identify the perpetrators for possible punishment.  But the tracks of past commissions suggested that neither effort will make any headway as the 2015 Presidential elections also surface with its sad parts though not as horrible as that of the 2011 presidential elections.

The 2015 General elections was the fifth to be conducted by INEC in the country’s forth republic. As part of preparations, INEC developed a timetable and schedule of activities for the conduct of the elections.  Unlike in the past were elections were staggered in such a way that the Presidential election was usually conducted last, the timetable for the 2015 general elections showed that the presidential and National Assembly elections were paired to hold on February 14, 2015 while the governorship and state houses of assembly elections were to follow on February 28, 2015.

However, insurgency by the Boko Haram sect in the north-eastern part of the country, which had been on since 2009, necessitated a change in the election timetable at the last minute.  INEC consequently postponed the elections by six weeks (Suleiman, 2015).  This meant that the Presidential and National Assembly elections were rescheduled for March 28, and the governorship and state Houses of Assembly elections for April 11, 2005.  Similarly,  unlike previous elections in the country, INEC introduced the use of permanent voters cards (PVC) containing the biometric details and embossed passport photograph of voters, and smart card readers to verify the authenticity of PVCs presented by voters.  The introduction of both items by INEC was aimed at checking multiple voter registration, as only one card was issued to each registered voter, and to prevent multiple voting.  This was intended to ensure the integrity of the elections.

Other arrangement for the election was the adoption of the “Remodified Open Secret Ballot System (REMOBS).  In the system, voters were to thumb/finger-print on the ballot for the candidates of their choice in secret and cast their votes in open (INEC 2015:8).

The 2015 elections were actually symbolic in Nigeria’s political history as it marked the first time the opposition party successfully dislodged the incumbent party from power at the federal level particularly in a less controversial and peaceful process.  Clearly, this interesting development is in contrary to the gloomy picture presented by many analysts in previous elections.  The country experienced for the first time in its post-democratic transition history, the emergence of a strong opposition party which had the capacity to displace the incumbent party.  This was against all odds, as the election was staged in an environment of raging terrorists violence in the north-eastern part of the country which was not only a major risk to voting, but also possibly affected the electoral chances of the main opposition party, and could result in post-election violence.  Also, there was growing public perception of poor preparation by the Electoral Management Body (EMB) and the INEC following problems experienced in the voters registration process which influenced beliefs that the election might be another charade. The electoral process was characterized by a heated campaign process which was anchored on ethnic and religious sloganeering which did not only divide the potential voters along religious and ethnic lines, but also potentially prepared the grounds for another ethno-religious violence.

The conduct of the security agencies indicated bias for the ruling party which increasingly generated fear for the opposition and electorate about electoral security and electoral fraud.  The sudden postponement of the elections for six weeks (February 14 to March 28) also increased public distrust of the electoral process (see international crisis group, 2015; Onapajo, 2015).

The study therefore aims at a comparative analysis of the 2011 and 2015 Presidential elections in Nigeria with sole objective of comparing the conduct of the elections as well as the nature of electoral security using its indicators which are divided into three phases-pre-election period, election period, and the post-election period.

1.2     Statement of Problem

The credibility and legitimacy accorded an election victory is determined by the extent to which the process is free and fair (Garuba, 2007; Bagaards, 2007).  Free and fair election serves the purpose of legitimizing such government.  Elections are therefore considered as vital and indispensable for determining the democratic nature of a political system and for ensuring national security.  When election is not satisfactorily managed, it gives room for protest, insecurity of lives and properties, social explosion, doubts about the institutions, etc.  Factly, election mismanagement is a real and prolific source of conflicts, violence, insecurity and instability (Hounkpe and Gueye, 2010).

Voters confidence in elections emanate from a combination of the mechanisms and procedures deployed to count and record votes and the election officials competence and integrity.  These processes anchored on proactive security to engender confidence.  Understanding the outbreaks of election violence is a complex issue and one way of addressing electoral violence is to empower the electoral umpire to secure the process through adequate funding by the state.  However, often, the state fails to adequately fund the umpire thereby unwittingly compromising the process.  For instance, paucity of funds can affect voter’s turnout due to poor mobilization of voters, this in turn can affect the outcome of the election result leading to conflicts and invariably fragility of the state. To guarantee national security, the electoral umpire should understand the different phases of the electoral process otherwise known as the indicators of electoral process and thus craft the needed strategy to secure each phase.  For elections in Nigeria, the electoral cycle can be categorized into three phases namely the pre-election phase, the Election Day and the post-election phase. In the context of Nigeria, most security breaches happen during the post-election phase. The paper therefore focuses on electoral processes and the concomitant security breaches emanating from such processes especially those of the 2011 and 2015 presidential elections.

1.3     Objectives of the Study

This study aims at achieving the following objectives;

  1. To determine the causes of insecurity in the 2011 and 2015 presidential post-elections.

  1. To evaluate the different strategies that were put in place to secure the conduct of the 2011 and 2015 presidential elections.

  1. To recommend the necessary measures to be adopted by INEC in enhancing security of elections at every phase.

1.4     Research Questions

In the course of conducting this study answers will be provided to the following questions:

  1. What were the causes of insecurity in the 2011 and 2015 presidential elections?

  1. What were the different strategies put in place to secure the conduct of the 2011 and 2015 presidential elections?

  1. How can INEC secure the electoral processes?

1.5     Significance of the Study

The study has both theoretical and practical significance.  Theoretically, the study has the potential of contributing greatly to the existing body of literature on electoral processes and national security.  This work will provide the students of political science and political history the needed framework for tackling the issues of political violence and insecurity in future elections.

Practically, the research work will be of interest to Nigerian government, especially House committee on election matters, ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) like the independent National Electoral commission (INEC), etc.  The findings of this study will also provide valuable information in articulating potential policies that will help address the problems associated with conduct of elections and security breaches.

Finally, to the reader and researchers, this would make useful contribution to any study on some or related topics on electoral processes and national security.

1.6     Scope and Limitation of the Study

This study is meant to cover the entire machinery of electoral processes in Nigeria and its implication on national security, drawing a comparison between the 2011 and 2015 presidential elections.

To this end, the research work is limited by financial constraints resulting from the limited resources of the researchers, time constraints arising from the limited period used to conduct the study as well as tendency of not finding enough literature.

1.7     Operational Definitions

The following terms, when used anywhere within this research study will imply such a meaning as given below:

  1. Democracy: Democracy is a form of government in which the people have a voice in the exercise of power, typically through elected representatives.

  1. Government: Government is a system by which a state or community is governed.

  1. Election: Election is a formal procedure whereby a person is elected especially to a political office.

  1. Electorate: Electorate are all the people in a country or area who are entitled to vote in an election.

  1. President: President is the elected head of a government

  1. Phase: A distinguishable part of a sequence of cycle occurring over time.

  1. National Security: The safety of a country as managed through the exercise of economic and political power.

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July 4, 2019 posted by

I. CONSTITUTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL MILITARY TRIBUNAL. Article 1. In pursuance of the Agreement signed on the 8th day of August by the. The lesser-known International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) was . The Charter provided for MacArthur to appoint judges to the IMTFE from the. In our opinion the laws of the Charter is decisive and binding on the Tribunal. This is a special tribunal set up by the Supreme Commander under authority.

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The court’s powers were limited strictly by the terms chartfr the charter and rules of procedure of the Tokyo Trial. Such violations shall include, but not be limited to, murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other purpose of civilian population of or in occupied territory, murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war or persons on the seas, killing of hostages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity.

The Nuremberg tribunal consisted of one judge from each of the Allied powers, which each also supplied a prosecution team. The Japanese defense counsel labored under immense handicaps. The Nuremberg and Tokyo charted contributed significantly to the development of international criminal law, then in its infancy. If an accused is not represented by counsel and in open court requests the appointment of counsel, the Tribunal i,tfe designate counsel for him.

The Tribunal shall not require proof of facts of mitfe knowledge but shall take judicial notice thereof. Imtef a result the prosecution experienced real difficulties in finding a sufficiency of evidence to make a truly convincing case against most of the accused.

The Tokyo Charter differs from the Nuremberg Charter, however, in two ways. A document, regardless of its security classification and without proof of its cgarter or signature, which appears to the Tribunal to have been signed or issued by any officer, department, agency or member of the armed forces of any government.

On March 7,the supreme commander issued a directive that chatrer the sentences by one-third for good behavior and authorized the parole of those who had received life sentences after fifteen years. Proceedings of the tribunal imtfd be conducted in English and in Japanese.

It was held in far less esteem as a weapon in the arsenal of public prosecutors elsewhere. Both courts ruled decisively that international law is superior to national law, and added that nothing that national courts or administrations might say could overturn that basic principle, which in times to come should be regarded as binding upon the victor as well as the vanquished. Defendants who were found guilty could appeal the verdict to the Allied Council for Japan.

MacArthur’s Special Proclamation said that he established an international imtce tribunal for the Far East, approved its constitution, jurisdiction, and functions as set out in its charter, and indicated that these steps were without prejudice to any other proceedings that might be established in Japan or chwrter the domains of the countries with which Japan had been at war.

The Nuremberg Trial lasted from November to October Accused by counsel only, if represented may address the Tribunal. Namely, violations of the laws or customs of war.

The Nuremberg Trial and the Tokyo War Crimes Trials (1945–1948)

The countries taking part in the prosecution and judgment were: Leaders, organizers, instigators chartre accomplices participating in the formulation or execution of a common plan or conspiracy to commit any of the foregoing crimes are responsible for all acts performed by any person in execution of such plan. Some of those difficulties were surmounted with the arrival of American associate counsel provided to bolster the defense. Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography.

Poelgeest, Bart van Accordingly the Allied powers moved quickly to select their own associate counsel.

The Tribunal shall have the power to impose upon an accused, on conviction, death or such other punishment as shall be determined by it to be just. The transcripts of the proceedings in open session and in chambers, taken together with the separate opinions, consist of approximately 57, pages and, with the even longer full text of the Trial Exhibits and other documentation assembled for use during the trial, the English-language text represents by far the largest collection of material that exists in any European language on Japan and on Japanese relations with the outside world during the critical period between and The Case of General Yamashita.

To require the production of documents and other evidentiary material. The Secretariat shall receive all documents addressed to the Tribunal, maintain the records of the Tribunal, provide.

The Tokyo War Crimes Trial: In other instances, individual Allied governments put obstacles in the way of potential witnesses for the defense who were prepared to testify on behalf of one or more of the accused or in the general divisions of the defense case. The function of Counsel for a Defendant may be discharged at the Defendant’s request by any Counsel professionally qualified to conduct cases before the Courts of his own country, or by any other person who may be specially authorized thereto by the Tribunal.

If a member at any time is absent and afterwards is able to be present, he shall take part in all subsequent proceedings; unless he declares in open court that he is disqualified by reason of insufficient familiarity with the proceedings which took place in his absence.

ICC – Legal Tools record: Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East []

The defense was also handicapped by express provisions in the charter that obliged the accused to make written applications in advance before seeking to produce any witness or document in evidence. When as many as six members of the Tribunal are present, they may convene the Tribunal in formal session. Nederland en het Tribunaal van Tokio.

The defendants selected for the first trials were not regarded as the only cjarter war criminals but as clearly representative members of the groups held responsible for the outbreak of World War II.

Three defendants were found not guilty, one committed suicide prior to trial, and one did not stand trial due to physical or mental illness. The Japanese on Trial: At first, not all of the defendants welcomed the Americans who chrater offered to them, but eventually all came to the conclusion that it was advisable to engage one or other of them.

These subsequent trials, however, were not held by international tribunals but instead by domestic courts or by tribunals operated by a single Allied power, such as military commissions. The defense did not attempt to match the structure imposed by the prosecution’s case and instead offered its case in six divisions.

The Tribunal ignored Hiranuma’s prewar reputation as a strong admirer of the Western democracies and as a man who held the European totalitarian states in low regard. The judgments of the international tribunals at Nuremberg and Tokyo, arguably the least satisfactory parts of all of the postwar proceedings, are read more frequently but seldom examined by scholars within the historical context of their trial processes.

The Tribunal may draft and amend rules of procedure consistent with the fundamental provisions of this Charter. All purported admissions or statements of the accused are admissible. The Soviet Union did not sign the declaration because it did not declare war on Japan until weeks later, on the same day imtf the United States dropped the second atomic bomb at Nagasaki.

The Charte public, Western opinion, and a majority of the court, however, were of a different mind. Each accused shall have the right to be represented by counsel of his own selection, subject to the disapproval of such counsel at any time by the Tribunal. There was, arguably, no legal basis on which the tribunal could have gone beyond the intentions of those who had convened the trial and given it authority.

The Tribunal shall draw up rules for its procedure.

Treaties, States parties, and Commentaries – Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal,

For all these reasons, the proceedings began inauspiciously for both sides but were particularly detrimental to the accused imtce were dependent upon a defense panel that was seriously weak in the provisions made for qualified legal advisers, translators, clerical staff, and financial resources.

The defense in Tokyo retraced much of the ground covered by the prosecution and went on to explore virtually the whole history of Japan’s twentieth-century constitutional, social, political, and international history up to the end of World War II. Article 15 Course of Trial proceedings The proceedings the Trial will take the following course: The Tribunal shall have power to allow or reject the application.


Missio Dei: A Journal of Missional Theology and Praxis 10, no. 2 (Summer–Fall 2019)

The Last Word in Rhetoric: Ithele Traditional Singers/Storytellers, Meaningful Communication, and a Reading of 2 Timothy in Mozambique

Alan B. Howell and Sam Pflederer

Among the Makua-Metto of Mozambique, Africa, the omwisho (or last word) has an important rhetorical function. Someone giving counsel in this context may touch on different topics or themes, but certain verbal cues help the hearer identify the communicator’s main point. Traditionally, ithele singers creatively use both story and history to exhort their hearers to respond by living appropriately. Approaching Paul’s last letter to his apprentice Timothy, his last word, in light of these communication patterns, has allowed for a reading that resonates with a Mozambican audience.

In an interview about communication patterns and strategies among the Makua-Metto people, one of my (Alan’s) friends told of an experience that was significant to him. Their family had been sitting near the fire after supper one night when his father, now deceased, began telling a humorous story. Everyone was drawn into the tale, laughing when it was over. But before the laughter had stopped, his father made a serious final observation. At that moment they all understood that the story had a deeper meaning and connected it to their own recent experiences as seen through the lens of his conclusion.

Cross-cultural communication requires a knowledge of language that goes beyond the meaning of words, phrases, sentences, or paragraphs. It requires an appreciation of rhetorical and communication dynamics. To truly understand the meaning, we need to be able to recognize elements at the macro and micro levels of communication. In many settings, a Makua-Metto speaker begins with a proverb, story, or observation that may at first seem unrelated and disconnected from the topic they want to address. They often will not move toward the point sequentially but slowly circle closer and closer, touching on different themes, before eventually landing with a surprising burst of speed on a conclusion, a last word (omwisho) that ties what was said together at a specific point.

While a complete analysis of Makua-Metto rhetorical strategies is certainly outside the scope of this article, we will share observations about larger patterns and specific message markers or sign posts that are important for meaningful communication in this context by looking at the way that ithele singers/storytellers1 (whose closest comparison may be the griots of West Africa or the imbongi of South Africa, though the epic poet Homer is another useful analogue). In the Makua-Metto language, the word ithele typically means a myth, tale, or fable with an ethical point. We will explore how the rhetorical strategies of ithele singers help shape the task of preaching. After that we will briefly examine Paul’s final communication to his apprentice Timothy in light of the communication patterns and dynamics among the Makua-Metto to appreciate how a Mozambican audience can hear the great Apostle’s “last word.”

Macro Elements in the Rhetoric of Ithele and the Practice of Preaching

To understand the work of an ithele singer, we will describe a recent performance by a well-known singer known as Nhihapusiya. After sitting down next to his apprentice singer, he made some introductory remarks to a small crowd. Our performer then began telling stories (fables with animal characters as well as tales of human actors), during which he would often pause and lead a song or a verse of a song with the help of his apprentice before continuing on with that story. Nearing the end of a tale, he would indicate a transition to its thematic point where he would give a short moral or counsel for his hearers to implement in their own lives. Nhihapusiya told stories that addressed a variety of topics: the need for respecting authorities, counsel regarding marriage, and encouragement to his hearers to work hard and not steal. After an application and conclusion of a given story, he would lead a song or chorus unrelated to the story that served as a transition before beginning his next tale. This process cycled multiple times before the ithele performance finally terminated.

In summary, the ithele singer typically uses a macro rhetorical structure that begins by telling a story, uses a verbal cue to mark the transition, and then moves into exhorting people to live by a certain code or standard—elements that compare naturally with Christian preaching. Accordingly, in qualitative interviews with an ithele singer and with Mozambican church leaders and triangulation of the principles gleaned from the data in small groups,2 we found that ithele is a helpful model for talking about the promise and process of preaching.

In talking with Mozambicans about the way that “story” and “code” are the primary ingredients in ithele as well as in meaningful communication for the people of God, two biblical texts have been especially helpful. The book of Exodus is divided roughly in half between the story of salvation of Abraham’s descendants from Egypt (chs. 1–18 covering everything from the ten plagues to the crossing of the Red Sea) and the code for the people that God gives in calling for their transformation (chs. 20–40 covering everything from the 10 commandments to the construction plans for the Tabernacle). In Exodus 19:1–20:3 we can note a transition between these sections as their encounter with God on Mt. Sinai shifts the emphasis from the story of salvation to a call for transformation.3 A book from the New Testament where Mozambican participants can also see this same ithele-like macro structure at work is Paul’s letter to the Ephesians. Chapters 1–3 retell the story of salvation, then, in 3:14–21, a prayer marks a transition before moving on to the code that Jesus’s followers are called to live out. Exodus and Ephesians are example texts from Scripture that highlight a macro rhetorical strategy similar to the one used by ithele singers in the Makua-Metto context.

An illustration that has been helpful for talking about the importance of both of these elements in the process of ithele and preaching is the example of a bicycle. The “story” is the back wheel of meaningful communication and it provides the power, while the “code” is the front wheel, offering direction, helping the hearer to go safely down a good path. No one could get far on a normal bicycle missing either of these wheels. We talk about how an effective ithele singer would never leave out either of these parts, and effective Christian communication will also be sure to include both the story of salvation and the code for life in God’s kingdom.

One difference between preaching and ithele is that while the traditional singer/storyteller spends a much higher percentage of time on the story than the code or moral offered at the end, Christian communicators in this context tend to spend more time on the application of the story to the specifics of everyday life. Often, though, they will tend to do so in a way that is indirect.4 That is not to say that since less time is spent on it, the moral or code is unimportant or insignificant in ithele. Interviewees and participants agreed that the final word or moral (code) of the ithele was the key to understanding the point of the tale (story).

One memorable example of this was a meeting that Alan participated in where Christian leaders were dealing with problems caused by a rogue church leader. One of the men addressed the group by telling a story of a man who had a pig that had grown fat and aggressive and was beginning to destroy property and even kill younger, smaller pigs. Alan winced, thinking that the speaker’s point would be that the group needed to find a way to get rid of this church leader. Instead, the owner of the pig, in this story, put a metal bar through the pig’s lips—allowing him to eat, but curbing his ability to do damage. The speaker quickly transitioned to his counsel for the group, saying that we needed to find a way to stop this leader’s destructive habits. This speech was met with applause because it helped the group clarify our objectives and methods. While the ratio of story to code may differ between ithele and preaching, for both types of communication it is necessary to pay attention to the code given or the hearer may misunderstand the real point of the story.

Another difference between preaching and ithele is the use of songs. Ithele singers will pause the story and sing part of a song in a way that holds the audience’s attention and builds anticipation for the rest of the story. This practice is one that preachers among the Makua-Metto people could make better use of to augment their communication. The way ithele makes use of songs reminds us of a popular reading of Paul’s letter to the Philippians where he pauses his written sermon and inserts what may be one of the earliest Christian hymns to highlight his point.5 The apostle seems to have made use of songs within the rhetorical flow of his communication.

We see many natural connections between ithele and the practice of Christianity in the Makua-Metto context. One example is a contextualized picture of Jesus as preacher. An image that has stuck with us from Nhihapusiya’s performance was seeing him, sitting down, holding a young child in his lap while he presented to a room crowded with people. That made us think of scenes from the Gospels where Jesus, the storytelling king, would welcome children to him, constantly speaking to crowds of people about his kingdom. When we interviewed a traditional king from this area about ithele, he said that kings in the past would rely on ithele singers for history and that any good king would be familiar with these stories/histories so he could give good kingdom counsel. In post-colonial Mozambique, ithele seems less connected to kings and more for the population in general as education and entertainment.

Micro Elements in the Rhetoric of Ithele and the Practice of Preaching

We have looked at the macro level of the rhetoric of ithele in our context in northern Mozambique to find clues to increase effectiveness in Christian communication. Now we will turn our attention to the micro level of rhetoric to find specific words and markers essential for meaningful communication among the Makua-Metto and briefly explore their connections to 2 Timothy.

Ithele stories are instructive for showing how Makua-Metto rhetoric works. The first and most obvious lesson is that Makua-Metto discourse is interactive. At the beginning of each story, the singer/storyteller would teach the audience a short musical refrain relating to the content of the story, and at different points he would lead them in singing it. Also, throughout the performance, before moving on to a new story, he would use call and response to make sure the audience was paying close attention: “Nihaawo? (Are we all here?)” “Nihaawo. (We’re here.)”

As already noted, ithele stories follow a predictable two-part structure: a long story followed by a concise (often single-sentence) moral explanation or code. The transition is impossible to miss. Sometimes a storyteller will spell out the explanation in so many words, for example: “This story tells us that. . . .” More commonly, the transition is marked by certain key words or phrases that automatically tell the reader that the moral of the story is coming. Nhihapusiya consistently used the word maanaca (the meaning) to mark this transition. Other storytellers may use one or more variants of this, for example: maana aya wiira (its meaning is that) or phimaana (for this reason).

This last marker is interesting because it tends to be used more widely, not just in stories but also in exhortational discourse like that of 2 Timothy. Obviously, Paul’s letter to Timothy is a very different kind of discourse than an ithele story. Nonetheless, the importance of the last word (omwisho) is an important common thread. Unlike Paul’s discourses in Greek, sermons and exhortational discourses in Makua-Metto make use of only a small handful of logical connecting words. Two in particular stand out as overwhelmingly the most common: vano and phimaana. Though these two words often get confused with one another in translation because of their overlap in meaning (both can sometimes be translated in English as therefore), they actually play distinct roles. To continue the bicycle analogy, vano is like the pedal and phimaana is the brake. Vano is used all throughout the discourse, sometimes to signal a logical inference drawn from what was said just before, but other times simply to move on to a new point in a general fashion. In this way it is roughly as flexible as the Greek conjunction de.

Phimaana, on the other hand, has a more limited usage. It tends to occur much more frequently toward the end of a discourse. The information that follows it usually sums up the main point, which may have been previously stated or implied earlier in the discourse. Sometimes phimaana makes an explicit application from a story used to counsel someone indirectly, much like Nhihapusiya’s stories. Like the brakes on a bicycle, phimaana slows the discourse down toward a stop. Its message can be generalized as follows: “What came before is the basis for what I’m telling you now, namely that you should do X.” The discourse may take many turns and even apparent changes of subject, but the last word ties it all together and ensures that the hearer leaves with the main point in mind.

In the Makua-Metto translation of 2 Timothy, one might hope to find phimaana before Paul’s ultimate exhortations to Timothy, since the exhortations are bringing the discourse to a close and summarizing different commands Paul has given throughout his letter. Instead, we find that Paul’s last word to Timothy contains highly unique linguistic features that more closely resemble a “first word” in Makua-Metto discourse but that nonetheless underline the supreme importance of the command more effectively than anything else could. Thus, we will see that instead of activating the brakes as we would expect, Paul in a way “pedals the bike” forward in the hope that Timothy will keep the momentum going as he continues to preach the Word. The rhetoric then speeds up as Paul’s last word is an exhortation to keep the Word going through the ministry of his apprentice.

In a small survey of exhortational discourse, I (Sam) asked eight Makua-Metto speakers to imagine themselves in a situation where they needed to counsel someone, and I then recorded a short discourse from each. To my surprise, every one of the participants spelled out the main exhortation of the speech at or near the beginning using what linguists call a “performative” verb—that is, the very word itself performs the intended speech action, as in “I’m telling you this” or “I declare to you that.” This kind of sentence is much more common in Makua-Metto than in English, and the seeming redundancy creates an expectation that what follows will be important. After beginning this study, I began experimenting using this kind of language when I needed to give someone advice or direction, for example telling a work crew how I wanted them to construct a bamboo fence in my yard. In each case, when I got to the main point and said, “I’m telling you the following [pause],” I could observe the listener’s ears almost visibly perk up. This kind of language is typical of a “first word” in Makua-Metto discourse, to which the last word often refers back.

Performative sentences of this type are somewhat rare in Paul, but these few examples introduce rhetorically powerful statements (e.g., 1 Cor 15:50; Gal 1:9). Thus, to a Makua-Metto speaker, it is clear that Paul already has Timothy’s attention when he opens the final section of the letter with the performative Greek verb diamartureo. But this is even more pronounced due to the semantics of the word itself, which means “to exhort with authority in matters of extraordinary importance, frequently with reference to higher powers and/or suggestion of peril.”6 Paul not only puts both his own name on the line but even invokes as witnesses God and Christ Jesus the judge, further underlining the gravity of the moment. No precise parallel of such a rhetorically charged command can be found anywhere else in Paul’s letters. Clearly, the commands that follow are of the sort that must not miss their intended target. In the next section we will look more closely at 2 Timothy in light of ithele and Makua-Metto rhetorical strategies.

Reading 2 Timothy and the Rhetoric of Omwishoni and Ithele

In 2 Timothy, Paul writes an appeal to his young colleague to remain loyal to Christ, to the gospel, and to Paul himself while also addressing the issue of false teachers.7 Paul, arrested again, has been taken to Rome, and nearing the end of his life, sends one final letter.8 It focuses on “Timothy and his character and leadership and teaching. There is no attention to church order and no discussion of Christian roles either in the house or the house church, and there are only two short sections on the opponents. . . . This is fully and truly a personal letter.”9 Witherington further observes that, “one gets the clear sense that Timothy is in over his head. This letter shatters the illusion of the inexorable progress of the Pauline mission and makes clear that there were many difficulties, even at the end of Paul’s life, when one would have hoped that the congregations established earlier would have been mostly stable.”10

While Paul is in chains, he wants to make sure that Timothy understands that God’s word is not chained (2:9). In 1:6–14, Paul references fear and shame, two chains that have the potential to keep Timothy (and Makua-Metto believers) from sharing the word,11 but encourages his apprentice to act honorably, using his gifts and authority to preach the word and not give up. Paul goes so far as to say that if Timothy doesn’t preach the word, following his example, that he will bring shame on Paul (1:12). Timothy is challenged to model his life after sound doctrine and continue the legacy of faith he’s been given (1:6, 14). The word of God is not chained as it is still walking around freely, embodied in others like Timothy who are faithfully sharing the word.

Witherington notes that, “The rhetorical analysis of 2 Timothy has not been properly undertaken in full,” as most commentators only really deal with the “micro-rhetoric not the macro-rhetoric of 2 Timothy.”12 Witherington analyzes the rhetoric of the letter in connection with similar examples of persuasive discourse from that period and concludes that “we have in 2 Timothy more of the vintage Paul, the Paul who wants to offer one last full rhetorical salvo taking advantage of the full arsenal of macro-rhetoric. Forming careful arguments that are presaged by a thesis statement and lead up to a peroration, the rhetoric of 2 Timothy is powerful and involves the ongoing development of a full discourse. Timothy is being galvanized to change his current behavior and get on with using his gifts and doing the tasks bequeathed to him by the great Apostle.”13

The rhetorical force of the whole of 2 Timothy builds until it reaches its climax in the charge in 4:1–8. Witherington describes 4:1–8 as the “peroratio” or conclusion of his discourse.14 He notes, “All along Paul has been charging and urging Timothy to do or be one thing or another as a minister of God. Now those charges are brought to a climax or final distillation, all introduced by an oath to indicate the seriousness of the final major exhortation.”15

Towner, commenting on the rhetoric in 4:1–2, notes, “This single sentence in Greek begins the charge by underlining its gravity (v. 1) before setting out the terms of the task (v. 2). The seriousness of the obligation being laid on Timothy is emphasized in two ways:” (1) affirmation that the charge was made in the presence of divine witnesses (God and Christ); and (2) acknowledgment of the authority of Christ and his future appearance as eschatological judge.16 So, in v. 1, we see Paul referencing the history of salvation—the story of Jesus as the true judge who will judge justly both the living and the dead. In v. 2, Paul shares the code that he is calling Timothy to live by. Since 2 Timothy is Paul’s last word, then ch. 4 is the last word of the last word (his “Omwisho Omwishoni”), which is: Preach the word! It is interesting that Paul’s last word is an exhortation for it to not be the last word, but that this good word would keep spreading. “It is the Word that is to be preached,” and Timothy should “not let circumstances determine whether he does it or not. In addition, he is to convince, warn and also encourage or use argument, reproof and appeal—in short, rhetoric. We might say that preaching takes several forms and involves all three of these actions: convince, warn, encourage.”17 Timothy is to teach the story and the code by offering explanations of the story and giving counsel for proper application. In the Makua-Metto translation of v. 4, the word ithele is used in a negative or false sense, which serves as a good reminder that what Timothy, and his heirs today, are called to speak is the true myth or ithele, not the false myths/ithele. Similarly, in Portuguese, the national language of Mozambique, the word história can mean both factual history and fictional tale. There are people in churches who will want to hear false histórias/ithele of personal ambition, sin, and death so they can follow those codes, but that is not what we are to preach.

Later, in 4:6–8, “the impending death of Paul supplies the element of urgency that supports the charge to Timothy.”18 Towner, commenting on the structure of the section, notes that “verse 8 concludes the section begun at v. 1 by repeating the theme that initiated the commission to Timothy: final judgment. Now the athletic theme is extended to the point of reward for victory.”19 Paul also uses his own life as an illustration—he is in chains, knowing that he is about to give his life as a sacrifice, but that is not going to be the end of the story because God’s word is not chained—it will continue through apprentices like Timothy.

The Makua-Metto people are very familiar with master-apprentice relationships. All professions are expected to have some type of formal or informal apprenticeship. Ithele singers have an assistant or apprentice to accompany their singing, and that is how an ithele singer is trained. They sit beside their master, learning the stories and songs, and when that person retires or dies, the apprentice steps into the master’s role. Paul is saying that even though he is about to die, Timothy is his apprentice and should continue the sharing of the word.

During Nhihapusiya’s recent performance he paused often to sing a song that concludes with the word saminiya (Makua-Metto for open flame kerosene lamp).20 This final word, sung like a chorus by all the participants present,21 is a way to say, “Bring the lamp/light . . . don’t stop . . . keep going . . . keep telling the story.” Ithele performances often go late into the night and singing saminiya is a way to encourage everyone involved to continue—even though it is getting dark, the song needs to continue. A connection with 2 Timothy that resonates strongly here is this: Paul doesn’t want the ithele to stop. He wants his apprentice to continue the song, to continue the story. This is a strong message for Makua-Metto Christians. Since so few have become disciples of Jesus, and so many people are still in darkness, preachers of the word need to keep bringing the light into dark places.22 Paul’s final counsel, his last word for Timothy before he dies and the fuel in his lamp runs out is: preach the word in and out of season—even when it is getting dark—saminiya.

Paul was a master rhetorician, schooled in the methods and conventions of his day. His communication style reflects an education in the ways of Aristotle and others.23 Cross-cultural communicators would be wise to explore and appreciate the conventions of macro and micro rhetoric that can augment the preaching of the word in their contexts. For communicators serving the Makua-Metto people, we have found that ithele singers can serve as a helpful model and an inspiration to answer the call issued in Paul’s last word (omwishoni) to Timothy, to keep preaching the word, making sure that this last word is not the final word.

Alan Howell, his wife Rachel, and their three girls lived in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique. Alan has a MDiv from Harding School of Theology. The Howells resided in Mozambique from 2003 to 2018 as part of a team serving among the Makua-Metto people.
Sam Pflederer and his wife Elizabeth live in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, after moving there in 2015 to support the Makua-Metto Bible translation project. Sam has an MA in Applied Linguistics from Dallas International University.

1 We could refer to ithele performers as poets, storytellers, or singers. Since the most common verb used to describe the ithele performance is wiipa, which means “to swell” or “to sing,” we will refer to them as ithele singers in this article.

2 I (Alan) did individual interviews (20 minutes) with a few church leaders and then discussed these findings with small groups or classes of mostly men (over 105 participants total at different stages in the development of these ideas).

3 Unfortunately, it does not take long before they break the code (in Exod 32:19–20 this is recognized by the breaking of the tablets), leading to more stories of salvation in the future.

4 Westerners typically value direct communication, but our Mozambican friends and colleagues often prefer to play a different kind of communication game. Their rhetoric tends to be more indirect, making use of riddles and proverbs, which is often more convincing than addressing a topic directly. Communication and conversation are to be savored—not gulped down quickly. That dynamic appears in both ithele and preaching as well.

5 While this is a common reading, it is important to note that understanding the “Christ hymn” as an actual “hymn” is certainly under debate. For more on this topic see these recent studies: Michael Wade Martin and Bryan A. Nash, “Philippians 2:6–11 as Subversive Hymnos: A Study in Light of Ancient Rhetorical Theory,” JTS 66, no. 1 (2015): 90–138; and Ben Edsall and Jennifer Strawbridge, “The Songs We Used to Sing? Hymn ‘Traditions’ and Reception in Pauline Letters,” JSNT 37, no. 3 (2015): 290–311.

7 While Pauline authorship of the Pastoral Epistles in general and 2 Timothy specifically is a matter of debate, the Makua-Metto churches assume authorial authenticity. In light of this assumption, and lack of a “compelling case . . . to exclude the reasonable possibility that the letters are actual, individual letters to historical persons and situations,” we will “read the letters as they purport to have been written” (Philip H. Towner, The Letters to Timothy and Titus, The New International Commentary on the New Testament [Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, 2006], 83–84).

8 Ben Witherington III, Letters and Homilies for Hellenized Christians, vol. 1, A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on Titus, 1–2 Timothy and 1–3 John (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2006), 66.

9 Ibid., 301–2.

10 Ibid., 302.

11 For more on the rhetoric of honor, shame, and fear in the Makua-Metto context, see Alan Howell and Logan T. Thompson, “From Mozambique to Millennials: Shame, Frontier Peoples, and the Search for Open Atonement Paths,” International Journal of Frontier Missiology 33, no. 4 (2016), 157–65.

12 Ben Witherington III, New Testament Rhetoric: An Introductory Guide to the Art of Persuasion in and of the New Testament (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2009), 173.

13 Witherington, New Testament Rhetoric, 175.

14 Witherington, Letters, 362.

15 Ibid., 363.

16 Towner, 595–6.

17 Witherington, Letters, 365.

18 Towner, 611.

19 Towner, 614.

20 Interestingly, the reference to letting your light shine in Matt 5:16 in Makua-Metto is translated using the word for kerosene lamp (“ipharele isaminiinyenyu iriyari yaathu”).

21 Different traditional singers in different parts of Mozambique will use different choruses. For example, in Zambezia they use different terms.

22 For Alan, this has been a deeply meaningful text during the process of leaving Mozambique after 15 years serving as a missionary among the Makua people. In saying goodbye to the churches and people we have worked to disciple here, the chorus of saminiya has been a way to encourage followers of Jesus to keep preaching the word and keep bringing the light.

23 “Rhetoric was a tool usable with the educated and uneducated, with the elite and the ordinary, and most public speakers of any ilk or skill in antiquity knew that they had to use the art of persuasion to accomplish their aims. There were not only schools of rhetoric throughout the Mediterranean crescent, rhetoric itself was part of elementary, secondary, and tertiary basic education as well” (Witherington, New Testament Rhetoric, 5).


Scientific publications

Scientific peer-reviewed papers

All the open access scientific publications of FLEDGED project are available in the FLEDGED community on Zenodo.

Sorption enhanced dimethyl ether synthesis for high efficiency carbon conversion: Modelling and cycle design (van Kampen J., Boon J., Vente J., van Sint Annaland M., J. of CO2 Utilization, Volume 39, 2020)
Dimethyl ether is one of the most promising alternative fuels under consideration worldwide. Both the conventional indirect DME synthesis and the improved direct DME synthesis process are constrained by thermodynamics, which results in limited product yield, extensive separations and large recycle streams. Sorption enhanced DME synthesis is a novel process for the production of DME. The in situ removal of H2O ensures that the oxygen surplus of the feed no longer ends up in CO2 as is the case for direct DME synthesis. As a result CO2 can be converted directly to DME with high carbon efficiency, rather than being the main byproduct of DME production. The sorption enhanced DME synthesis process is a promising intensification, already achieving over 80 % single-pass CO2 conversion for a non-optimized system. The increased single-pass conversion requires less downstream separation and smaller recycle streams, especially for a CO2-rich feed. A key optimization parameter for the process performance is the adsorption capacity of the system. This capacity can be improved by optimizing the reactive adsorption conditions and the regeneration procedure. In this work, a detailed modelling study is performed to investigate the impact of various process parameters on the operating window and the interaction between different steps in a complete sorption enhanced DME synthesis cycle, and to compare its performance to other direct DME synthesis processes. The development of sorption enhanced DME synthesis, with its high efficiency carbon conversion, could play a significant role in the energy transition in which the carbon conversion will become leading.
Experimental investigation on sorption enhanced gasification (SEG) of biomass in a fluidized bed reactor for producing a tailored syngas (Martínez I., Kulakova V., Grasa G., Murillo R., Fuel, Volume 259, 2020)
Synthetic fuel production from renewable energy sources like biomass is gaining importance driven by the ambitious targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions worldwide. Sorption enhanced gasification (SEG)
proposes carrying out the gasification of biomass in the presence of a CO2 sorbent, which allows producing a syngas with a suitable composition for a subsequent synthetic fuel production step. This study aims at analysing the effect of different operating parameters (e.g. steam-to-carbon (S/C) ratio, CO2 sorption capacity and sorbent-to-biomass ratio) in the syngas composition and char conversion obtained in a 30 kWth bubbling fluidized bed gasifier, using grape seeds as feedstock. The importance of reducing the formation of higher hydrocarbons through a high steam-to-carbon ratio and using a CO2 sorbent with high sorption capacity is assessed. C3-C4 and unsaturated C2 hydrocarbons contents below 1%vol. (in dry and N2 free basis) can be achieved when working with S/C ratios of 1.5 at gasification temperatures from 700 to 740 °C. Varying the amount of the CO2 separated in the gasifier (by modifying the temperature or the CO2 sorption capacity of the sorbent) the content of H2, CO and CO2 in the syngas produced can be greatly modified, resulting in a module M=(H2-CO2)/(CO+CO2) that ranges from 1.2 to almost 3.
Steam separation enhanced reactions: Review and outlook (van Kampen J., Boon J., van Berkel F.P.F. Vente J., van Sint Annaland M., Chemical Engineering Journal, Volume 374, 2019)
Enhancement by steam separation is a promising process intensification for many types of reactions in which water is formed as a byproduct. For this, two main technologies are reactive vapor permeation (membrane technology) and reactive adsorption. Both can achieve significant conversion enhancement of equilibrium limited reactions by in situ removal of the by-product steam, while additionally it may help protecting catalysts from steam-induced deactivation.
In general, reactive permeation or reactive adsorption would be preferable for distinctly different process conditions and requirements. However, although some advantages of reactive steam separation are readily apparent from a theoretical, thermodynamic point of view, the developments in several research lines make clear that the feasibility of in situ steam removal should be addressed case specifically and not only from a theoretical point of view. This includes the hydrothermal stability of the membranes and their permselectivity for reactive steam permeation, whereas high-temperature working capacities and heat management are crucial aspects for reactive steam adsorption. Together, these developments can accelerate further discovery, innovation and the rollout of steam separation enhanced reaction processes.
Reversible deactivation of γ-alumina by steam in the gas-phase dehydration of methanol to dimethyl ether (Boon J., van Kampen J., Hoogendoorn R., Tanase S., van Berkel F.P.F.,van Sint Annaland M., Catalysis Communications, Volume 119, 2019)
Acidic γ-Al2O3 is an active catalyst for the dehydration of methanol to dimethyl ether (DME). However, the produced steam reduces the activity. In this work, the influence of the exposure of γ-Al2O3 to steam on the catalytic activity for methanol dehydration has been determined. At 250 °C and increasing stream partial pressure the conversion of γ-Al2O3 into γ-AlO(OH) is observed at a p(H2O) of 13–14 bar. As a consequence, the catalytic activity decreases, reducing the rate of methanol dehydration to around 25%. However, this conversion is reversible and under reaction conditions γ-AlO(OH) converts back to γ-Al2O3, recovering its catalytic activity.

Conference abstracts

2017 - TMFB2017 - 5th International Conference on Tailor-Made Fuels from Biomass
A novel sorption enhanced dimethyl ether synthesis (SEDMES) process is presented using a solid adsorbent to remove produced water in situ. SEDMES experiments from feed mixtures of H2, CO, and CO2 have shown an increased yield of DME, an improved selectivity to DME over methanol, and a strongly reduced CO2 content in the product. Consequently, SEDMES will reduce the downstream separation effort and minimise the recycle streams. Within the European Horizon 2020 project FLEDGED, synthesis gas from biomass gasification will be used as feedstock for the separation enhanced DME-synthesis.

Other FLEDGED concept related publications

Flexible sorption enhanced gasification (SEG) of biomass for the production of synthetic natural gas (SNG) and liquid biofuels: Process assessment of stand-alone and power-to-gas plant schemes for SNG production (Martìnez I., Romano M., Energy, Volume 113, 2016)
A flexible sorption enhanced gasification (SEG) process is assessed in this work, where CaO-based material circulating between gasifier and combustor reactors is adjusted for fulfilling the syngas composition requirements according to the downstream fuel synthesis process. A case study of a synthetic natural gas (SNG) production plant based on this SEG process is presented, which has been analysed under different conditions of gasification temperature or solid circulation. A possible integration of this plant with an electrolysis system for power-to-gas application for balancing the electric grid is also proposed and assessed. SNG production efficiencies as high as 62% (LHV-based) have been found for the production of SNG with final CH4 content of 98%. Excess energy recovered from the process streams can be used for producing electricity in a steam turbine, covering the electric demand in the plant. If credits associated to electricity production are considered, equivalent SNG production efficiencies higher than 70% have been calculated. Efficiencies reported in this work are in the upper limit of the range found in the literature for non-SEG concepts, which require an intermediate conditioning step of WGS and CO2 removal. When coupled with an electrolyser, power-to-gas efficiencies of about 60% have been calculated, in line with stand-alone power to gas methanation systems.
Modelling of indirect steam gasification in circulating fluidized bed reactors (Kari Myöhänen, Juha Palonen, Timo Hyppänen, Fuel Processing Technology, Volume 171, 2018)
The indirect steam gasification in circulating fluidized bed reactors was studied by modelling. The object of study was a coupled 12 MWth gasifier-combustor system, which was fired by woody biomass. The heat for the steam-blown gasifier was produced in the air-blown combustor and transported by circulating solids between the interconnected reactors. The system was modelled by a semi-empirical three-dimensional model, which simulated the fluid dynamics, reactions, and heat transfer in the coupled process. The studied cases included different temperature levels, which were controlled by the amount of additional fuel feed to the combustor. The model concept can be later applied to study sorption enhanced gasification, which is a promising method for sustainable production of transport fuels to substitute fossil based fuels.


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América Latina Portal Europeu
REDIAL Rede Europeia de Informação e Documentação sobre a América Latina
CEISAL Conselho Europeu de Pesquisas Sociais da América Latina
Revista Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

Bulletin of Latin American Research

Revista Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Ano: 2004 vol. 23 n. 1

Drinot, Paulo . The 1934 Southern Railway Strike in Peru.  / La Huelga de 1934 en el ferrocarril del sur en Perú p. 1-29 América del Sur
Siglo XX

This article examines the 1934 Southern Railway Strike, a largely neglected yet important episode in Peruvian labour history. The strike, which pitted the British-owned Peruvian Corporation against its workforce, resulted in victory for the company. Drawing on a variety of original primary sources, I examine the factors that shaped the development and outcome of the strike. I pay particular attention to the strategies developed by the company managers to defeat the workers. The success of these strategies, I suggest, owed in no small measure to the volatile political situation created by the insurgency tactics of APRA and the Communist Party, which made victory for the workers politically impossible, and to the capacity of the Peruvian Corporation managers to draw on 'imperial connections' in their dealings with the Peruvian government.

Tedesco, Laura  Democracy in Latin America: Issues of Governance in the Southern Cone. [Trad. La Democracia en América latina: Cuestiones de Gobernabilidad en el Cono Sur] p. 30-42 Cono Sur
Argentina ; Chile ; Uruguay ; Paraguay

This article explores academic debates on transitions and democratic development, and outlines ideas relating to the governance issues considered by the papers in this special section. It presents a discussion of recent debates on democracy and transition in Latin America and concludes on the need to conceptualise the state in the region after the return to democracy. In so doing, it analyses issues of governance and highlights the role of the political class in building a democratic state.

Diamint, Rut . Security Challenges in Latin America .  / Desafíos en Materia de Seguridad en América latina p. 43-62 América Latina

This article challenges established security ideas on Latin America, beginning with the assumption that militarised states and military coups d'état now belong to a bygone era. The attempt is to demonstrate that, despite a regional framework for cooperation, democratic governments here have not established a democratic process of decision-making, particularly where security issues are concerned. This absence of democratic civil control over the military could challenge, and even potentially undermine, the consolidation of democracy in Latin America.

Silva, Patricio  Doing Politics in a Depoliticised Society: Social Change and Political Deactivation in Chile . [Trad. Haciendo Política en una Sociedad Despolitizada: Cambio Social y Desactivación Política en Chile ] p. 63-78 Cono Sur

This article explores the process of political deactivation in Chile which has taken place since the military coup of 1973. Its stresses a series of political, social and cultural factors which have produced an increasing depoliticisation of the Chilean population under both the Pinochet regime and the current Concertaciòn governments. The forced depoliticisation generated by repression and fears under the military government marked the genesis of political deactivation. Since the late 1970s the marketisation of Chilean society and its increased consumerist orientation have weakened even further the readiness and interest among Chilean citizens to participate actively in party politics. In addition, in recent years politicians and politics in general have experienced in Chile a growing decrease of prestige and credibility. The media, and particularly the television, have become the main arenas in which new style politicians sell their electoral products to a depoliticised mass who expect quick and concrete solutions to their particular problems and demands.

Koonings, Kees  Strengthening Citizenship in Brazil's Democracy: Local Participatory Governance in Porto Alegre. [Trad. Fortaleciendo la Ciudadanía en la Democracia de Brasil: La Gobernabilidad Participativa Local en Porto Alegre ] p. 79-99 América del Sur

In Latin America, and particularly Brazil, inequality and social exclusion continue to plague the quality of democracy despite two decades of transition and consolidation. Still, in Brazil, the Workers' Party has been remarkably successful over the past decade, explicitly addressing the problem of social exclusion and 'incomplete citizenship'. This paper provides an analysis of the case of Porto Alegre covering the four Workers' Party municipal administrations from 1989 to the present in order to assess the significance of social incorporation and citizenship for the quality of democracy in Brazil. The paper discusses some conceptual notions that are relevant for the question of democracy in Brazil, particularly the role of citizenship and civil society in 'deepening' democracy. Then the paper goes into the evolution and dynamics of Porto Alegre's system of 'participatory budgeting'. The paper's assessment of this experience with respect to its performance, depth and robustness shows that 'participatory budgeting' has had positive effects with respect to the provision of public goods services, the quality of governance, and citizens' participation in what is seen as a new 'public space' shared by the local state and grass roots organisations. The paper concludes by relating the case experience to the question of citizenship, civil society and democracy and by reflecting upon its wider implications for the current and future quality of democracy in Brazil.

Tuozzo, María Fernanda  World Bank, Governance Reforms and Democracy in Argentina. [Trad. Banco Mundial, Reformas de Gobernabilidad y Democracia en Argentina] p. 100-118 Cono Sur

The World Bank's endorsement in the 1990s of institutional reforms as a constitutive dimension of economic development led to the adoption of a governance agenda. The paper analyses the role the Bank exercised in Argentina and explains its influence in the adoption of a new state model, of new state civil society relations and on particular key components of democracy. This paper argues that while the Bank has helped to set up an agenda of reform regarding governance problems, the push for particular policies and practices has also produced partial and contradictory results on the consolidation of democracy.

Bulletin of Latin American Research
Papel | Versão digital com assinatura | Trimestral | Reino Unido ISSN papel: 0261-3050
ISSN digital: 1470-9856
Año de criação: 1981

Editor: Society for Latin American Studies
Direção: University of Liverpool, Room 313a, Cypress Building, L69 7ZR Liverpool

Este Boletín aspira a reflejar una investigación original sobre asuntos corrientes dedicados a América Latina mediante la publicación de largos artículos relacionados con las ciencias sociales y humanas. Se publican artículos más cortos sobre temas de actualidad en lo que atañe el estudio de América Latina, artículos de revista, el progreso de la ciencia, críticas de libros, y notas. Recientemente, una sección « debate » ha sido añadida dedicada a presentar análisis vanguardistas sobre tópicos específicos analizados por especialistas.
Texto completo disponible en Wiley Online Library para los números desde 1995; los anteriores en JSTOR

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Oana Avasilichioaei, THRESHOLDS (2015), multimedia performance, design and visual effects by Jessie Altura, 19:11.

Oana Avasilichioaei

Simon Fraser University’s School for the Contemporary Arts (SCA) is pleased to welcome Oana Avasilichioaei as the Audain Visual Artist in Residence in January 2018. Avasilichioaei’s practice is concerned with textuality, polylingual poetics, the social and political forces/voices of the polis, and the intermediary spaces between word, sound and image, exploring the transgressions of these terrains through poetry, translation, performance, and sound work.

During her time in Vancouver, Avasilichioaei will do a public talk and multimedia performance, as well as visit interdisciplinary, graduate and undergraduate art classes and facilitate a workshop. In conjunction with faculty member Allyson Clay, Avasilichioaei will work with third-year visual art students towards conceptualizing and creating work for the annual student exhibition in the Audain Gallery. Conceived as a laboratory of research and making, her intervention will focus on unpacking various notions of border—border as wall, border as place, border in translation—proposing some theoretical and aesthetic reflections on its reverberations. Given current polylingual contexts, migration and displacement, wall-building and global-village thinking, various boundary disputes around the world, and the increasingly hazy distinction between private and public, this is a crucial moment to consider how one conceptualizes national, physical and personal boundaries, in order to discover whether productive crossovers are possible, as opposed to more rigid and entrenched responses. Some questions worth considering include: How do we enact borders? How do we translate them? What are the ethical implications of this translation? Is a language a border? By encouraging various translations/transpositions between text and performance, image and sound, text and image, the organic and the technological, materiality and musicality, etc., the lab will investigate the border as a potential in-between, porous space; disputed, yet also productive.

As part of her residency, Avasilichioaei will present LIMBS & THRESHOLDS, an immersive multimedia performance of poetic texts, involving layered voices and live vocal play, sampled sounds, effects pedals and electronics, a theremin, and textured projections of poems and images (created in collaboration with Jessie Altura). In a world where the political, linguistic and bodily border is a place of strife and violence, LIMBS & THRESHOLDS explores ways of rethinking the border by breaking down the boundaries between word and sound, sense and resonance, original and translation, image and reflection. Based on Avasilichioaei’s hybrid book Limbinal (Talonbooks 2015) as well as current project Eight Track, the performance presents a series of phonotopes, in-between places of sound and figure, orchestral and in flux, generative and inhabited.

Oana Avasilichioaei’s five poetry collections include feria: a poempark (2008; a poetic investigation of the fractured historicities of Vancouver’s Hastings Park), We, Beasts (2012, awarded the A. M. Klein Prize for Poetry; a textual architecture of orality, animality and the fairytale) and Limbinal (2015; a multi-genre polylingual work on notions of borders). Increasingly interstitial, her work has also gone outside the bounds of the book, encompassing various formats such as multimedia performance, sound work, photography, graphic score, and installation; recent multimedia performances include THRESHOLDS (2015) and MOUTHNOTES (2016). Also a translator of prose and poetry from French and Romanian, her most recent translation is Bertrand Laverdure’s Readopolis (2017 Governor General Literary Award for Translation). Avasilichioaei has performed her work and given talks in festivals, art spaces, universities, theatres and other venues in Canada, USA, Mexico and Europe and was the 2009 Writer in Residence at Green College, UBC and the 2010–2011 Writer in Residence at the University of Calgary. Her curatorial and collaborative work has taken numerous forms, such as founding and curating the Atwater Poetry Project (2004–2009), writing “Folding Borders: Experimenting in the Canadian Laboratory” (series of commentaries on Jacket2, 2011), and co-writing Expeditions of a Chimæra with Erín Moure (2009). Multimedia collaborations include videos such as “Mirrored” (with Jessie Altura, 2011), text for From what hand to speak (composer Adam Scime, 2015), and the libretto for Marionette (composer Anna Hostman, forthcoming). Avasilichioaei’s current book/beyond-the-book project is Eight Track, a poetic, sonic investigation of the multifold meanings of track and tracking. Based in Montreal, she frequently crosses borders.

Oana Avasilichioaei: LIMBS & THRESHOLDS

January 24, 2018 at 7:00pm
Djavad Mowafaghian World Art Centre
SFU at Goldcorp Centre for the Arts
149 W. Hastings, Vancouver