Árbenz got more than three times as many votes as the runner-up, Ydígoras Fuentes. Fuentes claimed electoral fraud had benefited Árbenz, but scholars have pointed out that while fraud may possibly have given Árbenz some of his votes, it was not the reason that he won the election. Árbenz's promise of land reform played a large role in ensuring his victory. The election of Árbenz alarmed US State Department officials, who stated that Arana "has always represented the only positive conservative element in the Arévalo administration" and that his death would "strengthen materially", and that "developments forecast sharp leftist trend within the government." Árbenz was inaugurated as president on March 15, 1951.
1950 election
Jacobo Árbenz
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
March 15, 1951 March 15, 1951 1952 1951
what is operation pbfortune?
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It was a covert United States operation to overthrow the democratically elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz
assistant
where did the place get its name?
user
The name "Guatemala" comes from the Nahuatl word "Cuauhtēmallān" , or "place of many trees".
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name a few literatures associated with nahuatl?
user
Chalco written by Chimalpahin, from Tlaxcala by Diego Muñoz Camargo, from Mexico-Tenochtitlan by Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc and those of Texcoco by Fernando Alva Ixtlilxochitl
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when did the person against whom the operation was intended become president?
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Árbenz's role as defense minister had already made him a strong candidate for the presidency, and his firm support of the government during the 1949 uprising further increased his prestige. In 1950 the economically moderate Partido de Integridad Nacional (PIN) announced that Árbenz would be its presidential candidate in the upcoming election. The announcement was quickly followed by endorsements from most parties on the left, including the influential PAR, as well as from labor unions. Árbenz carefully chose the PIN as the party to nominate him. Based on the advice of his friends and colleagues, he believed it would make his candidacy appear more moderate.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Árbenz got more than three times as many votes as the runner-up, Ydígoras Fuentes. Fuentes claimed electoral fraud had benefited Árbenz, but scholars have pointed out that while fraud may possibly have given Árbenz some of his votes, it was not the reason that he won the election. Árbenz's promise of land reform played a large role in ensuring his victory. The election of Árbenz alarmed US State Department officials, who stated that Arana "has always represented the only positive conservative element in the Arévalo administration" and that his death would "strengthen materially", and that "developments forecast sharp leftist trend within the government." Árbenz was inaugurated as president on March 15, 1951.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Peurifoy promised to arrange a truce, and the plotters went to Árbenz and informed him of their decision. Árbenz, utterly exhausted and seeking to preserve at least a measure of the democratic reforms that he had brought, agreed. After informing his cabinet of his decision, he left the presidential palace at 8 pm on June 27, 1954, having taped a resignation speech that was broadcast an hour later. In it, he stated that he was resigning in order to eliminate the "pretext for the invasion," and that he wished to preserve the gains of the October Revolution. He walked to the nearby Mexican Embassy, seeking political asylum.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
In the elections that followed, Juan José Arévalo was elected president, and began a highly popular program of social reform. Árbenz was appointed Minister of Defense, and played a crucial role in putting down a military coup in 1949. After the death of Arana, Árbenz contested the presidential elections that were held in 1950 and without significant opposition defeated Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, his nearest challenger, by a margin of over 50%. He took office on March 15, 1951, and continued the social reform policies of his predecessor. These reforms included an expanded right to vote, the ability of workers to organize, legitimizing political parties, and allowing public debate.
Jacobo Árbenz | Introduction
Árbenz himself resigned his position as Defense Minister on February 20 and declared his candidacy for the presidency. Arévalo wrote him an enthusiastic personal letter in response but publicly only reluctantly endorsed him, preferring, it is thought, his friend Víctor Manuel Giordani, who was then Health Minister. It was only the support Árbenz had, and the impossibility of Giordani being elected, that led to Arévalo deciding to support Árbenz. Prior to his death, Arana had planned to run in the 1950 presidential elections. His death left Árbenz without any serious opposition in the elections (leading some, including the CIA and US military intelligence, to speculate that Árbenz personally had him eliminated for this reason).
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
Among the many individuals considered by President Díaz Ordaz to succeed him were (Head of the Federal District Department), Luis Echeverría Álvarez (Secretary of the Interior) and (Secretary of the Presidency). According to Jorge G. Castañeda, Díaz Ordaz arrived at a final decision in the aftermath of the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre, in which the Army killed a multitude of unarmed protesters in Mexico City after months of student protests across the country. The massacre was a turning point in Mexican history, and the exact responsibility of the officials involved in it continues to be debated, with many asserting that the Secretary of the Interior, Echeverría, was the one who ordered the troops to shot at the protesters.
1970 Mexican general election | Designation of the PRI presidential candidate
He could only be removed by Congress, and even then only if he was found to have broken the law. When Arévalo was inaugurated as president, Arana stepped into this new position, and Árbenz was sworn in as defense minister.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
During a campaign stop at the municipality of Jalpa, the presidential candidate of the PAN, Luis H. Álvarez, was arrested and imprisoned for a couple of hours; according to Álvarez, the charge that was brought against him was "being a member of the opposition".
1958 Mexican general election | Campaign
Under the terms of this pact, Arana agreed to refrain from seizing power with the military; in return, the PAR agreed to support Arana's candidacy in the next presidential election, scheduled for November 1950. Arévalo himself recovered swiftly, but was forced to support the agreement. However, by 1949 the National Renovation Party and the PAR were both openly hostile to Arana due to his lack of support for labor rights. The leftist parties decided to back Árbenz instead, as they believed that only a military officer could defeat Arana. In 1947 Arana had demanded that certain labor leaders be expelled from the country; Árbenz vocally disagreed with Arana, and the former's intervention limited the number of deportees.
Jacobo Árbenz | Government of Juan José Arévalo
Díaz chose a corps of officers who were all known to be men of personal integrity, and who were loyal to Árbenz. By June 21, Guatemalan soldiers had gathered at Zacapa under the command of Colonel Víctor M. León, who was believed to be loyal to Árbenz. The leaders of the communist party also began to have their suspicions, and sent a member to investigate. He returned on June 25, reporting that the army was highly demoralized, and would not fight. PGT Secretary General Alvarado Monzón informed Árbenz, who quickly sent another investigator of his own, who brought back a message asking Árbenz to resign.
Jacobo Árbenz | Operation PBSuccess
President Avila Camacho chose Alemán as the official candidate of the party in 1945, running for president in 1946. There were many possibilities for the president to choose among, both civilian and military, including Avila Camacho's older brother, Maximino Ávila Camacho. The Avila Camacho brothers shared ill health, and Maximino died in February 1945, following a banquet. His death averted a possible political crisis of succession. "There were some who wondered whether something more than seasoning had been added to Maximino's food" the day he died. Among the civilians were Javier Rojo Gómez, the head of government of the Federal District; Marte R.
Miguel Alemán Valdés | Election of 1946
In the official election count, Ruiz Cortines won with more than 74 percent of the popular vote, followed by Henríquez Guzmán with 16 percent. These results set off a wave of protests in several states by Henríquez supporters, which were violently suppressed by the administration of Miguel Alemán Valdés. Among those calling for justice were the former Mexican ambassador to Honduras, José Muñoz Cota Ibáñez, and Alicia Pérez Salazar. Some military chiefs, sympathizers of Henríquez Guzmán and aligned with former president Lázaro Cárdenas, seized the opportunity and proposed to carry out a Coup d'état so that Henríquez would become president.
1952 Mexican general election | Aftermath
Árbenz had only a couple of significant challengers in the election, in a field of ten candidates. One of these was Jorge García Granados, supported by some members of the upper-middle class who felt the revolution had gone too far. Another was Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, who had been a general under Ubico and had the support of the hardline opponents of the revolution. During his campaign, Árbenz promised to continue and expand the reforms begun under Arévalo. Árbenz was expected to win the election comfortably because he had the support of both major political parties of the country, as well as that of the labor unions, which campaigned heavily on his behalf.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
In order to run for election, the constitution required that Arana resign his military position by May 1950, and that his successor be chosen by Congress from a list submitted by the Consejo Superior de la Defensa (CSD). Elections for the CSD were scheduled for July 1949. The months before this election saw intense wrangling, as Arana supporters tried to gain control over the election process. Specifically, they wanted the election to be supervised by regional commanders loyal to Arana, rather than centrally dispatched observers. Arana called an emergency meeting of the CSD just before the scheduled election, at which no agreement was reached; but a few days later, Arana's supporters suddenly gave in to the demands of Arbenz' supporters.
Francisco Javier Arana | Death
Another was Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, who had been a general under Ubico, and who had the support of the hardline opponents of the revolution. During his campaign, Árbenz promised to continue and expand the reforms begun under Arévalo. The election was held on 15 November 1950, and Árbenz won more than 60% of the vote, in elections that were free and fair with the exception of the disenfranchisement of illiterate female voters. Árbenz was inaugurated as president on 15 March 1951.
Guatemalan Revolution | Election
However, it was Henríquez himself who rejected the plan, and instead he asked his supporters to stop the violent protests. Despite the intensity of the protests, the results stood, and as a result Henríquez Guzmán then retired from public life. Many years after the election, Ruiz Cortines revealed that only five weeks before he was scheduled to take office, he underwent a surgery to get rid of a hernia; to keep the surgery as a secret from the media, an operating room was temporally installed in Ruiz Cortines' Mexico City residence. After the successful surgery, Ruiz Cortines took office as scheduled on 1 December.
1952 Mexican general election | Aftermath
Carlos Castillo Armas was assassinated in 1957, and elections were held immediately afterwards by a military junta. These elections were so fraudulent that popular outcry forced a fresh ballot. Another election was held in 1958, in which Ydígoras was elected. His administration saw continual corruption scandals. There was significant social turmoil following his election, and demonstrations and protests against the government and against electoral fraud were common during his administration. These protests eventually grew into the Guerilla group MR-13. In July 1958 a senior CIA Chief described Ydígoras as, "known to be a moody, almost schizophrenic individual" who "regularly disregards the advice of his Cabinet and other close associates".
Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes | Election as President
Arana did not wish to turn over power to a civilian administration. He initially tried to persuade Árbenz and Toriello to postpone the election, and after Arévalo was elected, he asked them to declare the results invalid. Árbenz and Toriello insisted that Arévalo be allowed to take power, which Arana reluctantly agreed to, on the condition that Arana's position as the commander of the military be unchallenged. Arévalo had no choice but to agree to this, and so the new Guatemalan constitution, adopted in 1945, created a new position of "Commander of the Armed Forces", a position that was more powerful than that of the defense minister.
Jacobo Árbenz | October revolution
After ambushing the federal troops in Cañón del Mal Paso on 2 January 1911, he ordered the dead soldiers stripped and sent the uniforms to Presidente Díaz with a note that read, "Ahí te van las hojas, mándame más tamales". ("Here are the wrappers, send me more tamales.")
Pascual Orozco | Becoming a revolutionary
But in that moment President Zedillo became a true democrat ... In minutes he preempted any possibility of violent resistance from hard-line "priistas". It was an act of electoral integrity that will forever mark the mild-mannered economist as a historic figure of Mexico's peaceful transition to democracy."
Ernesto Zedillo | 2000 Election
Both Arana and Arbenz fought with distinction in the coup. Arana, Árbenz and Jorge Toriello became members of a new three-person ruling junta, with Arana, who as a Major was the ranking army officer, becoming its senior member. Arana did not wish to turn over power to a civilian administration. He tried to persuade Árbenz and Toriello to postpone the election, and after Juan José Arévalo was elected President in December 1944, he asked them to declare the election results invalid. Árbenz and Toriello insisted that Arévalo be allowed to take power, which Arana reluctantly agreed to, on the condition that Arana's position as the commander of the military be unchallenged.
Francisco Javier Arana | October revolution
Jorge Pacheco, then vice president, succeeded to the presidency in December 1967 after the elected president Óscar Gestido died after a few months in office. He immediately implemented price and wage freezes in an attempt to control inflation, and enforced a state of emergency in June 1968 to stem the resulting labour disputes. His administration fought the National Liberation Movement (MLN in Spanish), an urban guerrilla group also known as the Tupamaros, which had formed in 1963. The government, with Parliament's approval, imposed emergency measures from June 1968 to March 1969.
Jorge Pacheco Areco | Presidential term (1967–1972)
These victories led, in May 1911, to Porfírio Díaz's resignation and exile. A peace treaty was signed, Madero and his troops marched into Mexico City, elections were held and in November, 1911, Francisco Madero became Mexico's new President. Northern Mexico at this time was in open rebellion. In Sonora the Yaqui were waging guerrilla warfare, Morelos and Durango were also unstable, and Pascual Orozco, former Madero supporter, was attempting to usurp the authority of Chihuahua governor Abraham González. The conflicts kept Alvarado busy and he steadily climbed the military ranks from Major to Lieutenant Colonel to Colonel and finally General.
Salvador Alvarado | Military career
However, four candidates were presented to Congress, with the name of General , Secretary of the Interior, added to the other three. A groundswell of support gave the presidency to Rodríguez, who was named by Congress as President of Mexico on 4 September 1932.
Abelardo L. Rodríguez | Election
The October revolution of 1944 in Guatemala led to the election of Juan José Arévalo as President of Guatemala, who initiated reforms based on liberal capitalism. Arévalo was an anti-communist, and cracked down on the communist Guatemalan Party of Labour ("Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo", PGT). The US government was nonetheless suspicious that he was under the influence of the Soviet Union. Arévalo's defense minister Jacobo Árbenz was elected president in 1950. Influenced partly by McCarthyism, the US government was predisposed to see communist influence in Árbenz's government, particularly after the legalization of the PGT. Árbenz also had personal ties to some PGT members.
Operation PBHistory | Background and origins
The invasion force fared poorly militarily, but the psychological warfare and the possibility of a U.S. invasion intimidated the Guatemalan army, which refused to fight. Árbenz resigned on 27 June. Following negotiations in San Salvador, Carlos Castillo Armas became President on 7 July 1954. Elections were held in early October, from which all political parties were barred from participating. Castillo Armas was the only candidate and won the election with 99% of the vote. Castillo Armas reversed Decree 900 and ruled until 26 July 1957, when he was assassinated by Romeo Vásquez, a member of his personal guard. After the rigged election that followed, General Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes assumed power.
Guatemala | Coup and civil war (1954–1996)
Although Quintanilla sought to exercise a longer government, he could not resist the general pressure among civilians and the military for a swift call for national elections. Tensions between the left and right wings of the army soon became clear. General Bernardino Bilbao Rioja, the new army Commander-in-Chief, was promoted as a potential presidential candidate. Bilbao represented the line of Toro and Busch, was an admired hero of the Chaco War, and had the consensus among ex-combatants that Quintanilla lacked. In order to ensure the power of the senior officers, Quintanilla enacted measures to put down leftist opposition. On October 29, Bilbao was summoned to the government palace to meet with the president.
Carlos Quintanilla | 1940 election
There were many rumours that outgoing president Luis Echeverría was planning to carry out a coup d'état against his own candidate, López Portillo, to perpetuate himself in power. A month after the elections, a diplomatic cable sent by then American ambassador in Mexico, Joseph J. Jova, to the U.S. Department of State echoed those rumours, and detailed a hypothetical scenario in which Echeverría would order the assassination of president-elect López Portillo after September 1, using the leftist guerrilla Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre and the CIA as scapegoats. On August 13, the Liga tried to kidnap Margarita López Portillo, sister of the president elect; the attempt failed and the Liga's leader, David Jiménez Sarmiento, was killed by security forces during the incident.
1976 Mexican general election | Aftermath
The question was settled by the Permanent Electoral College and ruled that the governor should remain for three years. However, the opposition asked for the Federal Congress’ intervention. President Julio Argentino Roca complied with the Tucumán opponents, but warned Delfín Galló that he could not guarantee that the same thing would happen after his presidency ended. In June 1886, Juárez Celman was sworn in as president.
Santiago Gallo | Political controversy
The changes he planned to institute could be difficult to enact in the presence of a potentially hostile Congress. For these reasons, Ovando decided not to wait for the elections (which no one could guarantee he could win, with the popular Escobar as candidate) and on 26 September 1969, he executed a coup d'état that overthrew Siles.
Alfredo Ovando Candía | Armed forces commander and president-in-waiting, 1966-69
In July 1998 the FRG voted for him to be their presidential candidate the following year, having decided not to nominate Ríos Montt. Portillo launched a campaign in favor of bringing morality into political life, to implacably fight corruption, to defend the indigenous population and the poor campesinos against the small, urban, white elite. He also promised security in the face of the growing problem with delinquency during Arzú's tenure in the office. In contrast to 1995, the issue of the homicides in Mexico was brought up, and became a central electoral issue. Portillo immediately admitted that he had shot the two students, but claimed it was an act of self-defense.
Alfonso Portillo | Presidential aspirations
However, some scholars of Central American History have suggested that the CIA was merely ascertaining that Duarte, the candidate favored by the USA, was elected. Duarte became President on June 1. He was determined to end the civil war by "dialogue without arms", and on October 15, 1984, in La Palma, Chalatenango, he met FMLN leaders face to face, which marked the beginning of the end of the civil war. His basic goal, he claimed, was to see the guerrillas disarm and then demobilize so that their members could be reincorporated into society. He argued that the issues that caused them to rise up in armed struggle had either been or were in the process of being resolved.
José Napoleón Duarte | President (1984–1989)
Alatorre in the Battle of Tecoac, in the municipality of Huamantla, Tlaxcala. Both sides came close to winning the battle, but the arrival of "porfirista" reinforcements under the command of General Manuel González Flores, caused a decisive victory for Díaz's troops. Following a series of further battles, supporters of the Plan of Tuxtepec claimed victory, and Lerdo de Tejada had no choice but to surrender the presidency and Díaz entered Puebla in November. As a result of the plan's victory Supreme Court President José María Iglesias was appointed interim president until new elections could be held in Mexico City. As the only candidate, General Porfirio Díaz assumed the presidency on 12 May 1877.
Plan of Tuxtepec | Aftermath
The official agents did their job: Reyna was elected president and, so as not to offend the losing candidates, Barillas gave them checks to cover the costs of their presidential campaigns. Reyna Barrios of course received nothing, but he went on to become President on March 15, 1892. Only Enríquez was not compensated; on the contrary, after the elections he had to run away from his farmland in Salamá after being accused of sedition; he was captured and executed near Zacapa.
Salamá | Miguel Enríquez and president Barillas in 1892
I hereby accept this nomination as my death sentence”". The Conservative Party abstained from the elections, and Zaldúa defeated fellow Liberal Solón Wilches. He was inaugurated on April 1, 1882.
Francisco Javier Zaldúa | Presidency
This would have been a violation of the no re-election principle of post-revolutionary Mexico, which had its origins in the 19th century. With the support of the revolutionary army, the Sonoran generals' Plan of Agua Prieta successfully challenged Carranza's attempt to perpetuate his power; Carranza was killed as he was fleeing the country. De la Huerta became interim president of Mexico and Obregón was elected president for a four-year term, 1920–1924. As Obregón's four-year term was ending, Calles made a bid for the presidency. De la Huerta, a fellow Sonoran, challenged Calles with a massive and bloody uprising, supported by other revolutionary generals opposed to Calles.
Institutional Revolutionary Party | Presidential succession before the party, 1920–1928
There he married Delfina de la Cruz Zañartu, daughter of General José María de la Cruz Prieto and Josefa Zañartu Trujillo. In 1871, President Errázuriz named him minister of war and navy, and, from that position, became one of the contenders for the presidential nomination. He first defeated Miguel Luis Amunátegui in the liberal primaries, and later Benjamín Vicuña in the presidential elections.
Aníbal Pinto | Early life
After the death of the president Benito Juárez in 1872, the first magistracy of the country was occupied by the vice-president Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada, who called for new elections. Two candidates were registered; Lerdo de Tejada and General Porfirio Díaz, one of the heroes of the Battle of Puebla which had taken place on May 5, 1862. Lerdeo de Tejada won the election, but lost popularity after he announced his intent to run for re-election. On March 21, 1876, Don Porfirio Díaz rebelled against President Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada. The Plan of Tuxtepec defended the "No Re-election" principle. On June 2, 1876 the garrisons in the state of Chihuahua surrendered to the authority of General Porfirio Díaz; Governor Antonio Ochoa was arrested until all the Lerdista forces were suppressed throughout the state.
Chihuahua (state) | Porfiriato
On February 15, 1948 Morínigo organized Presidential elections which were won by the only candidate allowed to run, Juan Natalico Gonzalez—leader of the Colorado Party's Red Banner faction—with whom he had reached agreement that in return for his support of Gonzalez for President, he could continue as army's commander-in-chief. To prevent this, on June 3 some Colorado Party loyalists under Felipe Molas López revolted and sent him into exile in Argentina. Supreme Court Chief Justice Juan Manuel Frutos was sworn in as interim President, serving the last two months of Morínigo's term until González was officially inaugurated on August 15, 1948.
Higinio Morínigo | Removal from power
These fears became acute in October 1926, when the Mexican Congress repealed term limits, thus clearing the way for Obregón to run for president in 1928. Obregón returned to the battlefield for the period October 1926 to April 1927 to put down a rebellion led by the Yaqui people. This was somewhat ironic because Obregón had first risen to military prominence commanding Yaqui troops, to whom he promised land, and the 1926–27 Yaqui rebellion was a demand for land reform. In all likelihood, Obregón participated in this campaign in order to prove his loyalty to the Calles government, to show his continued influence over the military, and also to protect his commercial interests in the Yaqui Valley, which had begun to suffer as a result of the increasing violence in the region.
Álvaro Obregón | Later years, 1924–1928
With the 1970 elections ahead, Díaz Ordaz "disqualified" both Corona del Rosal and Martínez Manatou from becoming the PRI presidential candidates: in the former's case, because Díaz Ordaz feared that, in the aftermath of the Tlatelolco massacre, Corona del Rosal would be rejected by the population due to his military background; while in the case of Martínez Manatou, he was seen as too close to the dissident sectors that had been behind the 1968 movement.
1970 Mexican general election | Designation of the PRI presidential candidate
In 1871, with very close elections, rumors circulated that Juan Francisco Balta, brother of head of state, and prime minister at the time, would run for president. However, on the advice of Nicolás de Piérola, this did not happen. Balta, therefore, decided to support the candidacy of former President Jose Rufino Echenique, but he too declined nomination. Finally, the third candidate, Antonio Arenas was the one who received the full support of Balta. The contenders were Manuel Toribio Ureta Arenas, who was a repeat candidate, and Manuel Pardo y Lavalle, then Supreme Prosecutor. The latter's campaign was overwhelming, and in 1872 was established as the first civilian president in the history of the Republic of Peru.
José Balta | Elections and murder
Gómez, Secretary of Agriculture; Dr. Gustavo Baz, secretary of Health; and Ezequiel Padilla, Secretary of Foreign Relations, and Alemán, who headed the most powerful ministry. Military men were also strong contenders, and all previous post-revolutionary presidents had participated in the Mexican Revolution. , Enrique Calderón, Jesús Agustín Castro, and Francisco Castillo Nájera were in consideration. Alemán received the backing of the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM). Avila Camacho paved the way with the military for Mexico's first civilian president in the modern era. Prior to the summer election, the "Partido de la Revolución Mexicana" became the Institutional Revolutionary Party. He followed the pattern established by Lázaro Cárdenas's campaign in 1934, so that Alemán campaigned in all parts of the country, a means by which the candidate sees all areas of the republic and voters make contact with the candidate.
Miguel Alemán Valdés | Election of 1946
Death of colonel Francisco Javier Arana is of critical importance for the history of Guatemala, because it was a turning point for the country's revolution in the 1940s: his death not only cleared the path for colonel Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán's election as President of Guatemala in 1950 but also caused an acute crisis for president Juan José Arévalo Bermejo, who was faced with the Army's faction loyal to colonel Arana, and to civilian groups that took advantage to protest against the government. On 15 July 1949, colonel Francisco Javier Arana, Army Chief of Staff, presented president Juan José Arévalo with an ultimatum: if he wanted to finish the term for which he was elected, he had to fire several members of his cabinet and appoint friends of the colonel.
Amatitlán | Death of colonel Francisco Javier Arana
Knowing that he could not fight on without the support of the army, Jacobo Árbenz resigned on 27 June 1954, handing over power to Colonel Carlos Enrique Diaz. US ambassador John Peurifoy then mediated negotiations held in El Salvador between the army leadership and Castillo Armas which led to Armas being included in the ruling military junta on 7 July 1954, and was named provisional president a few days later. The US recognized the new government on 13 July. Elections were held in early October, from which all political parties were barred from participating, and Castillo Armas was the only candidate, winning the election with 99% of the vote.
Guatemalan Revolution | Invasion
As the year 1920 approached, the succession of President Carranza became an issue. Carranza by law could not run for re-election, but he planned to choose his successor. Alvaro Obregón announced his candidacy, but Carranza did everything in his power to prevent the election of Obregón. Obregón had the support of most of the military, and when it became clear that Carranza would not allow Obregón to succeed him, Obregón's supporters revolted and overthrew Carranza. Treviño at this time was a subordinate of Pablo González; they both owed their positions to Carranza. After much deliberation, they decided to support Obregón in the 1920 Agua Prieta revolt.
Jacinto B. Treviño | Post Revolution
He was the winner of the elections held on July 7 of that year, defeating former foreign minister . He became the first non-military candidate to win the presidency of Mexico, although he was the son of a revolutionary army general. His own skills within the party that brought him the post of Ministry of the Interior played a key role in his selection. There was no violence surrounding the election and the transfer of power took place peacefully.
Miguel Alemán Valdés | Election of 1946
Iron crosses have been erected at Km 47 of the federal Mexico City-Cuernavaca highway to commemorate "Francisco R. Serrano" and his associates, Daniel and Miguel A. Peralta, Carlos Ariza, Carlos Vidal, Rafael Martínez de Escobar, Cecilio González, Enrique Monteverde, Alonso Capetillo Robles, Augusto Peña, Antonio Jáuregui, José Valle Arce, Octavio Almada, and Ernesto Noriega Méndez. On October 3, 1927, Serrano (a candidate for president) and his men were assassinated on the orders of PresidentAlvaro Obregon. Martín Luis Guzman describes the incident in his novel, "La sombra del caudillo."
Huitzilac | History
In 1910, Larrazolo attacked the machine politics in New Mexico that he felt were exploiting Hispanic voters across the state. He feared New Mexico was close to becoming like the South where Jim Crow laws stripped African Americans of their rights. This speech is considered a milestone; he forced both Republicans and Democrats to acknowledge the concerns of Hispanics in New Mexico and became the most vocal leader in his generation. In the speech, he said "you [Hispanics] … have allowed yourselves to be controlled by other men but you will be controlled by bosses only as long as you permit the yoke to rest on you...Every native citizen must unite in supporting this constitution because it secures to you people of New Mexico your rights—every one of them; the rights also of your children and in such a manner that they can never be taken away...if you want to acquire your freedom and transmit this sacred heritage in the land hallowed by the blood of your forefathers who fought to protect it...Do not wait until you are put in the position of Arizona which in two years will be able to disfranchise every Spanish speaking citizen."
Octaviano Ambrosio Larrazolo | Politics
Árbenz's role as defense minister had already made him a strong candidate for the presidency, and his firm support of the government during the 1949 uprising further increased his prestige. In 1950, the economically moderate Partido de Integridad Nacional (PIN) announced that Árbenz would be its presidential candidate in the upcoming election. This announcement was quickly followed by endorsements from most parties on the left, including the influential PAR, as well as from labor unions. Árbenz had only a couple of significant challengers in the election, in a field of ten candidates. One of these was Jorge García Granados, who was supported by some members of the upper-middle class who felt the revolution had gone too far.
Guatemalan Revolution | Election
The coup leaders called for open elections, which were won by Juan José Arévalo, a progressive professor of philosophy who had become the face of the popular movement. He implemented a moderate program of social reform, including a successful literacy campaign and largely free elections, although illiterate women were not given the vote, and communist parties were banned. Following the end of Arévalo's highly popular presidency in 1951, Árbenz was elected president. He continued the reforms of Arévalo and also began an ambitious land reform program known as Decree 900. Under it, the uncultivated portions of large land-holdings were expropriated in return for compensation and redistributed to poverty-stricken agricultural laborers.
Operation PBFortune | Background
In addition to political support, Árbenz had great personal appeal. He was described as having "an engaging personality and a vibrant voice". Árbenz's wife María also campaigned with him; despite her wealthy upbringing she had made an effort to speak for the interests of the Mayan peasantry and had become a national figure in her own right. Árbenz's two daughters also occasionally made public appearances with him. The election was held on November 15, 1950, with Árbenz winning more than 60% of the vote, in elections that were largely free and fair with the exception of the disenfranchisement of illiterate female voters.
Jacobo Árbenz | 1950 election
No one doubts that it was an assassination attempt. In any case, Paz recovered from his burns and resumed campaigning, buoyed by the increasing support received in the aftermath of the "accident." The winner of this third vote in three years was, yet again, the Siles Zuazo-Paz Zamora formula. The two would have been sworn in, were it not for the July 17, 1980, coup of General Luis García Meza, which brutally interrupted the democratic process.
Jaime Paz Zamora | The 1980 elections
The candidate for the ""Designatura"" (office of interim president) with the majority of votes in Congress was Gilberto Alzate Avendaño, who happened to be the majority leader of Congress. Laureano Gómez opposed his nomination, and rather appealed for the candidacy of Roberto Urdaneta. Congress was persuaded by his impassionate appeal (the last wishes of a dying man), and elected Urdaneta as interim president. Thus, Urdaneta took the oath of President, before a joint session of Congress, on November 5, 1951.
Roberto Urdaneta Arbeláez | The Presidency
On May 17, 1942 Troncoso appointed Generalissimo Rafael Trujillo as the new Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy, using the previous resignation of Héctor Trujillo as a legal basis.
Manuel de Jesús Troncoso de la Concha | As president
The Mexican government invested a massive $150 million in preparation for the 1968 Olympics to be hosted in Mexico City. That amount was equal to roughly $1 billion by today's terms. Mexican President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz struggled to maintain public order during a time of rising social tensions but suppressed movements by labor unions and farmers fighting to improve their lot. His administration suppressed independent labor unions, farmers, and was heavy-handed in trying to direct the economy. In 1958 under the previous administration of Adolfo López Mateos, when Díaz Ordaz was Minister of the Interior, labor leader Demetrio Vallejo was arrested and peasant activist Rubén Jaramillo was murdered.
Tlatelolco massacre | Background
After this success, he predicted that on August 10 of the same year Mexico City would be completely destroyed by simultaneous eruptions of the Cerro del Peñón and the Popocatépetl, which caused several inhabitants to leave the capital at that date. The prediction proved to be false. He founded several ephemeral magazines in which he attempted to predict natural disasters or other events, including the end of time, without much success. He had almost disappeared from public attention when he announced his candidacy as the 'candidate of the people' for the 1892 presidential elections. Zúñiga's opponent was dictator Porfirio Díaz, who had ruled the country since 1876 and turned elections into a mere formality.
Nicolás Zúñiga y Miranda | Introduction
Díaz later became the president of Mexico.
Plan of Tuxtepec | Introduction
The Mexican National Army became of the four sectors, making it dependent on the PRM for patronage and privilege. Cárdenas implemented some radical policies, including land reform in Mexico as well as expropriation of foreign-owned petroleum in 1938. Cárdenas chose the moderate Manuel Avila Camacho, wryly known as the "unknown soldier," for his undistinguished revolutionary record. Retired revolutionary general Juan Andreu Almazán ran for the presidency, but in violent and likely fraudulent election, Avila Camacho was declared the winner. Almazán sought support from the U.S. and considered fomenting a rebellion, but in the end he attended Avila Camacho's inauguration. In 1946, the party chose Miguel Alemán Valdés, the son of a revolutionary general, to be its candidate.
Military history of Mexico | Postrevolutionary military
However, the recovery of the sturdy president was almost miraculous and soon he was able to take over the government. Lieutenant Colonel Francisco Javier Arana had accepted this pact because he wanted to be known as a Democratic hero of the uprising against Ponce and believed that the "Barranco Pact" ensured his position when the time of the presidential elections came. Arana was a very influential person in Arévalo's government, and had managed to be nominated as the next presidential candidate, ahead of Captain Arbenz, who was told that because of his young age he would have no problem in waiting turn to the next election.
History of Guatemala | Presidency of Juan José Arévalo (1945–1951)
It mobilized 800 army personnel, as well as tanks, helicopters and armored cars, for the raid. They conducted a room-to-room search of the entire campus but found no evidence or supplies.
Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio | Presidency (1970–1974)
Gadsden thought the amount was likely much higher. A group of Liberals including Juan Alvarez, Benito Juárez, and Ignacio Comonfort overthrew Santa Anna under the Plan of Ayutla, which called for his removal from office. He went into exile yet again in 1855, not to return until 1874 when he was an old man.
Antonio López de Santa Anna | President for the last time, 1853–55
In 1973 presidential elections were held, and won by Hector Cámpora.
Alejandro Agustín Lanusse | Presidency
The day of the summit, Frederick Russell Burnham and a Texas Ranger captured and disarmed an assassin holding a palm pistol only a few feet from the two presidents. Before the election in Mexico, Díaz jailed opposition candidate Madero, whose supporters took up arms. This resulted in both the ousting of Díaz and a revolution that would continue for another ten years. In the U.S.'s Arizona Territory, two citizens were killed and almost a dozen injured, some as a result of gunfire across the border. Taft was against an aggressive response and so instructed the territorial governor. Nicaragua's president, José Santos Zelaya, wanted to revoke commercial concessions granted to American companies, and American diplomats quietly favored rebel forces under Juan Estrada.
William Howard Taft | Latin America
During the revolutionary government of colonel Jacobo Árbenz, the opposition - mainly formed by Guatemalan landlords and United Fruit Company executives - was completely against any reform that the government of Juan José Arévalo had established: social security, creation of commercial and public labor unions, democracy and freedom of press, among others. At the election of Árbenz in 1950, the Guatemalan elite was desperate, but most of its members hoped that the new president would back out of the policies of his predecessor, whom they accused of communism. Árbenz' image convinced them of that: the Guatemalan colonel was married to María Cristina Vilanova, a lady from the Salvadorian elite.
Salamá | Anticommunist rebellion in 1953
As soon as he arrived, he was surrounded by several men who mercilessly beat him until he was unconscious. Gagged and handcuffed, he was taken to the train station and deported on the spot to Arica, Chile. Following this, Quintanilla declared that "In the protection of social tranquillity, threatened in recent days and in my duty as a leader, I have accepted with feeling, but without hesitation the departure of General Bilbao Rioja." It was an unspeakable aggression that, however, drove the administration's only potential political rival from circulation. Due to his prolonged indecision to call elections, General Enrique Peñaranda declared to the press that the country urgently needed "direct general elections to be called." Peñaranda was represented by the newly formed Concordance party, a coalition of the traditional Genuine Republican, Liberal, and Socialist Republican parties backed by the mining oligarchy.
Carlos Quintanilla | 1940 election
Four main candidates ran in the 1952 presidential election. On the right, the Conservative and Liberal parties endorsed the centrist Arturo Matte; the Socialist Party ran Salvador Allende, his first campaign for the presidency, while the Radicals supported Pedro Enrique Alfonso. Finally, General Carlos Ibáñez again ran for the presidency as an independent. He promised to "sweep" out political corruption and bad government with his "broom" and was nicknamed the "General of Hope". Apart from his criticisms of the traditional political parties, he remained vague in his proposals and had no clear position on the political spectrum. He was elected on September 4, 1952 with 47% of the vote, and after Congress' ratification of his election, was invested on December 4, 1952.
Presidential Republic (1925–1973) | Carlos Ibáñez (1952–1958)
As stated above, Herrán was proclaimed as a presidential candidate by President Márquez. He faced two opponents, Eusebio Borrero and Vicente Azuero. However none of the three obtained a majority of the popular vote, and thus the election of a President was left to Congress . In 1841, Congress elected General Alcántara as President and General Domingo Caycedo as Vice-President.
Pedro Alcántara Herrán | Political career
The POR–Lucha Obrera nominated Hugo González for the presidency and Fernando Bravo James for the vice presidency. In the June 1977 interview, Marcelo Quezada, asks Elsa about the 1956 elections and also about Fernando Bravo's qualifications as a candidate for the vice presidency:
Fernando Bravo James | Participation in the 1956 national elections
Additionally, Lucas went against the military's interests by endorsing his defense minister, Angel Anibal Guevara, as a candidate in the March 1982 presidential elections.
Guatemalan Civil War | 'Operation Ceniza' 1981
Rodríguez. He had expected his control to continue during the presidency of his hand-picked candidate Lázaro Cárdenas. However, Cárdenas won the power struggle with Calles, exiling him. When Cárdenas's term was nearing its end in 1940, he did continue the tradition of the president choosing his successor and picked the more conservative Manuel Avila Camacho (1940–46). But in contrast to Calles, Cárdenas stepped away from power, and Avila Camacho was a fully empowered president. When the rumors of Alemán surfaced about seeking to hold onto power, Cárdenas vigorously objected, so although he did not directly take part in politics, he maintained a level of influence.
Miguel Alemán Valdés | Election of 1952
On October 14, 1951, Ruiz Cortines was named candidate for the presidency by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) by the incumbent president, as was the practice. The PRI was the dominant party and Ruiz Cortines's electoral victory was entirely expected. On December 1, 1952, he assumed the presidency of the republic. After the corruption scandals of the Alemán years, he wanted to give a new image to the government and re-establish its credibility. His credo was “austerity and moralization”. He exercised tight control of public expenditure, supported the construction of roads, railways, dams, schools and hospitals. He also implemented a plan called "March to the Sea", which had the aim of shifting population from the highlands to the coast, and making better use and development of marine and coastal resources.
Adolfo Ruiz Cortines | Domestic politics
Juan José Arévalo Bermejo (10 September 1904 – 8 October 1990) was a professor of philosophy who became Guatemala's first democratically elected president in 1945. He was elected following a popular uprising against the United States-backed dictator Jorge Ubico that began the Guatemalan Revolution. He remained in office until 1951, surviving 25 coup attempts. He did not contest the election of 1951, instead choosing to hand over power to Jacobo Árbenz. As president, he enacted several social reform policies, including an increase in the minimum wage and a series of literacy programs. He also oversaw the drafting of a new constitution in 1945.
Juan José Arévalo | Introduction
The period between his election and the inauguration proved to be extremely dangerous for his opponents. On February 28, 1977, the military forces dissolved a UNO protest rally in the Plaza Libertad in San Salvador.
Carlos Humberto Romero | Military career
The De la Huerta rebellion was crushed, but the outbreak of violence was only a few years after the apparent end of the Mexican Revolution, raising the specter of renewed violence. Calles succeeded Obregón in 1924, and shortly thereafter he began enforcing the restrictions on the Catholic Church in the 1917 Constitution, resulting in a huge rebellion by those opposed to such restrictions, known as the Cristero War (1926–29). The Cristero War was ongoing when elections were to be held. Obregón sought to run again for the presidency in 1928 to succeed Calles, but because of the principle of no-reelection in the Mexican Constitution, the two Sonorans sought a loophole to allow the former president to run.
Institutional Revolutionary Party | Presidential succession before the party, 1920–1928
Since the government controlled the electoral process, the official results declared Ávila Camacho as winner; Almazán cried fraud and threatened revolt, trying to set up a parallel government and congress. Ávila Camacho crushed Almazán's forces and assumed office in December 1940. His inauguration was attended by US Vice President-elect Henry A. Wallace, who was appointed by the U.S. as a "special representative with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary" for Mexico, indicating that the U.S. recognized the legitimacy of the election results. Almazán also attended Ávila Camacho's inauguration. Much to the surprise of Mexicans who expected that Cárdenas might follow the example of Calles and remain the power behind the presidency—particularly since Ávila Camacho did not appear to have major leadership skills at a time that the conflict in Europe and domestic turmoil were in evidence—he set the important precedent of leaving the presidency and its powers to his successor.
Lázaro Cárdenas | Presidential election of 1940
He fell from power following the successful 1928 presidential run by Alvaro Obregón, who was assassinated before being inaugurated.
Luis N. Morones | Introduction
General elections were held in Mexico on July 1, 1928. Alvaro Obregón was the only candidate in the presidential elections, and was elected unopposed. He was assassinated just 16 days later, and Emilio Portes Gil was appointed to serve as interim president in his place.
1928 Mexican general election | Introduction
In party tradition, Alemán designated his successor as PRI presidential candidate—and the foregone expectation of the next president. He selected Adolfo Ruiz Cortines, with a reputation for honesty and probity, a sharp contrast to his own record of considerable self-enrichment in office. Before the announcement ("destape"), there were rumors that Alemán wanted to hold onto power and the a constitutional amendment to allow re-election or extension of his existing term was in the works. The PRI party founder, Plutarco Elías Calles had remained the power behind the presidency in the six years after president-elect Alvaro Obregón's assassination in 1928. That power void had led to the creation of the "Partido Nacional Revolucionario", and Calles called the shots during three the presidencies of Emilio Portes Gil, Pascual Ortiz Rubio, and Abelardo L.
Miguel Alemán Valdés | Election of 1952
Barrios thought that the threat of force would make El Salvador submit, but he was notified that Salvadoran President Rafael Zaldívar was assembling his own army to defend against the Guatemalans.
Battle of Chalchuapa | Background
Castillo Armas joined the General Staff and became director of the military academy. Arana and Castillo Armas opposed the newly elected government of Juan José Arévalo; after Arana's failed 1949 coup, Castillo Armas went into exile in Honduras. Seeking support for another revolt, he came to the attention of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In 1950 he launched a failed assault on Guatemala City, before escaping back to Honduras. Influenced by Cold War fears of communism and the pressure from the United Fruit Company, in 1952 the US government of President Harry Truman authorized Operation PBFortune, a plot to overthrow Arévalo's leftist successor, President Jacobo Árbenz.
Carlos Castillo Armas | Introduction
In June 1911, Orozco decided to run for governor of Chihuahua for the Club Independiente Chihuahuense, an organization opposed to Francisco I. Madero. After receiving many admonitions by the revolutionary hierarchy, Orozco was compelled to resign his candidacy on 15 July 1911. Subsequently, he refused a request to command the troops fighting Emiliano Zapata in the south. On 3 March 1912, he announced his intention to revolt against the government of President Madero. Orozco financed his rebellion with his own assets and with confiscated livestock, which he sold in the neighboring U.S. state of Texas, and where he bought weapons and ammunition even after an embargo proclaimed by U.S.
Pascual Orozco | Break with Madero
They were given some positions within the party to maintain unity, but were unable to influence its course of action any more. Fortuny was removed from the position of secretary general, a position he had held since 1945. At approximately the same time, Fortuny was approached twice by Francisco Javier Arana, seeking the PAR's support for his candidacy in the next presidential election. Fortuny demurred, stating that Arana was not friendly enough to the labor movement. Instead, the PAR became willing to support Jacobo Árbenz, who they believed was more willing to enact progressive change. Árbenz' candidacy in the 1950 presidential election was announced on 5 February 1950 by the PIN, and the PAR endorsed him soon afterward.
Revolutionary Action Party | Leftist turn and split
In Jantetelco, 281 homes were destroyed and 191 others were damaged. Juan Felipe Dominguez Robles of "Partido Humanista de Morelos" (Humanistic Party of Morelos) was elected Presidente Municipal (mayor) in the election of July 1, 2018. On February 23, 2019, opponents of the construction of a thermoelectric plant in Huexca, Yecapixtla burned ballots that were slated to be used in a referendum on the proposed plant.
Jantetelco | History
Obregón ran unopposed in the 1928 presidential election. He was able to stand as a candidate, despite his having served as president before. Under Calles's administration in 1926, a constitutional change was passed that allowed for a non-consecutive re-election, and in 1928 Obregón was elected as Calles's successor; this amendment was later repealed in 1934. In addition, Mexico passed an amendment to the constitution in 1927 that expanded a presidential term from four years to six years.
Plutarco Elías Calles | 1928 Election
On 20 May 1876 in Icamole, Nuevo León, General Carlos Fuero, loyal to the government of Lerdo de Tejada, inflicted a heavy defeat on Díaz's rebels, who were forced to withdraw to the south of the Republic. Despite this defeat, Díaz continued his campaign against the "lerdistas". On October 26, the Congress affirmed the re-election of Lerdo de Tejada, but the president of the Supreme Court of Justice, José María Iglesias, declared it illegal. In his role as vice-president, Iglesias pursued the interim presidency. By this failure Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada was forced to leave power. On 16 November 1876, Díaz faced General Ignacio R.
Plan of Tuxtepec | Aftermath
When Francisco Madero became President in November 1911, Treviño was promoted to Captain and served on the President's staff. In 1912, he participated in the campaign to suppress the Pascual Orozco rebellion. Upon the conclusion of hostilities, he was assigned to the state government of Coahuila to help organize the state militia. In this position, he developed a close relationship with the state governor Venustiano Carranza.
Jacinto B. Treviño | Madero
In the election of 1962 Rojas ran a first time as the presidential candidate of his newly created ANAPO opposition party. He came in fourth, but his result was nonetheless declared invalid due to him being a former coup leader. In the election of 1970 he ran again for the presidency, with a populist platform. He was defeated by a narrow margin by Misael Pastrana, but alleged that this was the result of fraud. The presidential election of April 19, 1970, was difficult and controversial. Rojas and Misael Pastrana Borrero were both running for office. Rojas seemed to be winning the elections until a nationwide malfunction of communication systems happened.
Gustavo Rojas Pinilla | Presidential Candidate
After his military service, Ávila Camacho entered the public arena in 1933 as the executive officer of the Secretariat of National Defense and became Secretary of National Defense in 1937. In 1940, he was elected president of Mexico after he had been nominated to represent the party that later became the Institutional Revolutionary Party.
Manuel Ávila Camacho | Early career
As most presidents of the time, he became involved early in the election of his successor. The Liberal-Conservative Coalition that supported him went on to proclaim Germán Riesco, cousin and brother-in-law of President Errázuriz, as their candidate on March 8, 1901. The President responded on a public letter: "...as I have the firm purpose of not intervening in any political campaign and I don't have or want to have any candidate, I am firmly resolved to prevent the participation of any member of this administration in the upcoming elections".
Federico Errázuriz Echaurren | Succession controversy
Through this entire period, coverage of Árbenz in the Guatemalan press was very negative, influenced largely by the CIA's campaign. The family then initiated a long journey in exile that would take them first to Mexico, then to Canada, where they went to pick up Arabella (the Árbenzs' oldest daughter), and then to Switzerland via the Netherlands and Paris. They hoped to obtain citizenship in Switzerland based on Árbenz's Swiss heritage. However, the former president did not wish to renounce his Guatemalan nationality, as he felt that such a gesture would have marked the end of his political career. Árbenz and his family were the victims of a CIA-orchestrated and intense defamation campaign that lasted from 1954 to 1960.
Jacobo Árbenz | Beginning of exile
They sought asylum in Mexico, when then President Lázaro Cárdenas welcomed thousands of Spanish Republicans who fled after the victory of Francisco Franco's fascist forces.
Arturo Sarukhán | Background
In 1912 as part of their campaign of "Mexico for Mexicans" Orozco and Salazar ordered the Mormons to leave their colonies in Chihuahua and Sonora. In September 1912, one of Salazar’s battalions was routed in the Battle of San Joaquin, Sonora, by a battalion commanded by Lt. Colonel Alvaro Obregón. In February 1913, a right-wing coup overthrew the Madero government, and Victoriano Huerta became president. Soon he offered amnesty to the Orozco rebels who were still active at this time. Orozco and his lieutenants including Salazar agreed to cease fighting against the central government in exchange for paid positions as Mexican irregular forces.
José Inés Salazar | Orozquista General
candidate, Cornell graduate General Mario García Menocal. The Chambelona War ensued, which, after some reverses, was won by the Conservative Forces of Garcia Menocal with the covert support of the United States. Zayas surrendered in Cambute near Guanabacoa where it was said he was hiding. The United States provided military support to García Menocal from Guantánamo Naval Base, without formally invoking its right of intervention pursuant to the Platt Amendment, incorporated in the U.S.-Cuba Treaty of 1903. However, the United States only deployed forces in Oriente Province. Receiving the most votes again in 1920, Zayas was inaugurated as president in 1921.
Alfredo Zayas y Alfonso | Political career
Herrán was elected President by Congress in 1841, for a four years period, but he was not able to be inaugurated as he was still commanding the government troops in the war against the southern revolt. He was supposed to be inaugurated on April 1, 1841, as provided by the Constitution, but in his place the Vice-President Domingo Caycedo was inaugurated. Due to the fact that the civil war that started in 1839 had escalated and spread to the Northern provinces, Herrán commissioned General Caycedo to lead the government troops in the northern campaign. Thus, Juan de Dios Aranzazu, President of the “Consejo de Estado” assumed the presidency from July 5, until October 19, 1841, when Caycedo returned to the presidency.
Pedro Alcántara Herrán | The Presidency
Méndez as provisional president, followed by new presidential elections in 1877 that gave Díaz the presidency. Ironically, one of his government's first amendments to the liberal 1857 constitution was to prevent re-election. Although the new election gave some air of legitimacy to Diaz's government, the United States did not recognize the regime. It was not clear that Díaz would continue to prevail against supporters of ousted President Lerdo, who continued to challenge Díaz's regime by insurrections, which ultimately failed. In addition, cross-border Apache attacks with raids on one side and sanctuary on the other was a sticking point. Mexico needed to meet several conditions before the U.S.
Porfirio Díaz | Becoming president and first term, 1876–80
Díaz had stated that Mexico was ready for democracy and he would step down to allow other candidates to compete for the presidency, but Díaz decided to run again in 1910 for the last time against Francisco I. Madero. During the campaign Díaz incarcerated Madero on election day in 1910. Díaz was announced the winner of the election by a landslide, triggering the revolution. Madero supporter Toribio Ortega took up arms with a group of followers at Cuchillo Parado, Chihuahua on November 10, 1910. In response to Madero's letter to action, Pascual Orozco (a wealthy mining baron) and Chihuahua Governor Abraham González formed a powerful military union in the north, taking military control of several northern Mexican cities with other revolutionary leaders, including Pancho Villa.
Chihuahua (state) | Mexican Revolution
General Velasco seized power on October 3, 1968, in a bloodless military coup, deposing the democratically elected administration of Fernando Belaúnde, under which he served as Commander of the Armed Forces. President Belaúnde was sent into exile. Initial reaction against the coup evaporated after five days when on October 8, 1968, the oil fields in dispute were taken over by the Army.
Juan Velasco Alvarado | Coup d'etat against President Fernando Belaunde
Diaz launched his rebellion in Ojitlan, Oaxaca, on 10 January 1876 under the Plan of Tuxtepec, which initially failed. Díaz fled to the United States. Lerdo was re-elected in July 1876 and his constitutional government was recognized by the United States. Díaz returned to Mexico and fought the Battle of Tecoac, where he defeated Lerdo's forces in what turned out to be the last battle (on 16 November). In November 1876, Díaz occupied Mexico City, and Lerdo left Mexico for exile in New York. Díaz did not take formal control of the presidency until the beginning of 1877, putting in General Juan N.
Porfirio Díaz | Becoming president and first term, 1876–80
Upon the death of President Benito Juárez in 1872, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada, the President of the Supreme Court, assumed the interim presidency, and called for new elections. The two candidates registered were Lerdo de Tejada and General Porfirio Díaz, one of the heroes of the Battle of Puebla of 5 May 1862, who had since occupied several public positions. Díaz had challenged Juárez with his Plan de la Noria, in which he stated his opposition to presidential re-election and called for a Constituent Congress. Lack of support for this plan led to Díaz losing the elections of 1872. Towards the end of his term, Lerdo de Tejada, who had already incorporated the Reform laws into the Constitution of Mexico, attempted to modify the constitution to enable his re-election, prompting Díaz to declare the Plan of Tuxtepec.
Plan of Tuxtepec | History