After Árbenz's resignation, his family remained for 73 days at the Mexican embassy in Guatemala City, which was crowded with almost 300 exiles. During this period, the CIA initiated a new set of operations against Árbenz, intended to discredit the former president and damage his reputation. The CIA obtained some of Árbenz's personal papers, and released parts of them after doctoring the documents. The CIA also promoted the notion that individuals in exile, such as Árbenz, should be prosecuted in Guatemala. When they were finally allowed to leave the country, Árbenz was publicly humiliated at the airport when the authorities made the former president strip before the cameras, claiming that he was carrying jewelry he had bought for his wife, María Cristina Vilanova, at Tiffany's in New York City, using funds from the presidency; no jewelry was found but the interrogation lasted for an hour.
Beginning of exile
Jacobo Árbenz
Jacobo Árbenz | Beginning of exile
Yes, Árbenz and his family were the victims of a CIA-orchestrated and intense defamation campaign that led them to exile Yes No, but he went into exile along with his family and remained for 73 days at the Mexican embassy in Guatemala City before leaving to Canada. Yes, to Canada.
what is operation pbfortune?
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It was a covert United States operation to overthrow the democratically elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz
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where did the place get its name?
user
The name "Guatemala" comes from the Nahuatl word "Cuauhtēmallān" , or "place of many trees".
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name a few literatures associated with nahuatl?
user
Chalco written by Chimalpahin, from Tlaxcala by Diego Muñoz Camargo, from Mexico-Tenochtitlan by Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc and those of Texcoco by Fernando Alva Ixtlilxochitl
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when did the person against whom the operation was intended become president?
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March 15, 1951
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was he ever exiled?
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Through this entire period, coverage of Árbenz in the Guatemalan press was very negative, influenced largely by the CIA's campaign. The family then initiated a long journey in exile that would take them first to Mexico, then to Canada, where they went to pick up Arabella (the Árbenzs' oldest daughter), and then to Switzerland via the Netherlands and Paris. They hoped to obtain citizenship in Switzerland based on Árbenz's Swiss heritage. However, the former president did not wish to renounce his Guatemalan nationality, as he felt that such a gesture would have marked the end of his political career. Árbenz and his family were the victims of a CIA-orchestrated and intense defamation campaign that lasted from 1954 to 1960.
Jacobo Árbenz | Beginning of exile
After Árbenz's resignation, his family remained for 73 days at the Mexican embassy in Guatemala City, which was crowded with almost 300 exiles. During this period, the CIA initiated a new set of operations against Árbenz, intended to discredit the former president and damage his reputation. The CIA obtained some of Árbenz's personal papers, and released parts of them after doctoring the documents. The CIA also promoted the notion that individuals in exile, such as Árbenz, should be prosecuted in Guatemala. When they were finally allowed to leave the country, Árbenz was publicly humiliated at the airport when the authorities made the former president strip before the cameras, claiming that he was carrying jewelry he had bought for his wife, María Cristina Vilanova, at Tiffany's in New York City, using funds from the presidency; no jewelry was found but the interrogation lasted for an hour.
Jacobo Árbenz | Beginning of exile
A close friend of Árbenz, Carlos Manuel Pellecer, turned out to be a spy working for the CIA.
Jacobo Árbenz | Beginning of exile
After resigning due to the coup organized by the United Fruit Company and the United States Department of State, the Árbenz family remained for 73 days at the Mexican embassy in Guatemala, which was crowded with almost 300 exiles. When they were finally allowed to leave the country, Jacobo Arbenz was publicly humiliated at the airport because the liberationist authorities made the former president strip before the cameras, claiming that he was carrying jewelry he had bought for his wife at Tiffany's in New York City, using funds from the presidency; no jewelry was found during the hour-long interrogation. The Arbenz family embarked into exile, going first to México, then to Canada, where they went to pick up Arabella who was attending school there, and then on to Switzerland via the Netherlands.
Arabella Árbenz | Family humiliation and exile
After resigning due to the coup organized by the United Fruit Company and the United States Department of State, the Árbenz Vilanova family remained for 73 days at the Mexican embassy in Guatemala, which was crowded with almost 300 exiles. When they were finally allowed to leave the country, Jacobo Arbenz was publicly humiliated at the airport when the liberationist authorities made the former president strip before the cameras, claiming that he was carrying jewelry he had bought for his wife at Tiffany's in New York City, using funds from the presidency. No jewelry was found during the hour-long interrogation.
Maria Cristina Vilanova | Humiliation and exile
Peurifoy promised to arrange a truce, and the plotters went to Árbenz and informed him of their decision. Árbenz, utterly exhausted and seeking to preserve at least a measure of the democratic reforms that he had brought, agreed. After informing his cabinet of his decision, he left the presidential palace at 8 pm on June 27, 1954, having taped a resignation speech that was broadcast an hour later. In it, he stated that he was resigning in order to eliminate the "pretext for the invasion," and that he wished to preserve the gains of the October Revolution. He walked to the nearby Mexican Embassy, seeking political asylum.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
In Switzerland, the Swiss authorities requested that Arbenz renounce his Guatemalan nationality, so as to prevent him from conducting resistance activities. The ousted president refused this request, as he felt that such a gesture would have marked the end of his political career. Furthermore, Arbenz could not seek political asylum, because Switzerland had not yet ratified the 1951 agreement of the newly created United Nations Refugees Convention, which was designed to protect people fleeing from communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Árbenz and his family were instead the victims of a CIA-orchestrated defamation campaign that lasted from 1954 to 1960, which only abated when the Cuban revolution triumphed in 1959, and that included a close friend of Árbenz, who turned out to be a double agent working for the CIA: Carlos Manuel Pellecer.
Arabella Árbenz | Family humiliation and exile
The Arbenz family then embarked into exile, taking them first to México, then to Canada, where they went to pick up daughter Arabella, and then on to Switzerland via the Netherlands. As a condition for entry, the Swiss authorities asked Arbenz to renounce his Guatemalan nationality, to prevent the ousted president from continuing his resistance in Switzerland. Arbenz refused this request, as he felt that such a gesture would mark the end of his political career. Furthermore, he could not benefit from political asylum, because Switzerland had not yet ratified the 1951 Agreement of the newly created United Nations High Commission for Refugees, designed to protect people fleeing from communist regimes in Eastern Europe.
Maria Cristina Vilanova | Humiliation and exile
He walked to the nearby Mexican Embassy, seeking political asylum. Two months later he was granted safe passage out of the country, and flew to exile in Mexico.
1954 Guatemalan coup d'état | Árbenz's resignation
Asturias devoted much of his political energy towards supporting the government of Jacobo Árbenz, successor to Juan José Arévalo Bermejo. Asturias was asked following his work as an ambassador to help suppress the threat of rebels from El Salvador. While his efforts were backed by the U.S. and Salvadoran governments, the rebels succeeded in invading Guatemala and overthrew Jacobo Árbenz' rule in 1954. When the government of Jacobo Árbenz fell Asturias was expelled from the country by Carlos Castillo Armas because of his support for Árbenz. He was stripped of his Guatemalan citizenship and went to live in Buenos Aires and Chile, where he spent the next eight years of his life.
Miguel Ángel Asturias | Exile and rehabilitation
He rejected attempts at being recruited into the "Frente Ampla" (Broad Front), a mid-1960s informal caucus of pre-dictatorship leaders intent on pressuring for re-democratization, which included Carlos Lacerda and Juscelino Kubitschek. Brizola broke the few remaining ties with his brother-in-law and fellow exile, João Goulart, over the attempted recruitment.
Leonel Brizola | Exile and return (1964–1979)
He could only be removed by Congress, and even then only if he was found to have broken the law. When Arévalo was inaugurated as president, Arana stepped into this new position, and Árbenz was sworn in as defense minister.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
With the execution of Lluis Companys, 15 October 1940, he refused to travel to America and became, automatically, President of the Generalitat of Catalonia according to the Interior Statute of Catalonia. He was the only modern president who would not set foot, as such, the Palace of the Generalitat. Then, he moved to Cogolin, where he resumed the manufacture of cork stoppers, an activity that provided the resources needed to survive.
Josep Irla | Exile
Arbenz tried several times to return to Latin America, and was finally allowed to move to Uruguay in 1957 (Arbenz joined the Communist Party in that year), living in Montevideo from 1957 to 1960. Uruguay had been supportive throughout the Guatemalan revolutionary process, and became home to the two former presidents of the so-called "Guatemalan Democratic Spring". Arbenz's predecessor, Juan José Arévalo, had been in Montevideo on several prior occasions, establishing himself there between 1958 and early 1959, when he accepted a university position in Venezuela; he expressed his views through a number of newspaper articles he penned. On the other hand, Arbenz and his family, who arrived in mid-1957, had a very different experience: his communist ties, especially with José Manuel Fortuny, and forced passage through Czechoslovakia, the USSR and China, aroused suspicions.
Maria Cristina Vilanova | Humiliation and exile
On June 5, 1820 the first edition of the newspaper "El Argos" came out, founded by Fernández. It ran for thirty-four editions and it had a revolutionary outlook and called for the unification of the peoples of America.
José Fernández Madrid | Exile
However, in view of the impossibility of gaining the support of all the political forces in exile, Negrín resigned from his position as head of the government of the Republic in exile before the plenary session of the Cortes in exile meeting in Mexico in August 1945.
Juan Negrín | Exile and death
The officers believed that given US support for the rebels, defeat was inevitable, and Árbenz was to blame for it. The message stated that if Árbenz did not resign, the army was likely to strike a deal with Castillo Armas. On June 25, Árbenz announced that the army had abandoned the government, and that civilians needed to be armed in order to defend the country; however, only a few hundred individuals volunteered. Seeing this, Díaz reneged on his support of the president, and began plotting to overthrow Árbenz with the assistance of other senior army officers. They informed US ambassador John Peurifoy of this plan, asking him to stop the hostilities in return for Árbenz's resignation.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
After a brief stay in Moscow, Árbenz returned to Prague and then to Paris. From there he separated from his wife: María traveled to ElSalvador to take care of family affairs. The separation made life increasingly difficult for Árbenz, and he slipped into depression and took to drinking excessively. He tried several times to return to Latin America, and was finally allowed in 1957 to move to Uruguay. The CIA made several attempts to prevent Árbenz from receiving a Uruguayan visa, but these were unsuccessful, and the Uruguayan government allowed Árbenz to travel there as a political refugee. Árbenz arrived in Montevideo on May 13, 1957, where he was met by a hostile "reception committee" organized by the CIA.
Jacobo Árbenz | Europe and Uruguay
He remained in exile in Paris until an amnesty was declared. He returned in 1918 and was elected president of the "Sindicato Metalúrgico de Vizcaya". He represented the union of the 13th congress of the UGT in 1918, and in the 14th congress in 1920.
Leandro Carro | Early years (1890–1920)
He became the President-in-exile of the Generalitat after Lluís Companys was executed. During his time as President-in-exile, he established a Government in exile, and appointed Josep Tarradellas as Conseller en Cap (Prime Minister). He resigned as President in 1954.
Josep Irla | Introduction
Báez became President again from 1876 until 1878, when he was deposed in a final coup and sent into exile to Puerto Rico, at the time a Spanish colony, where he lived his final days. He is buried in the Basilica Cathedral of Santa María la Menor.
Buenaventura Báez | Exile and death
At the end of the war, the Republican Generalitat will order him the task of evacuating all the intellectuals. Finished the war will exile first in France, embark towards Buenos Aires and establish definitively in Santiago of Chile, where he will live for eight years. During the exile, he continued his task of intellectual compromised with his time and his country. He collaborated with "Catalonia" (edited in Buenos Aires) and directed "Germanor" (Brothehood) (edited in Chile). He set up the collection "The pine of the three branches" along Xavier Benguerel.
Joan Oliver i Sallarès | The Civil War and the exile
Árbenz himself resigned his position as Defense Minister on February 20 and declared his candidacy for the presidency. Arévalo wrote him an enthusiastic personal letter in response but publicly only reluctantly endorsed him, preferring, it is thought, his friend Víctor Manuel Giordani, who was then Health Minister. It was only the support Árbenz had, and the impossibility of Giordani being elected, that led to Arévalo deciding to support Árbenz. Prior to his death, Arana had planned to run in the 1950 presidential elections. His death left Árbenz without any serious opposition in the elections (leading some, including the CIA and US military intelligence, to speculate that Árbenz personally had him eliminated for this reason).
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Under the dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez, he was imprisoned and then exiled to Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and then the United States. Protesting at the dictatorship, he encountered the anarchist organization "Generación Consciente" in Barcelona. He eventually returned to Venezuela, and died in Caracas, aged 88.
Carlos Brandt | Exile
Astigarrabía went into exile with his family and lived in Panama for 21 years. After twenty years Dolores Ibárruri stated that he was "recoverable". He rejoined the PCE, and then moved to Cuba for the next 20 years. After the Basque Communist Party was reorganized in 1974 he was given a symbolic position in the party, which was now headed by Ormazábal. In the late 1970s Astigarrabía left his family in Cuba to return to Basque politics. He returned to Spain in 1980, and was named Honorary President of "Euskadiko Ezkerra" on his return. Astigarrabía died in his home in San Sebastián on 4 March 1989.
Juan Astigarrabía | Exile and return (1938–89)
On 19 September 1979, the Argentine Supreme Court of Justice responded to a "habeas corpus" petition and ordered Timerman's immediate release. On 20 September, the government held a large secret meeting to decide its response. Some military leaders wanted to disobey the ruling, but President Videla and others threatened resignation, insisting on Timerman's release. On 25 September, the Foreign Ministry confirmed that Israel would accept Timerman. His Argentine citizenship was revoked, and he was placed on a flight to Madrid, en route to Israel. One of the escorting Israelis, Pinhas Avivi, advised Timerman to remain quiet about his imprisonment. He disregarded this advice and gave a press conference by telephone as soon as he landed in Madrid.
Jacobo Timerman | Release and exile
De Ladebat was President of the Council of Ancients at the time of the 18 Fructidor coup against the new moderate majority on the Councils. He was later deported to French Guiana with sixteen other deputies. He would remain in exile at Sinnamary for over two years with several other deportees, including General Pichegru. Of the sixteen deported to Sinnamary, eight died there or while escaping, six escaped successfully, and two were finally recalled to France.
André-Daniel Laffon de Ladebat | 18 Fructidor and exile
Árbenz and his family ended up instead the victims of an intense, CIA-orchestrated defamation campaign that lasted from 1954 to the triumph of the Cuban revolution in 1959. Árbenz's close friend Carlos Manuel Pellecer worked for the CIA, playing a key role in the defamation campaign. After being spurned by Switzerland, the Árbenz family moved to Paris, and then to Prague. Czechoslovak officials were uncomfortable with his stay, unsure if he would demand compensation for the poor quality of Second World War-era arms that they had sold him in 1954. After only three months, he moved again, this time to Moscow, which proved to be a relief from the harsh treatment he received in Czechoslovakia.
Maria Cristina Vilanova | Humiliation and exile
When the National Party took power in Uruguay in late 1958, the situation worsened for Arbenz there. In 1960, after the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro invited Árbenz to Cuba, which Árbenz Guzmán readily agreed to.
Maria Cristina Vilanova | Humiliation and exile
Many years later, in 1985, the Spanish Defense Ministry granted him the category of Commander of the Air Force, and the corresponding pension, as if he had continued being active in the Aviation Arm since 1939.
Juan Hernández Giménez | Exile
Árbenz had several supporters among the communist members of the legislature, but they were only a small part of the government coalition.
Jacobo Árbenz | Inauguration and ideology
After the end of the war, he fled to Argentina and lived there until his death in 1971.
Francisco Galán | Exile
Following the 1973 Constitution of the Philippines and the paramilitary style rule of the new government under Ferdinand Marcos, Araneta took himself and his family out of the country. He resided in New York City until his death. While they were out of the country, the businesses in the Philippines were controlled remotely, but were on the decline under the new regime.
J. Amado Araneta | Exile
After the House of Representatives was abolished by President Ferdinand Marcos, Daza and his family went to the United States until 1985 when he returned from exile. In 1986, he was appointed by Aquino as Deputy Minister of the Presidential Commission on Good Government until 1987 when he announced his candidacy as Representative of First District of Northern Samar.
Raul Daza | Exile and return (1972-1987)
On 27 June 1954 Árbenz resigned as a result of a U.S. sponsored coup. Carlos Enrique Díaz replaced him as president, at the head of a military junta, which also included Monzón, and Jose Angel Sánchez. On 29 June Díaz was forced to resign, and a new three-person junta, headed by Monzón, took power. Witnesses later stated that Díaz' removal took place at 4 AM in Díaz' home. U.S. diplomat John Peurifoy, who had also played a role in the coup, had summoned all three members of the military junta there, and Díaz had announced that he was resigning after a meeting with Peurifoy and Sánchez.
Elfego Hernán Monzón Aguirre | Assumption of presidency
After the military overthrow of the Popular Unity government and the subsequent death of President Salvador Allende, the new military junta declared members of his government enemies of the state. The military junta moved quickly to remove Allende’s ministers from the public scene with many imprisoned, exiled and some murdered. Enriquez Frödden was arrested, imprisoned and then relocated to the remote concentration camp set up in Dawson Island. He was forced into exile with his wife in 1976 and settled in Mexico where he remained for about 14 years. Enriquez Frödden (with his wife Raquel) spent the rest of their lives campaigning for the disappeared and denouncing the human rights abuses that were committed by the Pinochet regime.
Edgardo Enríquez | Arrest and exile
Throughout Argentina, Peronism and the very display of Peronist mementos was banned. Partly in response to these and other excesses, Peronists and moderates in the army organized a counter-coup against Aramburu, in June 1956. Possessing an efficient intelligence network, however, Aramburu foiled the plan, having the plot's leader, General Juan José Valle, and 26 others executed. Aramburu turned to similarly drastic means in trying to rid the country of the spectre of the Peróns, themselves. Eva Perón's cadaver was removed from its display at CGT headquarters and ordered hidden under another name in a modest grave in Milan, Italy. Perón himself, for the time residing in Caracas, Venezuela at the kindness of ill-fated President Marcos Pérez Jiménez, suffered a number of attempted kidnappings and assassinations ordered by Aramburu.
Juan Perón | Exile (1955–1973)
Under the terms of this pact, Arana agreed to refrain from seizing power with the military; in return, the PAR agreed to support Arana's candidacy in the next presidential election, scheduled for November 1950. Arévalo himself recovered swiftly, but was forced to support the agreement. However, by 1949 the National Renovation Party and the PAR were both openly hostile to Arana due to his lack of support for labor rights. The leftist parties decided to back Árbenz instead, as they believed that only a military officer could defeat Arana. In 1947 Arana had demanded that certain labor leaders be expelled from the country; Árbenz vocally disagreed with Arana, and the former's intervention limited the number of deportees.
Jacobo Árbenz | Government of Juan José Arévalo
After being unable to obtain citizenship in Switzerland, the Árbenz family moved to Paris, where the French government gave them permission to live for a year, on the condition that they did not participate in any political activity, then to Prague, the capital of Czechoslovakia. After only three months, he moved to Moscow, which came as a relief to him from the harsh treatment he received in Czechoslovakia. While traveling in the Soviet Union and its vassal states, he was constantly criticized in the press in Guatemala and the US, on the grounds that he was showing his true communist colors by going there.
Jacobo Árbenz | Europe and Uruguay
After accepting the invitation from the current president, Peraza returned to his native land in order take part in the commemorations. Though he was moved to excitement about experiencing his homeland once more, he ultimately decided to return to New York. Peraza died 11 years later at the age of 67, just a few months shy of his birthday.
Nicanor Bolet Peraza | In exile
After the Cuban Revolution of 1959, a representative of the Fidel Castro government asked Árbenz to come to Cuba, to which he readily agreed, sensing an opportunity to live with fewer restrictions on himself. He flew to Havana in July 1960, and, caught up in the spirit of the recent revolution, began to participate in public events. His presence so close to Guatemala once again increased the negative coverage he received in the Guatemalan press. He was offered the leadership of some revolutionary movements in Guatemala but refused, as he was pessimistic about the outcome. In 1965 Árbenz was invited to the Communist Congress in Helsinki.
Jacobo Árbenz | Daughter's suicide and death
On February 22, 1965, Ibárruri asked the ministers of External Affairs and the Spanish army and the defense attorney, asking to appear as a witness at the court martial of former Republican commander Justo Lopez de la Fuente. De la Fuente had been condemned to twenty-three years in prison. Everyone expected that he would be sentenced to death. She held a press conference in Moscow to publicize these actions. On February 27 the Captain General of the Madrid region annulled the proceedings. However, the first sentence stuck and Lopez later died in prison.
Dolores Ibárruri | The exile, part II (1960–1977)
The government arrested Nava again two years later in 1963, torturing him and later releasing him. Nava stepped away from the political scene for over 15 years when in 1982 he reappeared.
Salvador Nava Martínez | Origin and political exile: 1958-1963
Knowing that he could not fight on without the support of the army, Jacobo Árbenz resigned on 27 June 1954, handing over power to Colonel Carlos Enrique Diaz. US ambassador John Peurifoy then mediated negotiations held in El Salvador between the army leadership and Castillo Armas which led to Armas being included in the ruling military junta on 7 July 1954, and was named provisional president a few days later. The US recognized the new government on 13 July. Elections were held in early October, from which all political parties were barred from participating, and Castillo Armas was the only candidate, winning the election with 99% of the vote.
Guatemalan Revolution | Invasion
Jovellanos was one of the founding members of the exile Paraguayan Association in December 28, 1858. After the start of Paraguayan War he signed a request to Argentine government on April 24, 1865 asking it to authorize formation of the Paraguayan Legion that would be formed from exiles and Lopez opponents. He was one of the early supporters of this idea, together with Otoniel Peña participating in the meeting of the steering committee held on January 18, 1865.
Salvador Jovellanos | Exile politics
Árbenz's role as defense minister had already made him a strong candidate for the presidency, and his firm support of the government during the 1949 uprising further increased his prestige. In 1950 the economically moderate Partido de Integridad Nacional (PIN) announced that Árbenz would be its presidential candidate in the upcoming election. The announcement was quickly followed by endorsements from most parties on the left, including the influential PAR, as well as from labor unions. Árbenz carefully chose the PIN as the party to nominate him. Based on the advice of his friends and colleagues, he believed it would make his candidacy appear more moderate.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
With Obando defeated, the War of the Supremes quickly ended in favour of the government, Obando decided to go into exile and fled to Peru where he was welcomed by President Juan Crisóstomo Torrico, but when the latter was ousted by Juan Francisco de Vidal, the new administration gave in to the extradition request that New Granada put in through its Ambassador in Ecuador Rufino Cuervo y Barreto and its Ambassador in Peru Juan Antonio Pardo. Obando then escaped to Chile under the protection of President Manuel Bulnes Prieto. He remained in exile until January 1, 1849 when then President Mosquera gave amnesty to all those who committed political crimes.
José María Obando | Exile and return
May 11, 1940, he was named President of the Republic of Spain in Exile (till June 27, 1945). He was also named Prime Minister from 1947 to 1951, two consecutive terms. He corresponded with people in France and the United States. He attended a United Nations conference representing the Second Spanish Republic government. But Franco—supported by the Church and Industry—was ensconced and Albornoz's work on behalf of the duly elected government came to no avail. Albornoz died Oct. 22, 1954, in Mexico City.
Álvaro de Albornoz | Life in Exile
Romero was taken to the Gurs concentration camp, where along with Spanish refugees (including his friend, Lieutenant Colonel Francisco Buzón Llanes) Jews were concentrated awaiting to be deported for extermination. He, his wife and daughter were saved due to the humanitarian proceedings of Gilberto Bosques, Consul of Mexico, distinguished for his outstanding work in helping Spanish refugees, Jews and other people being persecuted, providing them shelter in that country. Mexico was wide open to receive refugees, especially under the presidency of Lazaro Cardenas del Rio. Overcoming many difficulties they were able to travel to Marseille, where they managed to embark for Oran.
Carlos Romero Giménez | Exile in France and Resistance
They informed Peurifoy of this plan, asking him to stop the hostilities in return for Árbenz's resignation. Peurifoy promised to arrange a truce, and the plotters went to Árbenz and informed him of their decision. Árbenz, utterly exhausted and seeking to preserve at least a measure of the democratic reforms that he had brought, agreed without demur. After informing his cabinet of his decision, he left the presidential palace at 8 pm on 27 June 1954, having taped a resignation speech that was broadcast an hour later. In it, he stated that he was resigning in order to eliminate the "pretext for the invasion", and that he wished to preserve the gains of the October Revolution of 1944.
1954 Guatemalan coup d'état | Árbenz's resignation
In April 1964, a coup d'état overthrew Goulart. Brizola was the only political leader to support for the president, sheltering him in Porto Alegre and hoping a bid to rouse the local army units towards the restoration of the toppled régime could be made. Brizola engaged himself in schemes to confront the military putschists, including giving a fiery public speech at the Porto Alegre City Hall, exhorting army NCOs to "occupy barracks and arrest the generals", which earned him the lasting hatred of the dictatorship's military commanders. After an unsuccessful month in Rio Grande, Brizola fled in early May 1964 to Uruguay, where Goulart was already in exile after offering little support to Brizola's attempts at armed resistance.
Leonel Brizola | Exile and return (1964–1979)
In 1943 he also became honorary president of the Latin American Committee of a Free Germany. However, in September 1943 he died at his home Queens, New York.
Kurt Rosenfeld | In exile
Opposition groups began organizing again, this time joined by many prominent political and military leaders who deemed the Ponce regime unconstitutional. Among the military officers in the opposition were Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán and Major Francisco Javier Arana. Ubico had fired Árbenz from his teaching post at the "Escuela Politécnica" (Politechnic School), and since then Árbenz had been in El Salvador organizing a band of revolutionary exiles. On 19 October 1944, a small group of soldiers and students led by Árbenz and Arana attacked the National Palace, in what later became known as the "October Revolution". Ponce was defeated and driven into exile.
Jorge Ubico | Revolution and overthrow
According to his own testimony, García escaped his home while military tanks took over the bloc where he lived. After weeks of hiding in a construction site, he was able to enter the residence of the Colombian Ambassador at the end of May, where he requested political asylum. The request was granted on 1 June, by the government of President César Gaviria. The former president left Peru through a pass that allowed him to board a Colombian Air Force jet that transferred him to Bogotá, along with then congressman Jorge Del Castillo. García arrived at Catam military airport and in statements to the press promised to fight against the dictatorship of Alberto Fujimori.
Alan García | Exile
After the end of Siles' term in 1960, Estenssoro again ran for president in 1960 elections and, upon being elected, sent Siles as ambassador to Uruguay until 1963 and as ambassador to Spain (1963–64). In 1964 Siles broke with Estrassoro over the latter's decision to run for another consecutive term. Siles initially supported the November 1964 coup d'état by vice-president, General René Barrientos and army chief Alfredo Ovando — but was later exiled when it became apparent that the military intended to manipulate 1966 electoral results to perpetuate itself in power. Except for a five-month interlude during which his half-brother held the presidency, the armed forces remained in control of the Presidential Palacio Quemado until 1982.
Hernán Siles Zuazo | Break with the MNR and exile, 1960-78
Historian Roberto Garcia Ferreira wrote in 2008 that Árbenz's legacy was still a matter of great dispute in Guatemala itself, while arguing that the image of Árbenz was significantly shaped by the CIA media campaign that followed the 1954 coup. Garcia Ferreira said that the revolutionary government represented one of the few periods in which "state authority was used to promote the interests of the nation's masses." Forster described Árbenz's legacy in the following terms: "In 1952 the Agrarian Reform Law swept the land, destroying forever the hegemony of the planters. Árbenz in effect legislated a new social order ...
Jacobo Árbenz | Legacy
He died on 24 February 1956 in Mexico.
Antonio Lara Zárate | Exile (1939–56)
They sought asylum in Mexico, when then President Lázaro Cárdenas welcomed thousands of Spanish Republicans who fled after the victory of Francisco Franco's fascist forces.
Arturo Sarukhán | Background
He went into hiding in 1975, when members of Radical Democracy turned against the dictatorship demanding the return to democracy. Upon the re-formation of the Radical Party of Chile in 1988, he joined its ranks, where he worked until the day of his death on April 23, 1994. His ashes rest in the Elqui Valley, a place where he always wanted to return.
Julio Alberto Mercado Illanes | Exile
From 1940 to 1945, he lived underground and then left the country. In 1946, with the democratic restoration, he returned to the country to once more join in with the activities of the Paraguayan Communist Party. He participated in the civil war of 1947, and then was exiled to the Argentina In the year 1978 he was elected as Secretary-General of the Paraguayan Communist Party, a position he held until his death in 1981, in Buenos Aires.
Obdulio Barthe | Exile and struggles
The Spanish scattering took place during a public ceremony at the Bridge of the French.
Carlos Romero Giménez | Exile in Mexico
In May 1944 a series of protests against Ubico broke out at the university in Guatemala City. Ubico responded by suspending the constitution on June 22, 1944. The protests, which by this point included many middle-class members and junior army officers in addition to students and workers, gained momentum, eventually forcing Ubico's resignation at the end of June. Ubico appointed a three-person junta led by General Federico Ponce Vaides to succeed him. Although Ponce Vaides initially promised to hold free elections, when the congress met on July 3, soldiers held everyone at gunpoint and forced them to appoint Ponce Vaides interim president.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
On April 8, 1840, General Francisco Morazán went into exile. He left from the port of La Libertad in El Salvador, and embarked on the schooner "Izalco" accompanied by 30 of his closest friends and war veterans. He stopped in Costa Rica where he sought and obtained political asylum for most of his companions. Seven continued on the journey to South America with him. Morazán landed at Chiriquí Province, then moved on to David, Chiriquí where his family awaited him. While in David, Morazán was informed by his friends of the fierce persecutions suffered by his supporters at the hands of Rafael Carrea and other Central American leaders.
Francisco Morazán | Exile in South America
During the 1947 Paraguayan Civil War, Roa Bastos was forced to flee to Buenos Aires, Argentina, because he had spoken out against President Higinio Moríñigo. About 500,000 of his fellow Paraguayans left for Argentina at the same time. Roa Bastos remained in Argentina until just before the establishment of the military dictatorship there in 1976, and he did not return permanently to Paraguay until 1989. He found exile difficult, but his time in Buenos Aires was a prolific period. Roa Bastos said this in reference to his exile: I can't complain...Exile brought out in me, in addition to a revulsion against violence and against depreciation of the human condition, a feeling for the universality of man.
Augusto Roa Bastos | Exile in Argentina (1947–1976)
The president of the Basque Government in exile was always a EAJ-PNV member and even the sole Spanish representative in the United Nations was the Basque appointee Jesús de Galíndez until his murder in an obscure episode regarding his PhD Thesis about Dominican Republic's dictator Trujillo. He also decided to put the large Basque exiles' network at the service of the Allied side and collaborated with the US Secretary of State and the CIA during the Cold War to fight Communism in Spanish America. When the United States decided to back Franco in 1952 Aguirre went to France anew where the Basque Government in exile was established.
Basque Nationalist Party | Exile during the post-war
From 1955 to 1957, Aurora de Albornoz studied in Paris with Bergamín.
José Bergamín | Exile
He refrained from active political life for the remainder of the war, exiling himself to Mexico. In 1945, toward the end of World War II, he was one of those who attempted to form a republican government-in-exile and hoped to reach an accord with the monarchist opposition to Francisco Franco, the ruler of Spain since the end of the Civil War, with a view to restoring Spanish democracy. The failure of that initiative led to his definitive retirement from active politics. He died in Mexico City in 1962. In Mexico, he wrote several books, such as "Palabras al viento" ("Words in the Wind", 1942), "Discursos en América" ("Discourses in America", 1944) and at the end of his life, "Cartas a un escultor: pequeños detalles de grandes sucesos" ("Letters to a Sculptor: Small Details of Great events", 1962).
Indalecio Prieto | Exile
With the Institutional Revolutionary Party now firmly in control and in the spirit of national unity, President Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–46) allowed Calles to return to Mexico under the reconciliation policy of Cárdenas's successor in 1941. He spent his last years quietly in Mexico City and Cuernavaca. Back in Mexico, Calles's political position became more moderate; in 1942, he supported Mexico's declaration of war upon the Axis powers. In his last years, he reportedly became interested in spiritualism.
Plutarco Elías Calles | Return from exile and final years
When Jorge Rafael Videla's military dictatorship came to power in 1976, however, the book was banned in Argentina, and Roa Bastos was exiled once again, this time to Toulouse, France.
Augusto Roa Bastos | Exile in Argentina (1947–1976)
Born in Paysandú, Uruguay on July 26, 1934, Gargano went into exile in Spain in 1974 following a coup d'état. He returned to Uruguay several years later.
Reinaldo Gargano | Exile
The repressive policies of the Ubico administration were continued. Opposition groups began organizing again, this time joined by many prominent political and military leaders, who deemed the Ponce regime unconstitutional. Árbenz had been one of the few officers in the military to protest the actions of Ponce Vaides. Ubico had fired Árbenz from his teaching post at the "Escuela Politécnica", and since then Árbenz had been living in ElSalvador, organizing a band of revolutionary exiles. Árbenz was one of the leaders of the plot within the army, along with Major Aldana Sandoval. Árbenz insisted that civilians also be included in the coup, over the protests of the other military men involved.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
He put the emerging Spanish private foundation movement in contact with Medoza and other leading philanthropists in Latin America and the USA. In 1973 Azcárate helped José Lino Vaamonde to prepare an account of the work done by the team to protect the Spanish artistic heritage during the civil war.
Justino de Azcárate | Exile
He resigned from this position in March 1946, since he refused to be part of a government that included the Communist Party of Spain. He became official observer of the Republican government in exile before the United Nations. Fernando de los Ríos died on 31 May 1949 in New York City. His remains were returned to Spain on 28 June 1980 and rest in the Cementerio de la Almudena in Madrid.
Fernando de los Ríos | Exile (1939–49)
Despite having a wife and six children in Spain, he never married again but had another child. In the Soviet Union, he wrote his memoirs "Trayectoria". He died in Rome in 1968. After the death of the dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 and the change of the political situation in Spain, his remains were transferred to Spain.
Antonio Cordón García | Exile
On 16 July 1949, Arana delivered an ultimatum to Arévalo, demanding the expulsion of all of Árbenz' supporters from the cabinet and the military; he threatened a coup if his demands were not met. Arévalo informed Árbenz and other progressive leaders of the ultimatum, who all agreed that Arana should be exiled. A secret meeting of the permanent committee of the congress met and voted to dismiss Arana. Cuban President Carlos Prío Socarrás agreed to give Arana asylum there. Two days later, Arévalo and Arana had another meeting, at which Arévalo later said that Arana was highly threatening and abusive.
Francisco Javier Arana | Death
Between 1871 and 1875 he lived in Mexico, Cuba and the United States. Back in Barcelona, in the year 1879 he participated in the founding of the Typographical Society and constitution of the Federation of the Region Spanish (FTRE) in Barcelona in September 1881, which was part of the federal commission.
Antoni Pellicer | Exile and Return to Spain
In 1971 Blanco was deported to Chile. During Augusto Pinochet's coup on September 11, 1973, he took refuge at the Swedish embassy, from where he was smuggled out of the country under dramatic circumstances under the leadership of Ambassador Harald Edelstam in 1976 following an international solidarity campaign that included Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, and Bertrand Russell. In 1976, he became a political refugee in Sweden, where he supported himself among another jobs as a language teacher at Sando school and as a warehouse worker in a Press Office. In 1977, the United States Committee for Justice to Latin American Political Prisoners (USLA) achieved to get a non-immigrant visa for Hugo Blanco so he could travel to the U.S.A.
Hugo Blanco (politician) | Exile
Shortly after the fall of Victoriano Huerta's de facto government, Harootian was persecuted by the new authorities and chose to leave the country.
Jacobo Harrotian | Late life and exile
The return of the exiles during the "liberal triennium" from 1820 to 1823 allowed the creation of the Spanish Athenæum, directed by Juan Manuel de los Rios. When King Ferdinand reasserted his absolutism in 1823, however, that institution's scholars went into London exile.
Ateneo de Madrid | History
Upon the military rising of July 1936 he attempted to organise local resistance, by forming a militia and seizing weapons. After the declaration of war the town was occupied by the Civil Guard, compelling him to escape. He took refuge in Oporto in Portugal at the home of Portuguese friends of his, among whom was Mário Soares. He died in that city in 1945 and is buried there. While in Portugal he worked for the British secret service. All through the Franco period he was assumed in Monforte to have been killed by some Falangist death squad. This belief was supported by gunfire damage to a commemorative plaque on a fountain that he had installed.
Juan Tizón | Exile
Following a line that some have called "moderate Marxism," he organized and led the principal opposition movement outside the country to the regime of Joachim Yhombi-Opango (president from 1977 to 1979). Created in 1976, his FDRCO was then considered the largest opposition party in exile.
Aloïse Moudileno Massengo | Leader of the opposition in exile (1972–1991)
After the civil war de los Ríos left the Spanish embassy on 31 March 1939 to accept the offer of a professorship from Alvin Saunders Johnson, rector of the New School for Social Research in New York City. De los Ríos took his family to New York, including his mother Fernanda Urruti. His wife, Gloria Giner de los Ríos, gave classes in Spanish language and style at Columbia University and published texts on Spanish culture and civilization. When the first government of the Republic in exile was formed in August 1945 its president, José Giral, appointed de los Ríos Minister of State.
Fernando de los Ríos | Exile (1939–49)
The CIA operation to overthrow Jacobo Árbenz, code-named Operation PBSuccess, was authorized by Eisenhower in August 1953. Carlos Castillo Armas, once Arana's lieutenant, who had been exiled following the failed coup in 1949, was chosen to lead the coup. Castillo Armas recruited a force of approximately 150 mercenaries from among Guatemalan exiles and the populations of nearby countries. In January 1954, information about these preparations were leaked to the Guatemalan government, which issued statements implicating a "Government of the North" in a plot to overthrow Árbenz. The US government denied the allegations, and the US media uniformly took the side of the government; both argued that Árbenz had succumbed to communist propaganda.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
Under his leadership, the communist party remained numerically weak, without any representation in Árbenz' cabinet. Fortuny resigned along with Árbenz following the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état, and went into exile.
José Manuel Fortuny | Árbenz government
Finally the split was consummated and he became Secretary General of the possibilist CNT, until the 1st Regional Plenary held in Toulouse in December 1947. In 1949 he moved back to Paris. At the end of the 1960s, together with UGT leaders, he founded the "Unified Workers' Solidarity Fund" to help imprisoned or fired workers.
Ramón Álvarez Palomo | Exile
Jauretche did not return to the public scene until 1955, when the Revolución Libertadora led to Perón's ouster. Having been out of government for a few years meant that, for once, he was able to avoid political persecution. He founded the periodical "El Líder" and the weekly "El '45" to defend what he called "the ten years of popular government", and to excoriate the political, economic, and social activities of the de facto regime. In 1956 he published the essay "El Plan Prebisch: retorno al coloniaje" ("The Prebisch Plan: a return to colonialism"), refuting the report written by Raúl Prebisch, secretary of the Economic Commission of Latin America, at the behest of Pedro Eugenio Aramburu.
Arturo Jauretche | Opposition to Aramburu and exile
She visited with her old friends from the "defunct" "Lyceum Women's Club" which was continuing its activities in an unofficial and clandestine way. A few months later her husband, who was still in Buenos Aires, committed suicide. Grief-stricken she went to America to live with her son who was in exile. Later she returned to Madrid and died on 8 May 1952 at age 65. In 1957, a few years after her death, María Martos de Baeza and playwright Matilde Ras sponsored a fund raising effort to erect a monument in her honor in the Parque del Oeste in Madrid.
Elena Fortún | Exile
Árbenz got more than three times as many votes as the runner-up, Ydígoras Fuentes. Fuentes claimed electoral fraud had benefited Árbenz, but scholars have pointed out that while fraud may possibly have given Árbenz some of his votes, it was not the reason that he won the election. Árbenz's promise of land reform played a large role in ensuring his victory. The election of Árbenz alarmed US State Department officials, who stated that Arana "has always represented the only positive conservative element in the Arévalo administration" and that his death would "strengthen materially", and that "developments forecast sharp leftist trend within the government." Árbenz was inaugurated as president on March 15, 1951.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Arana did not wish to turn over power to a civilian administration. He initially tried to persuade Árbenz and Toriello to postpone the election, and after Arévalo was elected, he asked them to declare the results invalid. Árbenz and Toriello insisted that Arévalo be allowed to take power, which Arana reluctantly agreed to, on the condition that Arana's position as the commander of the military be unchallenged. Arévalo had no choice but to agree to this, and so the new Guatemalan constitution, adopted in 1945, created a new position of "Commander of the Armed Forces", a position that was more powerful than that of the defense minister.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
In 1896, after attacking the government in his newspaper, he was convicted to prison by a War Council. However, he fled to France where he stayed for a while. He then moved to Madrid, where he was detained and jailed for several months. After receiving a pardon from the Ministry of Overseas, Don Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, he remained in Madrid for three years collaborating for the newspapers "El Globo", "El Heraldo", and "El Liberal".
Mariano Abril y Ostalo | Exile in Europe
He was appointed Manager (February, 1816), Member of the Provisional Junta of government (May, 1817), President of the Court for the seizure of the goods of the supporters of the king (September, 1817), President of State and Finance (November, 1817), Deputy to the Congress (February, 1819), President of Congress (February, 1819), and following the liberation of New Granada, as Vice-President of the Republic (December, 1819), and finally, Plenipotentiary Minister in the Exterior (December, 1819).
Francisco Antonio Zea | Exile in France and Independence Campaign
Castillo Armas joined the General Staff and became director of the military academy. Arana and Castillo Armas opposed the newly elected government of Juan José Arévalo; after Arana's failed 1949 coup, Castillo Armas went into exile in Honduras. Seeking support for another revolt, he came to the attention of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In 1950 he launched a failed assault on Guatemala City, before escaping back to Honduras. Influenced by Cold War fears of communism and the pressure from the United Fruit Company, in 1952 the US government of President Harry Truman authorized Operation PBFortune, a plot to overthrow Arévalo's leftist successor, President Jacobo Árbenz.
Carlos Castillo Armas | Introduction
From 1939, after the fall of Catalonia, López-Bago was exiled to France until his death in Paris in 1972. His remains are interred in the Père Lachaise Cemetery, Paris.
José Riquelme y López Bago | Exile and death
In March 1939 Segismundo Casado launched an anti-communist uprising in Madrid supported by the militant anarchist Cipriano Mera. Isidoro Diéguez organized resistance to the revolt with other PCE members. After Casado succeeded, Diéguez managed to escape to Valencia, where he took ship for France. There he contacted Francisco Antón Sanz and with the help of SERE left for America in August 1939. He sailed to New York City in August 1939, and reached Mexico in September 1939.
Isidoro Diéguez Dueñas | Exile
In 1926 both nations resident diplomatic missions were elevated to embassies. In 1954, reformist Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz was ousted in an American backed coup d'état and replaced by a military junta; because of his disputes and opposition against the United Fruit Company. This incident was known as the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état. After resigning from the presidency, Árbenz and his family and several other political allies; were allowed to seek asylum in the Mexican embassy. After several weeks in the embassy, Árbenz, his family and political followers were allowed to leave the country for Mexico where he died in 1971.
Guatemala–Mexico relations | History
On 27 June 1954 Jacobo Árbenz met with Díaz, and informed him that he was resigning. Historians have variously suggested either that at the urging of Peurifoy, Díaz actually persuaded Árbenz to resign, or that Díaz delivered Árbenz an ultimatum from senior army officers, demanding that he resign. Historian Jim Handy has stated that Árbenz made Díaz promise to protect the reforms of the Guatemalan Revolution; nonetheless, his resignation represented the end of the revolution for practical purposes. Árbenz left office at 8 PM, after recording a resignation speech that was broadcast on the radio an hour later. Immediately afterward, Díaz made an announcement that he would be taking over the presidency in the name of the Guatemalan Revolution, and stated that the Guatemalan army would still fight against Castillo Armas' invasion.
Carlos Enrique Díaz de León | Presidency
When Carlos Salinas de Gortari became president of Mexico (1988-1994), he had the remains of López Mateos and his wife exhumed and moved to López Mateos's birthplace in Mexico State. A monument to the late president was erected there. This unusual step was likely due to Salinas' family animus toward López Mateos. Salinas's father Raúl Salinas Lozano had been a cabinet minister in López Mateos's government and was passed over for the party nomination to be the next president of Mexico. The town is now formally named Ciudad López Mateos.
Adolfo López Mateos | Postmortem exile
After the coup d'état by generals Barrientos and Ovando in November 1964, he sought asylum in the Embassy of Colombia, but did not go into exile.
Jaime Otero Calderón | From Camiri to the Cabinet
He was exiled from Spain in 1945 after Franco launched a purge of leading monarchists initially to Portugal before returning to France in 1947. His disillusionment with the Franco regime was reflected in his 1951 memoir "¿Para que..." ("For What?") in which he criticised "El Caudillo" for betraying the war against the republicans by not restoring the monarchy. He died in Ville-d'Avray in 1958.
Juan Antonio Ansaldo | Later years
The military dictatorship closed the siege in the 70's in Argentina. Although not practicing any militancy in any political party, Cherniavsky was persecuted like almost all progressive intellectuals. Bombs were placed in the administrative headquarters of the “Centro de Artes y Ciencias” ("Arts and Sciences Center"), in the movie theater where "El Terrorista" premiered, on the stage of Mercedes Sosa and in the theater hall where Nacha Guevara presented the show "Las Mil y una Nachas" (One of the great successes of the Center and Cherniavsky). The latest incident resulted in the deaths of two people. With the kidnapping and death of the writer Rodolfo Walsh and Piri Lugones (press officer of the Institute) as well as dozens of collaborators being kidnapped, killed or exiled, he was forced to a constant daily pilgrimage to remain incognito.
Daniel Cherniavsky | Exile