Schlesinger described him as a democratic socialist. Nevertheless, some of his policies, particularly those involving agrarian reform, would be branded as "communist" by the Guatemalan upper class and the United Fruit Company. Historian Piero Gleijeses has argued that although Árbenz's policies were intentionally capitalist in nature, his personal views gradually shifted towards communism. His goal was to increase Guatemala's economic and political independence, and he believed that to do this Guatemala needed to build a strong domestic economy. He made an effort to reach out to the indigenous Mayan people, and sent government representatives to confer with them. From this effort he learned that the Maya held strongly to their ideals of dignity and self-determination; inspired in part by this, he stated in 1951 that "If the independence and prosperity of our people were incompatible, which for certain they are not, I am sure that the great majority of Guatemalans would prefer to be a poor nation, but free, and not a rich colony, but enslaved." Although the policies of the Árbenz government were based on a moderate form of capitalism, the communist movement did grow stronger during his presidency, partly because Arévalo released its imprisoned leaders in 1944, and also through the strength of its teachers' union.
Inauguration and ideology
Jacobo Árbenz
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
To increase Guatemala's economic and political independence Decidedly pragmatic and capitalist in temper He describes his economic and political ideals as "decidedly pragmatic and capitalist in temper". His goal was to increase Guatemala's economic and political independence, and he believed that to do this Guatemala needed to build a strong domestic economy.
what is operation pbfortune?
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It was a covert United States operation to overthrow the democratically elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz
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where did the place get its name?
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The name "Guatemala" comes from the Nahuatl word "Cuauhtēmallān" , or "place of many trees".
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name a few literatures associated with nahuatl?
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Chalco written by Chimalpahin, from Tlaxcala by Diego Muñoz Camargo, from Mexico-Tenochtitlan by Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc and those of Texcoco by Fernando Alva Ixtlilxochitl
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when did the person against whom the operation was intended become president?
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March 15, 1951
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was he ever exiled?
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Yes, Árbenz and his family were the victims of a CIA-orchestrated and intense defamation campaign that led them to exile
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where did he spend his exile period?
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Paris, Prague, Montevideo, Uruguay
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is he alive?
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No, he died in 1970
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what was his ideology?
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Árbenz had several supporters among the communist members of the legislature, but they were only a small part of the government coalition.
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
Land reform was the centerpiece of Árbenz's election campaign. The revolutionary organizations that had helped put Árbenz in power kept constant pressure on him to live up to his campaign promises regarding land reform. Agrarian reform was one of the areas of policy which the Arévalo administration had not ventured into; when Árbenz took office, only 2% of the population owned 70% of the land. Historian Jim Handy described Árbenz's economic and political ideals as "decidedly pragmatic and capitalist in temper". According to historian Stephen Schlesinger, while Árbenz did have a few communists in lower-level positions in his administration, he "was not a dictator, he was not a crypto-communist".
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
In his inaugural address, Árbenz promised to convert Guatemala from "a backward country with a predominantly feudal economy into a modern capitalist state". He declared that he intended to reduce dependency on foreign markets and dampen the influence of foreign corporations over Guatemalan politics. He said that he would modernize Guatemala's infrastructure without the aid of foreign capital. Based on advice from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, he set out to build more houses, ports, and roads. Árbenz also set out to reform Guatemala's economic institutions; he planned to construct factories, increase mining, expand transportation infrastructure, and expand the banking system.
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
Although the Communist party was banned for much of the Guatemalan Revolution, the Guatemalan government welcomed large numbers of communist and socialist refugees fleeing the dictatorial governments of neighboring countries, and this influx strengthened the domestic movement. In addition, Árbenz had personal ties to some members of the communist Guatemalan Party of Labour, which was legalized during his government. The most prominent of these was José Manuel Fortuny. Fortuny played the role of friend and adviser to Árbenz through the three years of his government, from 1951 to 1954. Fortuny wrote several speeches for Árbenz, and in his role as agricultural secretary helped craft the landmark agrarian reform bill.
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
Schlesinger described him as a democratic socialist. Nevertheless, some of his policies, particularly those involving agrarian reform, would be branded as "communist" by the Guatemalan upper class and the United Fruit Company. Historian Piero Gleijeses has argued that although Árbenz's policies were intentionally capitalist in nature, his personal views gradually shifted towards communism. His goal was to increase Guatemala's economic and political independence, and he believed that to do this Guatemala needed to build a strong domestic economy. He made an effort to reach out to the indigenous Mayan people, and sent government representatives to confer with them. From this effort he learned that the Maya held strongly to their ideals of dignity and self-determination; inspired in part by this, he stated in 1951 that "If the independence and prosperity of our people were incompatible, which for certain they are not, I am sure that the great majority of Guatemalans would prefer to be a poor nation, but free, and not a rich colony, but enslaved." Although the policies of the Árbenz government were based on a moderate form of capitalism, the communist movement did grow stronger during his presidency, partly because Arévalo released its imprisoned leaders in 1944, and also through the strength of its teachers' union.
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
Arévalo described his ideology as "spiritual socialism". He was anti-communism and believed in a capitalist society regulated to ensure that its benefits went to the entire population. Arévalo's ideology was reflected in the new constitution that was ratified by the Guatemalan assembly soon after his inauguration, which was one of the most progressive in Latin America. It mandated suffrage for all but illiterate women, a decentralization of power, and provisions for a multiparty system. Communist parties were forbidden. Once in office, Arévalo implemented these and other reforms, including minimum wage laws, increased educational funding, and labor reforms. The benefits of these reforms were largely restricted to the upper-middle classes and did little for the peasant agricultural laborers who made up the majority of the population.
Jacobo Árbenz | Government of Juan José Arévalo
Árbenz's role as defense minister had already made him a strong candidate for the presidency, and his firm support of the government during the 1949 uprising further increased his prestige. In 1950 the economically moderate Partido de Integridad Nacional (PIN) announced that Árbenz would be its presidential candidate in the upcoming election. The announcement was quickly followed by endorsements from most parties on the left, including the influential PAR, as well as from labor unions. Árbenz carefully chose the PIN as the party to nominate him. Based on the advice of his friends and colleagues, he believed it would make his candidacy appear more moderate.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Árbenz got more than three times as many votes as the runner-up, Ydígoras Fuentes. Fuentes claimed electoral fraud had benefited Árbenz, but scholars have pointed out that while fraud may possibly have given Árbenz some of his votes, it was not the reason that he won the election. Árbenz's promise of land reform played a large role in ensuring his victory. The election of Árbenz alarmed US State Department officials, who stated that Arana "has always represented the only positive conservative element in the Arévalo administration" and that his death would "strengthen materially", and that "developments forecast sharp leftist trend within the government." Árbenz was inaugurated as president on March 15, 1951.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Despite his position in Árbenz's government, however, Fortuny never became a popular figure in Guatemala, and did not have a large popular following like some other communist leaders. The communist party remained numerically weak, without any representation in Árbenz's cabinet of ministers. A handful of communists were appointed to lower-level positions in the government. Árbenz read and admired the works of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin (before Khrushchev's report); officials in his government eulogized Stalin as a "great statesman and leader ... whose passing is mourned by all progressive men". The Guatemalan Congress paid tribute to Joseph Stalin with a "minute of silence" when Stalin died in 1953, a fact that was remarked upon by later observers.
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
He could only be removed by Congress, and even then only if he was found to have broken the law. When Arévalo was inaugurated as president, Arana stepped into this new position, and Árbenz was sworn in as defense minister.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
In the elections that followed, Juan José Arévalo was elected president, and began a highly popular program of social reform. Árbenz was appointed Minister of Defense, and played a crucial role in putting down a military coup in 1949. After the death of Arana, Árbenz contested the presidential elections that were held in 1950 and without significant opposition defeated Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, his nearest challenger, by a margin of over 50%. He took office on March 15, 1951, and continued the social reform policies of his predecessor. These reforms included an expanded right to vote, the ability of workers to organize, legitimizing political parties, and allowing public debate.
Jacobo Árbenz | Introduction
Peurifoy promised to arrange a truce, and the plotters went to Árbenz and informed him of their decision. Árbenz, utterly exhausted and seeking to preserve at least a measure of the democratic reforms that he had brought, agreed. After informing his cabinet of his decision, he left the presidential palace at 8 pm on June 27, 1954, having taped a resignation speech that was broadcast an hour later. In it, he stated that he was resigning in order to eliminate the "pretext for the invasion," and that he wished to preserve the gains of the October Revolution. He walked to the nearby Mexican Embassy, seeking political asylum.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
The constitution and Arévalo's socialist ideology became the basis for much of the reform enacted under Arévalo and (later) Jacobo Árbenz. Although the US government would later portray the ideology of the revolution as radical communist, it did not in fact represent a major shift leftward, and was staunchly anti-communist. Arévalo's economic vision for the country was centered around private enterprise.
Guatemalan Revolution | Ideology
That first meeting was followed by others until Árbenz invited Fortuny to his house for discussions that usually extended for hours. Like Árbenz, Fortuny was inspired by a fierce nationalism and a burning desire to improve the conditions of the Guatemalan people, and, like Árbenz, he sought answers in Marxist theory. This relationship would strongly influence Árbenz in the future. On December 16, 1945, Arévalo was incapacitated for a while after a car accident. The leaders of the Revolutionary Action Party (PAR), which was the party that supported the government, were afraid that Arana would take the opportunity to launch a coup and so struck a deal with him, which later came to be known as the "Pacto del Barranco" (Pact of the Ravine).
Jacobo Árbenz | Government of Juan José Arévalo
Árbenz himself resigned his position as Defense Minister on February 20 and declared his candidacy for the presidency. Arévalo wrote him an enthusiastic personal letter in response but publicly only reluctantly endorsed him, preferring, it is thought, his friend Víctor Manuel Giordani, who was then Health Minister. It was only the support Árbenz had, and the impossibility of Giordani being elected, that led to Arévalo deciding to support Árbenz. Prior to his death, Arana had planned to run in the 1950 presidential elections. His death left Árbenz without any serious opposition in the elections (leading some, including the CIA and US military intelligence, to speculate that Árbenz personally had him eliminated for this reason).
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Although his reforms were based on liberalism and capitalism, he was viewed with suspicion by the United States government, which would later portray him as a communist. When Árbenz was sworn in as defense minister under President Arévalo, he became the first to hold the portfolio, since it had previously been known as the "Ministry of War". In the fall of 1947, Árbenz, as defense minister, objected to the deportation of several workers after they had been accused of being communists. Well-known communist José Manuel Fortuny was intrigued by this action and decided to visit him, and found Árbenz to be different from the stereotypical Central American military officer.
Jacobo Árbenz | Government of Juan José Arévalo
Árbenz had only a couple of significant challengers in the election, in a field of ten candidates. One of these was Jorge García Granados, supported by some members of the upper-middle class who felt the revolution had gone too far. Another was Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, who had been a general under Ubico and had the support of the hardline opponents of the revolution. During his campaign, Árbenz promised to continue and expand the reforms begun under Arévalo. Árbenz was expected to win the election comfortably because he had the support of both major political parties of the country, as well as that of the labor unions, which campaigned heavily on his behalf.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Historian Roberto Garcia Ferreira wrote in 2008 that Árbenz's legacy was still a matter of great dispute in Guatemala itself, while arguing that the image of Árbenz was significantly shaped by the CIA media campaign that followed the 1954 coup. Garcia Ferreira said that the revolutionary government represented one of the few periods in which "state authority was used to promote the interests of the nation's masses." Forster described Árbenz's legacy in the following terms: "In 1952 the Agrarian Reform Law swept the land, destroying forever the hegemony of the planters. Árbenz in effect legislated a new social order ...
Jacobo Árbenz | Legacy
He graduated with high honors from a military academy in 1935, and served in the army until 1944, quickly rising through the ranks. During this period, he witnessed the violent repression of agrarian laborers by the United States-backed dictator Jorge Ubico, and was personally required to escort chain-gangs of prisoners, an experience that contributed to his progressive views. In 1938 he met and married María Vilanova, who was a great ideological influence on him, as was José Manuel Fortuny, a Guatemalan communist. In October 1944 several civilian groups and progressive military factions led by Árbenz and Francisco Arana rebelled against Ubico's repressive policies.
Jacobo Árbenz | Introduction
Similarly, the actions of Julio A. Roca's presidencies were founded in the motto "Peace and Administration," synthesizing both liberal and conservative thinking. Throughout almost its entire existence, the men of the Generation of '80 believed in a destiny of indefinite progress for its country and for humanity. They hoped to see their country grow in all aspects: economically, socially, culturally, and materially. In a certain sense, they did not believe it necessary to do much more than create the conditions for this growth, since they took for granted that progress was the natural response to order. The only time this was questioned was during the Economic Crisis of 1890, but the general optimism returned soon after.
Generation of '80 | Ideology
His ideology was characterized by its conservative and doctrinal positions related to the thinking of the Catholic Church, especially in education. He was President of the Board of Charity of San José, Notary Major of the Ecclesiastical Curia and Secretary of the Cabildo of the Diocese of Costa Rica.
Vicente Herrera Zeledón | Ideology
According to Chazel and Fernández, Errejón transitioned from the anarchist and libertarian sensibilities of his youth to an interest in Latin American populism, displaying a convergence toward the Essex School of discourse analysis in his PhD dissertation, underpinning the intellectual goal of the creation of hegemony through discourse. A follower of Ernesto Laclau (whom he has explicitly cited several times as leading intellectual reference) and Chantal Mouffe, Errejón has been considered as the "most forthcoming" figure in Podemos when it came to embrace the party as populist. According to Franzé, rather than as antagonism between already existing actors, Errejón would understand populism as a reconfiguration of the legitimate "demos".
Íñigo Errejón | Ideology and stances
Under the terms of this pact, Arana agreed to refrain from seizing power with the military; in return, the PAR agreed to support Arana's candidacy in the next presidential election, scheduled for November 1950. Arévalo himself recovered swiftly, but was forced to support the agreement. However, by 1949 the National Renovation Party and the PAR were both openly hostile to Arana due to his lack of support for labor rights. The leftist parties decided to back Árbenz instead, as they believed that only a military officer could defeat Arana. In 1947 Arana had demanded that certain labor leaders be expelled from the country; Árbenz vocally disagreed with Arana, and the former's intervention limited the number of deportees.
Jacobo Árbenz | Government of Juan José Arévalo
He did not name the assassins, but suggested that they were members of the conservative opposition. He declared five days of national mourning in Arana's honor. Prior to making this speech, Arévalo shared the text with his ministers. Árbenz and a few others had disagreed with its thrust, and suggested that the entire truth be told; however, they were overruled by the majority of the ministers. Historian Piero Gleijeses stated that if Arana had attempted a coup without delivering an ultimatum, he would likely have succeeded. However, his overconfidence in his hold over the military, as well as his lingering desire to take power in a legitimate manner, led to his effort being sabotaged before it truly began.
Francisco Javier Arana | Death
Figures in the Morales government have described the President's approach to politics as "Evoism" (Spanish: "Evismo"). From 2009, Morales has advocated "communitarian socialism", while political scientist Sven Harten characterized Morales's ideology as "eclectic", drawing ideas from "various ideological currents". Harten noted that whilst Morales uses fierce anti-imperialist and leftist rhetoric, he is neither "a hardcore anti-globalist nor a Marxist," not having argued for the violent and absolute overthrow of capitalism or U.S. involvement in Latin America. Economically, Morales's policies have sometimes been termed "Evonomics" and have focused on creating a mixed economy. Morales's presidential discourse has revolved around distinguishing between "the people", of whom he sees himself as a representative, and the oppressive socio-economic elite and the old political class, whom he believes have mistreated "the people" for centuries.
Evo Morales | Political ideology
In his inaugural address, Árbenz promised to convert Guatemala from "a backward country with a predominantly feudal economy into a modern capitalist state." He declared that he intended to reduce dependency on foreign markets and dampen the influence of foreign corporations over Guatemalan politics. He also stated that he would modernize Guatemala's infrastructure and do so without the aid of foreign capital. Based on his plan of government, he did the following: Árbenz was a Christian socialist and governed as a European-style democratic socialist, and took great inspiration from Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal. According to historian Stephen Schlesinger, while Árbenz did have a few communists in lower-level positions in his administration, he "was not a dictator, he was not a crypto-communist." Nevertheless, some of his policies, particularly those involving agrarian reform, would be branded as "communist" by the upper classes of Guatemala and the United Fruit Company.
History of Guatemala | Presidency of Jacobo Árbenz Guzman (1951–1954)
Categorized as a dedicated democrat and nationalist, Juan José Arévalo defined his political philosophy as "spiritual socialism". The ideology was directed towards the moral development of Guatemalans with the intent to "liberate man psychologically". Arévalo, the revolution’s intellectual pillar, positioned his theoretical doctrine as integral to the construction of a progressive and peaceful Guatemalan society. Governments are capable of initiating the formation of an ideal society by allowing citizens the freedom to pursue their own opinions, property and way of life. The revolution's first president asserted that safeguarding the free will of citizens generates popular support for governmental institutions, which ensure the security of the individual and collective equally.
Juan José Arévalo | Spiritual socialism (Arevalismo)
Towards the monarchy Integrism remained ambiguous, with some sections of the party favoring different dynastical visions and some leaning towards accidentalism, prepared to accept a republican project.
Juan Olazábal Ramery | "Jefe"
Jacobo had originally desired to be an economist or an engineer, but since the family was now impoverished, he could not afford to go to a university. He initially did not want to join the military, but there was a scholarship available through the "Escuela Politécnica" for military cadets. He applied, passed all of the entrance exams, and entered as a cadet in 1932. His father committed suicide two years after Árbenz entered the academy.
Jacobo Árbenz | Early life
Carrero did not clearly belong to any family within the regime; his ultimate identification was with the work of the Dictator; as such, he can be considered a pure Francoist. Antonio Elorza described as most distinct features of his ideology the ideas of counter-revolution, anticommunism and satanization of masonry, all according to a conspirative vision of history, in line with a "degraded augustinianism". Also known to have dropped antisemite diatribes, by the time of 1941 he saw the state of affairs of a world in war as follows: "Spain, paladin of the Faith in Christ, is again (acting) against the true enemy: Judaism.
Luis Carrero Blanco | Ideology and positions
Miguel Alemán was the PRI's candidate in the 1946 elections, but he did not run unopposed. Alemán and his circle had hoped to abandon sectoral representation in the party and separate the party as an organism of the state, but there was considerable pushback from the labor sector and the CTM, which would have lost influence, along with the other sectors. The structure of the party remained sectoral, but the Alemanistas abandoned the goal that had been "the preparation of the people for the implementation of a workers' democracy and for the arrival of a socialist regime." The party slogan was changed from the PRM's "For a workers' democracy" ("Por una democracia de trabajadores") to the PRI's "Democracy and justice" ("Democracia y justicia").
Institutional Revolutionary Party | Change in structure and ideology
After the Cuban Revolution of 1959, a representative of the Fidel Castro government asked Árbenz to come to Cuba, to which he readily agreed, sensing an opportunity to live with fewer restrictions on himself. He flew to Havana in July 1960, and, caught up in the spirit of the recent revolution, began to participate in public events. His presence so close to Guatemala once again increased the negative coverage he received in the Guatemalan press. He was offered the leadership of some revolutionary movements in Guatemala but refused, as he was pessimistic about the outcome. In 1965 Árbenz was invited to the Communist Congress in Helsinki.
Jacobo Árbenz | Daughter's suicide and death
indigenous] face".
Evo Morales | Political ideology
They were given some positions within the party to maintain unity, but were unable to influence its course of action any more. Fortuny was removed from the position of secretary general, a position he had held since 1945. At approximately the same time, Fortuny was approached twice by Francisco Javier Arana, seeking the PAR's support for his candidacy in the next presidential election. Fortuny demurred, stating that Arana was not friendly enough to the labor movement. Instead, the PAR became willing to support Jacobo Árbenz, who they believed was more willing to enact progressive change. Árbenz' candidacy in the 1950 presidential election was announced on 5 February 1950 by the PIN, and the PAR endorsed him soon afterward.
Revolutionary Action Party | Leftist turn and split
Furthermore, he proposed the use of democratic political systems to justify the equality of individuals. He declared that democracies, a political belief that contrasted the totalitarian regime in Spain, showed the truths of how truly equal all people were. To him, nationalist agendas and totalitarian regimes repressed populations that did not fit into an imagined view.
Juan Comas | Latin American Anthropology
The political ideology of Las Abejas, which is connected to its religious identity, is opposed to neoliberalism, which they believe keeps them economically oppressed, and militarism. The resistance of Las Abejas is characterized by nonviolence, which distinguishes it from other groups, particularly the EZLN, which have used armed revolution as a means to obtain their demands. While sympathetic to the EZLN, Las Abejas has maintained its independence from the EZLN as well as from all political parties and, particularly, from the Mexican government. Much of the advocacy of Las Abejas has focused on their right to continue their agricultural work, which they feel has been threatened by national policies and by international trade agreements.
Las Abejas | Ideology
The centerpiece of his policy was an agrarian reform law under which uncultivated portions of large land-holdings were expropriated in return for compensation and redistributed to poverty-stricken agricultural laborers. Approximately 500,000 people benefited from the decree. The majority of them were indigenous people, whose forebears had been dispossessed after the Spanish invasion.
Jacobo Árbenz | Introduction
The repressive policies of the Ubico administration were continued. Opposition groups began organizing again, this time joined by many prominent political and military leaders, who deemed the Ponce regime unconstitutional. Árbenz had been one of the few officers in the military to protest the actions of Ponce Vaides. Ubico had fired Árbenz from his teaching post at the "Escuela Politécnica", and since then Árbenz had been living in ElSalvador, organizing a band of revolutionary exiles. Árbenz was one of the leaders of the plot within the army, along with Major Aldana Sandoval. Árbenz insisted that civilians also be included in the coup, over the protests of the other military men involved.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
In addition to political support, Árbenz had great personal appeal. He was described as having "an engaging personality and a vibrant voice". Árbenz's wife María also campaigned with him; despite her wealthy upbringing she had made an effort to speak for the interests of the Mayan peasantry and had become a national figure in her own right. Árbenz's two daughters also occasionally made public appearances with him. The election was held on November 15, 1950, with Árbenz winning more than 60% of the vote, in elections that were largely free and fair with the exception of the disenfranchisement of illiterate female voters.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
He says that his men do not "kill women, children, or the elderly", and that they only "want to overthrow tyranny. That’s all."
Ajnad al-Kavkaz | Ideology
With strong emphasis on public security, family values and social conservatism, and opposing gender theory, they claim Artiguism as their main source of inspiration. Their presidential candidate was Guido Manini Ríos, a harsh critic of President Tabaré Vázquez. Some international news outlets such as "El País" from Madrid analyse this phenomenon as a sign of the rise of the populist right in the mold of Donald Trump and Brexit in a traditionally centrist country. There are several military officers, both active and retired, and also former members of the defunct far-right movement Juventud Uruguaya de Pie.
Open Cabildo (Uruguay) | Ideology
Jacobo Arbenz Vilanova (born 13 November 1946) is a politician in Guatemala. He is the son of former progressive Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, who was overthrown in a CIA sponsored coup d'état in 1954. Arbenz Vilanova fled the country following the ouster of his father's government and spent almost 50 years in exile – in Mexico, France, Switzerland, Czech Republic, Soviet Union, Uruguay, Cuba and El Salvador, but mostly in Costa Rica – before deciding to return during the administration of Alfonso Portillo. After unsuccessfully trying to form his own political party to fight the 2003 presidential election, he was accepted as the candidate of the Christian Democracy party (DCG) after two earlier DCG presidential candidates withdrew.
Jacobo Arbenz Vilanova | Introduction
Since the crisis of the dynastic conservatism in the 1910s, the authoritarian accents within the former political camp had increased, with a new generation of Maurist politicians bringing ideas of corporativism, integral nationalism, economic interventionism and political catholicism. After 1923, the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera espoused as ideology a mix of authoritarian and bureaucratic conservatism with some traditionalist trappings. As the very same Alfonso XIII began to identify with the new regime, the remains of the liberal-conservative tradition largely distanced from the figure of the King or even from the monarchy altogether. After the forced resignation of Primo de Rivera in 1930, the authoritarian wing largely gathered into the National Monarchist Union.
Alfonsism | Background
As most presidents of the time, he became involved early in the election of his successor. The Liberal-Conservative Coalition that supported him went on to proclaim Germán Riesco, cousin and brother-in-law of President Errázuriz, as their candidate on March 8, 1901. The President responded on a public letter: "...as I have the firm purpose of not intervening in any political campaign and I don't have or want to have any candidate, I am firmly resolved to prevent the participation of any member of this administration in the upcoming elections".
Federico Errázuriz Echaurren | Succession controversy
Following the 1930 coup of Gen. José Félix Uriburu, Ibarguren petitioned the new president to switch to corporatism and this economic model came to dominate his thinking until, under Ibarguren's advice, Juan Perón allowed the corporations to be represented in parliament in 1948. Despite this however, Ibarguren held no formal positions within the governments of either Uriburu or Perón and largely concentrated on his academic pursuits. His last political role of note was as De facto Federal Interventor of Córdoba from 1930 to 1931, a post entrusted to him by Uriburu. Ibarguren died in Buenos Aires, in 1956.
Carlos Ibarguren | Move to the right
Nonetheless, he remained always loyal to the coalition that elected him, and for example never allowed any member of the Radical party into any of his cabinets. Errázuriz's responses to the cabinet crisis, elections and in general to any problem within his administration was always consistent. He never took any decision without first consulting his political basis in congress, and always subordinated himself to the will of the political parties.
Federico Errázuriz Echaurren | Presidency
His political ideology derives from the various revolutionary left-wing organizations of which he was a member. He became politically active in the late 1960s when he was a student at Alberto Masferrer School, but he was not part of any political organization until he was introduced to the Unified Popular Action Front (FUAR or Frente Unido de Accion Revolucionaria). The FUAR exposed him for the first time to the political arena and allowed his involvement in the student movement. He was a member of the PRAM (Partido Revolucionario Abril y Mayo), a political party that was against the dictatorship and advocated anti-imperialism.
Salvador Sánchez Cerén | Political ideology
The officers believed that given US support for the rebels, defeat was inevitable, and Árbenz was to blame for it. The message stated that if Árbenz did not resign, the army was likely to strike a deal with Castillo Armas. On June 25, Árbenz announced that the army had abandoned the government, and that civilians needed to be armed in order to defend the country; however, only a few hundred individuals volunteered. Seeing this, Díaz reneged on his support of the president, and began plotting to overthrow Árbenz with the assistance of other senior army officers. They informed US ambassador John Peurifoy of this plan, asking him to stop the hostilities in return for Árbenz's resignation.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
He retained Traditionalist outlook and sentiment for Carlism, presented as a romantic, gallant and idealistic commitment from the past; however, in 2001 he considered the movement already dead. All he could have wished for was that Carlism be "at least remembered", the stance by some described as "extreme pessimism". According to few accounts he remained "integrista irreconcilable" who neared the Carlist branch led by Don Sixto, yet in 2010, when in wheelchair assisting in opening of Museum of Carlism in Estella, he seemed on amicable terms with Don Carlos Hugo and his son Don Carlos Javier, whom he had greeted as a newborn baby 40 years earlier in Lignières.
José Ángel Zubiaur Alegre | Last years
In 1953, the Center for the Study of National Problems and Democratic Action merged, giving birth to the National Liberation Party with Figueres as its first candidate and also its first democratically elected president. The Center was fed back from the social democratic thought of the time, particularly of Haya de la Torre. The figuerismo is not synonymous with liberationism, that is, the ideology that revolves around the National Liberation Party which has a varied archipelago of internal tendencies.
Figuerism | Ideology
Santucho drew from a broad base of political thought. Among the intellectuals that informed his writings and thought were Lenin, Stalin and Trotsky, Milcíades Peña (an Argentine leftist intellectual from the 1960s), Miguel Ángel Asturias, Rodolfo Kuhn and Hector P. Agosti (an influential communist intellectual, responsible for introducing Gramsci to Argentina) . The Cuban Revolution and Che Guevara also played an important role in his intellectual formation. Santucho was a vocal opponent of popular front politics. He believed that the national bourgeois was incapable of playing a significant role in bringing about political change, and that the contemporary slogan "Democracy or Dictatorship" common to many liberal sectors belied a common bourgeois interest in maintaining the status quo.
Mario Roberto Santucho | Political theory
Four main candidates ran in the 1952 presidential election. On the right, the Conservative and Liberal parties endorsed the centrist Arturo Matte; the Socialist Party ran Salvador Allende, his first campaign for the presidency, while the Radicals supported Pedro Enrique Alfonso. Finally, General Carlos Ibáñez again ran for the presidency as an independent. He promised to "sweep" out political corruption and bad government with his "broom" and was nicknamed the "General of Hope". Apart from his criticisms of the traditional political parties, he remained vague in his proposals and had no clear position on the political spectrum. He was elected on September 4, 1952 with 47% of the vote, and after Congress' ratification of his election, was invested on December 4, 1952.
Presidential Republic (1925–1973) | Carlos Ibáñez (1952–1958)
The political ideology of Vicente Risco was based on a critique of the modern world, considered decadent. He exalted irrationalism, mysticism and popular religion, and rejected realist literature. He also despised Mediterranean civilization in favor of Celticism. Since young he espoused racist ideas, later defined as properly antisemitic. He praised nazism as a "vital reaction of the German nation". A follower of the essentialism of Manuel Murguía vis-à-vis the concept in nation, he saw the Iberian Peninsula as divisible into two parts: north and south from the Duero River. The north would be aryan and superior, and the south semitic and inferior.
Vicente Risco | Ideology
I hereby accept this nomination as my death sentence”". The Conservative Party abstained from the elections, and Zaldúa defeated fellow Liberal Solón Wilches. He was inaugurated on April 1, 1882.
Francisco Javier Zaldúa | Presidency
In what sounded like a distant echo of pro-social writings of his father, Larramendi declared that if the party was to embrace socialist ideas its members should act instead of talking, and that he would start with himself. The point was about his position of a corporate business leader, but most of those present took it for support of Don Carlos Hugo. They were soon proved wrong; Larramendi stayed out of the newly emergent Partido Carlista and in 1975 addressed his king, Don Javier, with a joint letter, in ultimative terms demanding confirmation of Traditionalist principles. As the claimant abdicated in favor of his son the Traditionalists addressed Don Carlos Hugo with another letter; Larramendi was among the signatories neither of this nor of the following document, marking ultimate break with the new claimant.
Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi y Montiano | Late politics: in the back seat
Political scientist Paul C. Sondrol has described Castro's approach to politics as "totalitarian utopianism", with a style of leadership that drew upon the wider Latin American phenomenon of the "caudillo". He drew inspiration from the wider Latin American anti-imperialist movements of the 1930s and 1940s, including Argentina's Perón and Guatemala's Jacobo Árbenz. Castro took a relatively socially conservative stance on many issues, opposing drug use, gambling, and prostitution, which he viewed as moral evils. Instead, he advocated hard work, family values, integrity, and self-discipline. Although his government repressed homosexuality for decades, later in his life he took responsibility for this persecution, regretting it as a "great injustice", as he himself put it.
Fidel Castro | Ideology
Juan Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán (; September 14, 1913January 27, 1971) was a Guatemalan military officer and politician who served as the 25th President of Guatemala. He was Minister of National Defense from 1944 to 1951, and the second democratically elected President of Guatemala, from 1951 to 1954. He was a major figure in the ten-year Guatemalan Revolution, which represented some of the few years of representative democracy in Guatemalan history. The landmark program of agrarian reform Árbenz enacted as president was very influential across Latin America. Árbenz was born in 1913 to a wealthy family, son of a Swiss German father and a Guatemalan mother.
Jacobo Árbenz | Introduction
Monzón then entered and announced that he was forming the new junta. Historian Piero Gleijeses stated that Peurifoy was rough with Díaz at the meeting, berating him for allowing Árbenz to criticize the U.S. in his resignation speech. Díaz later stated that Peurifoy had presented him with a list of names, and demanded that all of them be shot by the next day, because they were communists; Díaz had refused, turning Peurifoy further against him. Gleijeses maintains that Peurifoy compelled Díaz to allow Monzón to become president, as Monzón was more staunchly anti-communist. The other members of Monzón's junta were José Luis Cruz Salazar and Mauricio Dubois.
Elfego Hernán Monzón Aguirre | Assumption of presidency
The Godesberg Program had a very important influence in his social democratic thought as it became the model for his party and its cut with Marxist socialism. Despite having an anti-collectivist and anti-statist party with an emphasis on personal rights and duties that was responsible for privatizing the industrial sectors nationalized during the revolutionary period, he increased social spending during his term, supported land reform and its redistribution in Alentejo and he was proud that his party had been adopted by the working, middle-class blue-collar worker and middle-low class workers and that his party defended "the construction of a socialist society in liberty".
Francisco de Sá Carneiro | Ideological assessment and legacy
In his letter, he attributed the electoral debacle to the "lack of a clear line", and the absence of a coherent program. He defended radical democracy, the fight for the Third Republic and federalism, both for the coalition's organizational model and for the defended state model. In his opinion, the debate should open at the next federal assembly of IU. In 2012, in the midst of the Spanish economic crisis, he promoted and became the figurehead of the ("Civic Front 'We are Majority'"), a social movement vowing to gather and mobilise the social majority who was suffering the effects of the crisis and the imposed austerity.
Julio Anguita | Later years
A practicing Catholic, Cosidó espouses a deeply religious and conservative worldview. He is considered a "hardliner" within the PP. In 2008 Cosidó declared Muslim immigrants to be "a risk to our democracy" because, with their customs and ideas, they would bring to Spain a lifestyle presenting "serious incompatibilities".
Ignacio Cosidó | Ideology and thought
The commander changed sides shortly after this action. 1962: After the fall of President Arturo Frondizi and his replacement by a puppet civilian government under the supervision of the armed forces, the military remained divided over the issue of the banning of some political parties. While there was a wide consensus on the proscription of leftist ideologists, things became not so clear regarding Peronism. The hard-line group was dubbed "colorados" ("the purples"), and the "legalist" - against an indiscriminate ban - "azules" ("the blues").
GADA 601 | Political unrest (1955–1978)
Vallenilla was "largely responsible for developing a body of historical and sociological theory dealing with issues of race, power relations, and social development". He viewed "the popular masses as a backward and unruly social group" and argued that political leadership needed to be "exercised through the mediation of a popular strongman who would channel the energies of the masses during the transition to a democratic order".
Laureano Vallenilla Lanz | Ideology
To this end, he founded the Conservative Party, participated as one of the principals in the 1880 Congress that toppled Hilarión Daza, and had a role in the drafting of the country's new Constitution. Moreover, he agreed to become Narciso Campero's vice-president for the crucial, nation-building 1880-84 period.
Aniceto Arce | Introduction
Upon returning to Venezuela in 1956, Borges began to develop a more neofigurative style. This was a sharp change from the prevalent Abstraction movement that tended to simplify and generalize content. Neofiguration evolved in response to Abstractionism by returning to the subjective elements of Expressionism and the use of figurative form. For Borges this was a necessary stylistic change in order to express his discontent with the political and social conditions of his country. After ten years of the dictatorial regime of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, in 1958 Romulo Betancourt, the leader of the Democratic Action Party, regained power as the president of Venezuela.
Jacobo Borges | Neofiguration
Árbenz's role as defense minister had already made him a strong candidate for the presidency, and his firm support of the government during the 1949 uprising further increased his prestige. In 1950, the economically moderate Partido de Integridad Nacional (PIN) announced that Árbenz would be its presidential candidate in the upcoming election. This announcement was quickly followed by endorsements from most parties on the left, including the influential PAR, as well as from labor unions. Árbenz had only a couple of significant challengers in the election, in a field of ten candidates. One of these was Jorge García Granados, who was supported by some members of the upper-middle class who felt the revolution had gone too far.
Guatemalan Revolution | Election
In the words of Guillermo Lasso himself, "life has made him liberal". However, when asked if he identified with that term, he replied that he does not place himself in any ideology, but believes in "good ideas". In the same way, he responded when asked if he is from the right or the left. His public agenda includes classic liberal points such as the defence of the division of powers to limit government and of fundamental rights such as freedom of the press. He has also expressed himself in favour of reducing taxes and state debt with the announced aim of increasing productivity and employment in the private sector.
Guillermo Lasso | Political Thought
Instead, he terms the government's approach "Andean and Amazonian capitalism". Marxist American sociologist James Petras has argued that Morales's government is neither socialist nor anti-imperialist, instead describing Morales as a "radical conservative" for utilizing socialist rhetoric while continuing to support foreign investment and the economic status of Bolivia's capitalist class, while British Trotskyist academic Jeffery R. Webber asserted that Morales was no socialist but that his government was "reconstituting neoliberalism", thereby rejecting "neoliberal orthdoxy" but retaining a "core faith in the capitalist market as the principal engine of growth and industrialization." Similarly, Aymara activist Felipe Quispe characterized Morales's government as "neoliberalism with an Indian [i.e.
Evo Morales | Political ideology
He opposed the Traditionalist re-claim of "El Pensamiento Navarro". At the time when Hugocarlistas were increasingly embracing socialist rhetoric, in 1971 Zubiaur tried to mediate during strike at the Pamplona Eaton Ibérica plant and accepted by the workers, was rejected by the management. As member of Carlist Junta de Gobierno he co-signed a lengthy manifiesto which demanded political liberties and vaguely pointed to "Federación de las Repúblicas Sociales". Some scholars claim that Zubiaur significantly contributed to modernization of Carlism. Nothing is known about Zubiaur's unease about increasingly left-wing stand of Carlos Hugo, though the prince did not trust him and some Hugocarlista ideologues tried to instruct Zubiaur on principles of the new Carlism.
José Ángel Zubiaur Alegre | Breakup
Arévalo identified his ideology as "spiritual socialism". He held the belief that the only way to alleviate the backwardness of most Guatemalans was through a paternalistic government. He was strongly opposed to classical Marxism, and believed in a capitalist society that was regulated to ensure that its benefits went to the entire population. Arévalo's ideology was reflected in the new constitution that the Guatemalan assembly ratified soon after his inauguration, which was one of the most progressive in Latin America. It mandated suffrage for all but illiterate women, a decentralization of power, and provisions for a multiparty system. Communist parties were, however, forbidden.
Guatemalan Revolution | Ideology
Undersecretary of State Bedell Smith later became a director of the UFC, while the wife of the UFC public relations director was Eisenhower's personal assistant. These connections made the Eisenhower administration more willing to overthrow the Guatemalan government.
Jacobo Árbenz | Political motives
Tejada perceived Traditionalism as a unique Spanish response to the 1515-1648 rupture in European political thought; the latter afterwards degenerated into absolutism, liberalism, totalitarism, and most recently into secular, parliamentarian, free-market, nation-state democracies. Traditionalism itself was politically best embodied in Carlism. Its essence was threefold. First, it consisted of Catholic unity; some scholars claim that Tejada was opposed to religious liberty, others maintain that he was opposed to equality of faiths and advocated a state-endorsed Catholic orthodoxy. Second, it embraced historical, social, accountable, representative, foral, federative, missionary, organic and hereditary monarchy. Third, it was based on a subsidiary state model.
Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola | Theorist of politics
Arana did not wish to turn over power to a civilian administration. He initially tried to persuade Árbenz and Toriello to postpone the election, and after Arévalo was elected, he asked them to declare the results invalid. Árbenz and Toriello insisted that Arévalo be allowed to take power, which Arana reluctantly agreed to, on the condition that Arana's position as the commander of the military be unchallenged. Arévalo had no choice but to agree to this, and so the new Guatemalan constitution, adopted in 1945, created a new position of "Commander of the Armed Forces", a position that was more powerful than that of the defense minister.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
Through this entire period, coverage of Árbenz in the Guatemalan press was very negative, influenced largely by the CIA's campaign. The family then initiated a long journey in exile that would take them first to Mexico, then to Canada, where they went to pick up Arabella (the Árbenzs' oldest daughter), and then to Switzerland via the Netherlands and Paris. They hoped to obtain citizenship in Switzerland based on Árbenz's Swiss heritage. However, the former president did not wish to renounce his Guatemalan nationality, as he felt that such a gesture would have marked the end of his political career. Árbenz and his family were the victims of a CIA-orchestrated and intense defamation campaign that lasted from 1954 to 1960.
Jacobo Árbenz | Beginning of exile
From its foundation, the Justicialist Party has been a Peronist catch-all party, which focuses on the figure of Juan Perón and his wife, Eva, with economic populist ideals. From the return of Perón in 1973 and under the leadership of Isabel Perón, the Justicialist Party was no longer characterized by anti-imperialist and revolutionary tones but by a strong focus on anticommunism (of which it became the main bulwark in South America) and the support of economic liberalism. That line continued even after the military dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, with the government of Carlos Menem until that of Eduardo Duhalde.
Justicialist Party | Ideology
He also visited Brazil, Colombia, the United States, and Venezuela.
Ollanta Humala | Ideology
The ideology of Herrerism is built on a foundation of economic liberalism and liberal conservatism, although earlier in its history it took on more anti-imperialist and traditionalist policies.
Herrerism | Ideology
The Generation of '80 continued the work of the "Historical Presidencies" of Mitre, Sarmiento, and Avellaneda, and took advantage of the end of the political crises and economic turbulence that had dominated the presidency of Avellaneda. The end of this turmoil laid the foundation for a society characterized by optimism and the certainty of a generous future in the years to come. The politicians of the Generation of '80 held economically liberal and socially conservative positions, as well as believing in positivism, symbolizing their ideology with Auguste Comte's motto, "Order and Progress." The leaders of this generation believed blindly in "progress," identifying it as economic growth and modernization; "order" was considered a necessary condition for such progress, since it must be under conditions of peace that the people achieve progress.
Generation of '80 | Ideology
Sardinha graduated in law from the University of Coimbra in 1911. During his student years, he was a supporter of Republicanism and even flirted with anarcho-syndicalism but by 1911 he had shifted his opinions, under the influence of his highly conservative mother and became a strong advocate of monarchism and Catholicism. He was also influenced in this regard by the Spanish conservative Juan Vázquez de Mella, who was a close friend of Sardinha from the early 1900s.
António Sardinha | Early politics
He espoused an elitist understanding of politics, influenced by the ideas of Ortega y Gasset. His political thought fascistised as he progressively radicalised in an anti-conservative direction. Primo de Rivera put much faith on corporativism, one of the few early Falangist tenets framed in positive terms, adopted from Italian Fascism. Regarding political violence, he early alluded to what he famously termed as the "dialectics of fists and guns", already stating during the Falange foundation event at the Teatro de la Comedia, that in order to fulfill the desired cultural and historical regeneration of Spain, "if this has to be achieved through violence, we shall not be stopped by violence".
José Antonio Primo de Rivera | Ideology
Between 1896 and 1897, he named Carlos Antúnez as his Minister of the Interior and charged him with guaranteeing free and "clean" elections. Antúnez was in charge until after the general election of March 1897, considered his mission accomplished after and resigned. This elections were greeted with general pleasure, but did not change the political support for the government, so Errázuriz Echaurren had to continue trying to achieve a balance to maintain a semblance of political stability. In the course of this search, Errázuriz Echaurren became closer and closer to the Conservative Party, until in 1898 he named Carlos Walker Martínez, president of the Conservatives as Minister of the Interior.
Federico Errázuriz Echaurren | Presidency
On 27 June 1954 Árbenz resigned as a result of a U.S. sponsored coup. Carlos Enrique Díaz replaced him as president, at the head of a military junta, which also included Monzón, and Jose Angel Sánchez. On 29 June Díaz was forced to resign, and a new three-person junta, headed by Monzón, took power. Witnesses later stated that Díaz' removal took place at 4 AM in Díaz' home. U.S. diplomat John Peurifoy, who had also played a role in the coup, had summoned all three members of the military junta there, and Díaz had announced that he was resigning after a meeting with Peurifoy and Sánchez.
Elfego Hernán Monzón Aguirre | Assumption of presidency
In the post-war Spain Tejada gained prominence principally as a theorist of law; present day scholars either suggest that Francoist setting provided a favorable background for domination of iusnaturalismo against other schools, or bluntly claim that Neoescolástica was the regime's means of auto-legitimization, enforced and disguised as "pluralism". His writings on history of political thought were appreciated if could have been presented as picturing the regime as ultimate climax of Hispanic tradition, while Traditionalist theory of politics – acceptable in the 1950s – when assuming a decisively Carlist flavor was clearly unwelcome in the 1970s. During and after the Second Restoration Tejada's opus went dramatically out of fashion; already by the end of his life he was invoked in the press as a ridiculous fanatic who did not even merit a response, while later – among occasional courteous references – he was venomously denounced as "distinguida personalidad del franquismo".
Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola | Reception and legacy
Up to this point, Ibarguren had been associated with the liberalism that defined Argentina's cultural elite but the setbacks of 1920 saw his positions alter. His book of the same year, "La literatura y la gran guerra", demonstrated a shift to the nationalism that was to come to dominate his political thought. He argued that democracy left the door open to too many disparate groups and that it needed brakes which should be provided by a united conservative right. Politically Ibarguren grew interested in using the masses as a bulwark of reactionary activity and as such moved close to the ideas of fascism.
Carlos Ibarguren | Move to the right
Once again reasserting his anti-system views he confirmed Traditionalist monarchy as an ultimate goal and declared himself committed to work towards it as theorist and ideologue, though not as a politician any more. Members of the presidency acknowledged the letter and politely declared themselves looking forward to reversal of Vázquez de Mella's decision; the assembly ended in favor of setting up a new Catholic party. The Zaragoza assembly was effectively the funeral of Mellismo, even though in the last Restauración elections of 1923 there were two candidates successfully running on the Catholic-Traditionalist ticket. During almost a year following the Zaragoza meeting further Vázquez de Mella followers joined other political initiatives.
Mellismo | Demise (1922 and after)
As Gaitan was not able to have a proper funeral because of the chaotic public disorder, his relatives were forced to bury him in his own house, now known as House Museum Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, where his remains are still resting. Subsequently, the bipartisan violence would spread to other regions during the period known as La Violencia. A popular story, perhaps apocryphal, relates that during a debate with the Conservative candidate for president, Gaitán asked him how he made his living. "From the land", the other candidate replied. "Ah, and how did you get this land?" asked Gaitán. "I inherited it from my father!" "And where did he get it from?" "He inherited it from his father!" The question is repeated once or twice more, and then the Conservative candidate concedes, "We took it from the Natives".
Jorge Eliécer Gaitán | Legacy: Gaitán as a popular myth
Several factors besides the lobbying campaign of the United Fruit Company led the United States to launch the coup that toppled Árbenz in 1954. The US government had grown more suspicious of the Guatemalan Revolution as the Cold War developed and the Guatemalan government clashed with US corporations on an increasing number of issues. The US was also concerned that it had been infiltrated by communists although historian Richard H. Immerman argued that during the early part of the Cold War, the US and the CIA were predisposed to see the revolutionary government as communist, despite Arévalo's ban of the communist party during his 1945–1951 presidency.
Jacobo Árbenz | Political motives
During the early seventies he briefly subscribed to Marxist ideology, and he headed Luis Echeverría's Center for Economic and Social Studies of the Third World during the mid-1970s.
Adolfo Aguilar Zínser | Introduction
Rees-Mogg's political views have been described as High Tory, reactionary, traditionalist, nationalist, socially conservative, and right-wing populist, although he has rejected that description stating that he stands for "popular policies, not populist policies". Rees-Mogg is a staunch monarchist and a member of the Cornerstone Group.
Jacob Rees-Mogg | Political ideology
Both Arana and Arbenz fought with distinction in the coup. Arana, Árbenz and Jorge Toriello became members of a new three-person ruling junta, with Arana, who as a Major was the ranking army officer, becoming its senior member. Arana did not wish to turn over power to a civilian administration. He tried to persuade Árbenz and Toriello to postpone the election, and after Juan José Arévalo was elected President in December 1944, he asked them to declare the election results invalid. Árbenz and Toriello insisted that Arévalo be allowed to take power, which Arana reluctantly agreed to, on the condition that Arana's position as the commander of the military be unchallenged.
Francisco Javier Arana | October revolution
On October 14, 1951, Ruiz Cortines was named candidate for the presidency by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) by the incumbent president, as was the practice. The PRI was the dominant party and Ruiz Cortines's electoral victory was entirely expected. On December 1, 1952, he assumed the presidency of the republic. After the corruption scandals of the Alemán years, he wanted to give a new image to the government and re-establish its credibility. His credo was “austerity and moralization”. He exercised tight control of public expenditure, supported the construction of roads, railways, dams, schools and hospitals. He also implemented a plan called "March to the Sea", which had the aim of shifting population from the highlands to the coast, and making better use and development of marine and coastal resources.
Adolfo Ruiz Cortines | Domestic politics
When Alemán became president in 1946, the PRI had begun experiments in internal primaries, but Alemán cracked down on this democratic opening and had congress pass a law against parties holding primaries. Revolutionary general , president of the party, had been in favor of primaries, but Alemán's viewpoint prevailed and PRI candidates were chosen in closed party assemblies. Sánchez was replaced as titular head of the party, and the president of the republic remained firmly in control. During the early presidency of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Carlos A. Madrazo was appointed president of the party and undertook serious reforms in 1964-65.
Institutional Revolutionary Party | Attempts at party reform
Additionally, the US government was concerned that the success of Árbenz's reforms would inspire similar movements elsewhere. Until the end of its term, the Truman administration relied on purely diplomatic and economic means to attempt to reduce communist influences. Árbenz's enactment of Decree 900 in 1952 provoked Truman to authorize Operation PBFortune, a covert operation to overthrow Árbenz. The plan had originally been suggested by the US-backed dictator of Nicaragua, Anastasio Somoza García, who said that if he were given weapons, he could overthrow the Guatemalan government. The operation was to be led by Carlos Castillo Armas. However, the US state department discovered the conspiracy, and secretary of state Dean Acheson persuaded Truman to abort the plan.
Jacobo Árbenz | Political motives
But in that moment President Zedillo became a true democrat ... In minutes he preempted any possibility of violent resistance from hard-line "priistas". It was an act of electoral integrity that will forever mark the mild-mannered economist as a historic figure of Mexico's peaceful transition to democracy."
Ernesto Zedillo | 2000 Election
His theoretical activities, however, were not forgotten: in 1984 he published his monumental "Ética y derechos humanos", dedicated to Alfonsín, where he provided a comprehensive exposition of his moral thought; divided in three parts, it dealt with normative and applied ethics, as well as with meta-ethics. This last field he expanded in a separate volume, where he adopted a constructivist approach that attempted to derive his fundamental ethical principles from the presuppositions of moral discourse, in a manner that put him, as he said, "between Rawls and Habermas". These substantive principles, comprising the nucleus of a theory that aspired to capture the essential components of political liberalism, were the principle of autonomy, the principle of inviolability, and the principle of dignity.
Carlos Santiago Nino | Biography
He embraced Traditionalism deprived of the dynastic thread, which he now ridiculed as "Carlos, Carlos y Carlos o César, César y César". At that time Corbató was already promoting a general alliance of all anti-Liberal political groupings. He began to relativize his earlier vehemence, e.g. against the Integrists, and opted for a broad, patriotic and Catholic formula.
José Corbató Chillida | In search of new identity
His ideology would develop mostly during his childhood, with a lot of influence from Boris Benes who not only to Benes was a model as a hard worker but as a man of humility and honesty.
Bernardo Benes | Early life
He formulated the principle of antithesis: a divide between secular and religious politics. Liberals and socialists, who were opposed to mixing religion and politics were his natural opponents. Catholics were a natural ally, for not only did they want to practice religiously inspired politics, but they also were no electoral opponent, because they appealed to different religious groups. Socialists, who preached class conflict were a danger to the reformed workers. He called for workers to accept their fates and be happy with a simple life because the afterlife would be much more satisfying and revolution would only lead to instability.
Abraham Kuyper | Political views
Under his leadership, the communist party remained numerically weak, without any representation in Árbenz' cabinet. Fortuny resigned along with Árbenz following the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état, and went into exile.
José Manuel Fortuny | Árbenz government
In the early days, Menem sported an image similar to the old "caudillos", such as Facundo Quiroga and Chacho Peñaloza. He groomed his sideburns in a similar style. His presidential inauguration was attended by several gauchos. Contrary to Peronist tradition, Menem did not prepare huge rallies in the Plaza de Mayo to address the people from the balcony of the Casa Rosada. Instead, he took full advantage of mass media, such as television. Menem administration has been exalted by libertarians Javier Milei and Diego Giacomini in the late 2010s, after being hardly criticized during and by the kirchnerism. Some liberal economists such as José Luis Espert or Alberto Benegas Lynch have also had a critical approach of Menem presidencies.
Carlos Menem | Public image