Mukherjee was strongly opposed to Article 370, seeing it as a threat to national unity. He fought against it inside and outside the parliament with one of the goals of Bharatiya Jana Sangh being its abrogation. He raised his voice strongly against the provision in his Lok Sabha speech on 26 June 1952. He termed the arrangements under the article as Balkanization of India and the three-nation theory of Sheikh Abdullah. The state was granted its own flag along with a prime minister whose permission was required for anyone to enter the state. In opposition to this, Mukherjee once said ""Ek desh mein do Vidhan, do Pradhan aur Do Nishan nahi chalenge"" (A single country can't have two constitutions, two prime ministers, and two national emblems).
Opinion on special status of Jammu and Kashmir
Syama Prasad Mukherjee
Syama Prasad Mukherjee | Opinion on special status of Jammu and Kashmir
He was strongly opposed to Article 370, seeing it as a threat to national unity He was strongly opposed to Article 370, seeing it as a threat to national unity. Mukherjee was strongly opposed to Article 370, seeing it as a threat to national unity. He was strongly opposed to Article 370, seeing it as a threat to national unity. He fought against it inside and outside the parliament with one of the goals of Bharatiya Jana Sangh being its abrogation.
how many states in india ruling by bjp
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12
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what is the full form of the above party ?
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Bharatiya Janata Party
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what was its earlier name ?
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Bharatiya Jana Sangh, popularly known as the Jana Sangh
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when was it formed ?
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1951
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by whom ?
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Syama Prasad Mukherjee
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name some of its chief ministers ?
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Sorry. I cannot find the answer based on the context.
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who is the above person ?
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He was an Indian politician, barrister and academician, who served as the Minister for Industry and Supply in Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's cabinet
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what was his opinion on special status of jammu and kashmir ?
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Bharatiya Jana Sangh along with Hindu Mahasabha and Jammu Praja Parishad launched a massive Satyagraha to get the provisions removed. In his letter to Nehru dated 3 February 1953, he wrote that the issue of accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India should not be allowed to hang fire. Mukherjee went to visit Kashmir in 1953 and observed a hunger strike to protest the law that prohibited Indian citizens from settling within the state and mandating that they carry ID cards. Mukherjee wanted to go to Jammu and Kashmir but, because of the prevailing permit system, he was not given permission.
Syama Prasad Mukherjee | Opinion on special status of Jammu and Kashmir
Mukherjee was strongly opposed to Article 370, seeing it as a threat to national unity. He fought against it inside and outside the parliament with one of the goals of Bharatiya Jana Sangh being its abrogation. He raised his voice strongly against the provision in his Lok Sabha speech on 26 June 1952. He termed the arrangements under the article as Balkanization of India and the three-nation theory of Sheikh Abdullah. The state was granted its own flag along with a prime minister whose permission was required for anyone to enter the state. In opposition to this, Mukherjee once said ""Ek desh mein do Vidhan, do Pradhan aur Do Nishan nahi chalenge"" (A single country can't have two constitutions, two prime ministers, and two national emblems).
Syama Prasad Mukherjee | Opinion on special status of Jammu and Kashmir
He was arrested on 11 May at Lakhanpur while crossing the border into Kashmir illegally. Although the ID card rule was revoked owing to his efforts, he died as a detainee on 23 June 1953 under mysterious circumstances. On 5 August 2019, when Government of India proposed constitutional Amendment to repeal Article 370, many newspapers described the event as realization of Syama Prasad Mukherjee's dream.
Syama Prasad Mukherjee | Opinion on special status of Jammu and Kashmir
Indian novelist Arundhati Roy criticized the Indian government in her opinion piece in "The New York Times".
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Opposition
These past Presidential orders under Article 370 are also controversial and a subject of the Kashmir dispute. Political scientist Sumantra Bose, a Kashmir scholar, sums up the politics of the period 1953–63, during which Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad served as the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir in these words: Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed’s term in office lasted a full decade, until October 1963. The sequence of events during that decade strongly suggests a contractual relationship between Bakshi and the government of India, whereby he would be allowed to run an unrepresentative, unaccountable government in Srinagar in return for facilitating IJK’s “integration” with India on New Delhi’s terms.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Background
Singh said that the Article 370 of the Constitution of India, which gave a special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir was temporary in nature and quoted India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru for the same. He alleged that Congress and National Conference parties had fooled the people of the state "in the name of Article 370". He further criticised former chief minister Sheikh Abdullah for misusing the article to lengthen the term of the assembly.
Jitendra Singh (politician, born 1956) | Political views
The historian Ramachandra Guha said that the President of India had apparently acted in "haste" and the revocation is an "arbitrary misuse of state power". The constitutional scholar A. G. Noorani said that the Indian government's decision to abrogate Article 370 through controversial means was "utterly and palpably unconstitutional", even fraudulent. It is headed for a "showdown in India's Supreme Court". Nobel laureate Amartya Sen criticized the government and said that he was "not proud as an Indian". He regarded the detention of Kashmiri political leaders as "a classical colonial excuse" to prevent backlash against the Indian government's decision and called for a democratic solution that would involve Kashmiri people.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Opposition
British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab condemned the violence towards British Indians while addressing Parliament. There were protest demonstrations outside the Indian consulate in Birmingham on 9 August to denounce the Indian revocation of autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir. Former Member of the British Parliament George Galloway was also part of the protest gathering and demanded a plebiscite in Kashmir.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | United Kingdom
The result was twofold: a crippling of rule of law and democratic institutions in IJK; and an erosion of IJK’s autonomy, achieved (as required by Article 370) with the “concurrence” of IJK’s government—which consisted of a motley clique of New Delhi's client politicians." Further, in Bose's view, the 1954 Presidential order and the subsequent orders began "the end for the Article 370" and it has "effectively been dead in letter and in spirit since that time". Since the partition of India and Pakistan on religious lines, the Hindutva organizations in India have stated that Jammu and Kashmir is an integral, inseparable part of India.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Background
The reaction in the Kashmir Valley was effectively reduced to silence because of cut-off communication. Many nationalists celebrated, declaring the move to herald public order and prosperity in Kashmir. Among political parties in India, the revocation was supported by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, and, among others, by the Bahujan Samaj Party, the Aam Aadmi Party, AIADMK, Telugu Desam Party, YSR Congress Party, BJD and the Shiv Sena. It was opposed by the Indian National Congress, Jammu & Kashmir National Conference, Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party, Trinamool Congress, Janata Dal (United) and the DMK. In Ladakh, people in the Kargil area, who are Shia Muslim and form the plurality of the population of Ladakh, protested; however, the Buddhist community in Ladakh supported the decision.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Introduction
On 25 August 2019, according to the "India Today", the Kashmiri Pandit community in the US held a rally supporting the decision, saying that Article 370 was "discriminatory" towards minorities in the Kashmir region. At their rally, they told personal stories of their minority status in the Kashmir valley, the religious discrimination against them, their forced exodus in the 1990s, and they wanting to "go back to their homeland [valley]" which they left due to Islamic militancy. At an Atlanta rally, the protestors alleged that the Article 370 was high discriminatory against the resident "Shias, Dalits, Gujjars, Kashmiri Pandits, Kashmiri Sikhs" in the state, according to "India Today".
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | United States
This in effect meant that the separate Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir stood abrogated, and a single constitution now applied to all the Indian states. The President issued the order with the "concurrence of the Government of State of Jammu and Kashmir". This in effect meant the concurrence of the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir since President's rule was imposed at that time in the state. The order was issued using the third clause of Article 370, which authorised the President of India to declare the article inoperative with exceptions and modifications, if recommended by the (non-existent) state constituent assembly to do so.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal path taken by the government
Article 370 of the Indian constitution gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir — a state in India, located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, and a part of the larger region of Kashmir, which has been the subject of dispute between India, Pakistan and China. The Article conferred power on Jammu and Kashmir to have a separate constitution, a state flag and autonomy over the internal administration of the state. The Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir, after its establishment, was empowered to recommend the articles of the Indian constitution that should be applied to the state or to abrogate the Article 370 altogether.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Background
On 5 August 2019, the Government of India revoked the special status, or , granted under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir—a region administered by India as a state which consists of the larger part of Kashmir which has been the subject of dispute among India, Pakistan, and China since 1947. Among the Indian government actions accompanying the revocation was the cutting off of communication lines in the Kashmir Valley, a region gripped by a prolonged separatist insurgency. Several leading Kashmiri politicians were taken into custody, including the former chief minister, Government officials described these restrictions as designed for preempting violence, and justified the revocation for enabling people of the state to access government programmes such as reservation, right to education and right to information.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Introduction
The state of Jammu and Kashmir was accorded special status by Article 370 of the Constitution of India. In contrast to other states of India, Jammu and Kashmir had its own constitution, flag and administrative autonomy. Indian citizens from other states were not allowed to purchase land or property in Jammu and Kashmir. Jammu and Kashmir had three distinct areas: Hindu-majority Jammu region, Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley and Buddhist-dominated Ladakh. Unrest and violence persisted in the Kashmiri Valley and, following a disputed state election in 1987, an insurgency persisted in protest over autonomy and rights. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in the 2014 Indian general election and five years later included in their 2019 election manifesto the revocation of Article 370 of the Constitution of India, in order to bring Jammu and Kashmir to equal status with other states.
Jammu and Kashmir (union territory) | History
Article 370 of the Indian constitution gave Jammu and Kashmir special status. In contrast to other states of India, Jammu and Kashmir had its own constitution and administrative autonomy. In particular, Indian citizens from other states could not purchase land or property in Jammu and Kashmir. Jammu and Kashmir had three distinct areas: overwhelmingly Muslim-majority Kashmir (95% Muslim) with a population of nearly 7 million people, a Hindu-majority (66%) Jammu with a population of 5.35 million people and a 30% Muslim population, and Ladakh, which has sparse population of 287,000 people, a Muslim plurality, or relative majority, at 46%, and a Buddhist minority at 40% (with Hindus making up 12%).
Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 | Background
After consultation with the state's Constituent Assembly, the 1954 Presidential Order was issued, specifying the articles of the Indian constitution that applied to the state. The Constituent Assembly dissolved itself without recommending the abrogation of Article 370, the article was deemed to have become a permanent feature of the Indian Constitution. This article, along with Article 35A, defined that the Jammu and Kashmir state's residents live under a separate set of laws, including those related to citizenship, ownership of property, and fundamental rights, as compared to resident of other Indian states. Under various Indian National Congress party-led central governments and locally elected state governments — such as those of the National Conference — between 1954 and 2011, India used the provisions of Article 370 to issue presidential orders to extend the Indian constitution to Jammu and Kashmir with the concurrence of the State Government, and reduce the state's autonomy.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Background
During August 2019, upon India revoking the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, he said of Kashmir to be a Hindu land which was rightfully claimed by India, and further argued that both Pakistan and Kashmir belonged to India, since it was older than Islam.
Mohammad Tawhidi | Political views
Prior to the revocation of the status, the Ministry of Home Affairs granted approval for the mobilization of thousands of paramilitary security troops into Jammu and Kashmir, citing reason to maintain law and order in the area. On 2 August, Indian Army said that the Pakistan Army and terrorists are "planning to upscale violence" and tried to "target the Yatra recently." The Government of India notified students and tourists, both local and foreign, to leave Jammu and Kashmir. These actions sparked fears that India would soon be revoking Jammu and Kashmir's special status. However, on 3 August, Omar Abdullah said that Governor Satya Pal Malik "assured him there was no initiative in progress to dilute Article 35A of the Constitution, start delimitation or trifurcate." On 4 August, satellite phones were distributed in central, north and south Kashmir among the security forces.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Government clampdown
Those defined as permanent residents were entitled to property rights, employment, scholarships and other social benefits in the state.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal aspects
In April 2018, the Supreme Court of India ruled that Article 370 had attained permanency since the state constituent assembly has ceased to exist. To overcome this legal challenge, the Indian government instead rendered Article 370 as 'inoperative' even though it still exists in the constitution. On 5 August, a presidential order was issued – the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 2019 – which superseded the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 1954. After the 1954 order, forty-seven Presidential orders were issued between 11 February 1956 and 19 February 1994, making various other provisions of the Constitution of India applicable to Jammu and Kashmir.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal path taken by the government
In 2011, at a press conference in Varanasi, Bhushan stated that he wanted the Armed Forces Special Powers Act to be revoked in Jammu and Kashmir. He added that the government should try to persuade the people of the Kashmir valley to align with India but that they should be allowed to separate if they wish to do so. On 12 October 2011, he was attacked by the members of Bhagat Singh Kranti Sena inside the Supreme Court complex, for these remarks. The group accused him of trying to break up India. He was dragged out of his chair, and repeatedly kicked and punched.
Prashant Bhushan | Kashmir issue controversy
"The Nation", in its editorial said, "The lack of coverage in Kashmir has increased the likelihood of misinformation and panic being spread, all of which puts the lives of Kashmiris in danger and uncertainty."
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Social media, activism and misinformation
Jammu and Kashmir was the only state in India which had special autonomy under Article 370 of the Constitution of India, according to which no law enacted by the Parliament of India, except for those in the field of defence, communication and foreign policy, would be extendable in Jammu and Kashmir unless it was ratified by the state legislature of Jammu and Kashmir. The state was able to define the permanent residents of the state who alone had the privilege to vote in state elections, the right to seek government jobs and the ability to own land or property in the state.
Jammu and Kashmir (state) | Government
As in past election manifesto, the Bharatiya Janata Party included the integration of Jammu and Kashmir among its campaign promises for the 2019 Indian general election. The BJP and its allies won a landslide majority in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament. On 5 August 2019, India issued a Presidential order superseding the 1954 order that made all the provisions of the Indian constitution applicable to Jammu and Kashmir. Following the resolutions passed in both houses of the parliament, the President of India issued a further order on 6 August declaring all the clauses of Article 370 except clause 1 to be inoperative.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Background
According to "India Today", in the Hindu majority Jammu region, people held widespread "massive celebratory" demonstrations over several days with the distribution of sweets, bursting of firecrackers and dancing. In Ladakh, the Buddhist organizations celebrated the removal of Article 370 provisions and making the Ladakh region a separate Union Territory. The people in Leh and Matho celebrated 15 August as a day of "independence from Kashmir" and welcomed their Union Territory status. In the Kargil region with a Muslim majority, there were protests against the Indian government's move to make it a union territory.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Jammu and Ladakh regions
To circumvent the legal issue of the non-existent state constituent assembly, the President used the Clause (I) of Article 370, which conferred him with the power to modify the Indian Constitution on subjects related to Jammu and Kashmir. So he first added a new clause to Article 367, which deals with interpretation of the Constitution. He replaced the phrase 'Constituent Assembly of the State' with 'Legislative Assembly of the State'. Since the state legislative assembly has been suspended, the order says that any reference to the legislative assembly will be construed as a reference to the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal path taken by the government
Prior to 1947, Jammu and Kashmir was a princely state under the British Paramountcy. The people of the princely states were "state subjects", not British colonial subjects. In the case of Jammu and Kashmir, the political movements in the state in the early 20th century led to the emergence of "hereditary state subject" as a political identity for the State's people. In particular, the Pandit community had launched a "Kashmir for the Kashmiris" movement demanding that only Kashmiris should be employed in state government jobs. Legal provisions for the recognition of the status were enacted by the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir between 1912 and 1932.
Article 35A of the Constitution of India | Background
All these orders were issued with the 'concurrence of the Government of the State' without any Constituent Assembly. Some of these Presidential orders were issued when the state was under President's rule and had "no Kashmir government at all", states Jill Cottrell. The effect of the Presidential orders issued between 1954 and 1994 had been to extend 94 of the 97 subjects in the Union List (the powers of the Central Government), and 260 of the 395 Articles of the Constitution of India to the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The August 2019 Presidential order stated that all the provisions of the Indian Constitution applied to Jammu and Kashmir.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal path taken by the government
The Indian Government justified its action by saying that this will help end violence and militancy in the state and enable people to access government schemes such as reservation, right to education and right to information among other schemes. The constitutional expert Subhash C. Kashyap, according to BBC News, states that the revocation was "constitutionally sound" and that "no legal and constitutional fault can be found in it". The revocation of Article 370 was passed by an "overwhelming majority" of support in the Indian parliament. It has attracted not only the support of the Hindu nationalist parties such as the BJP, but many other Indian political parties that typically oppose the BJP.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Support
According to Reuters, hundreds of people protested in Srinagar on 11 August, after authorities had eased restrictions in the city over the weekend to allow people to buy groceries, medicines and prepare for the Islamic festival of Eid al-Adha.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Kashmir Valley
Pakistan's response to the revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir started immediately after the revocation by India on 5 August 2019.
Pakistan's response to the revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Introduction
Article 370 acknowledges the special status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir in terms of autonomy and its ability to formulate laws for the state's permanent residents. In the 1954 Presidential order, among other things, the Fundamental Rights in the Indian Constitution were made applicable to Kashmir with exceptions. Later amendments, states Cottrell, modified the applicability of basic human rights in the Indian Constitution to permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir. The state legislature further modified these, as well as added "preventive detention laws" that it exempted from human rights challenges for twenty-five years. Further, the state gave special privileges to the permanent residents in matters such as residence, property, education and government jobs, which were unavailable to others.
Article 370 of the Constitution of India | Human rights
President's Rule is not applicable to and is not needed in a union territory as the union territory anyway is controlled by the central government. The President issued an order stating that he will rule the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir directly until the legislative assembly is constituted in the union territory.
Article 370 of the Constitution of India | Change of status of Jammu and Kashmir
On 11 August 2019, prime minister Imran Khan compared the Indian government to "Nazis". He accused that India was attempting to change the demography of the Muslim majority Kashmir through ethnic cleansing. Pakistan's foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi issued a statement on Tuesday 13 August 2019 that he had written a letter to the president of the United Nations Security Council with a request to convene an emergency meeting of the council to discuss India's "illegal actions that violate UN resolutions on Kashmir". The foreign minister also called for circulation of the letter among members of the Security Council.
Pakistan's response to the revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | 2019
Prior to 1947, Jammu and Kashmir (Kashmir) was a princely state under British Paramountcy, ruled by a Hindu maharaja. With the impending independence of India and Pakistan, the British announced that the British Paramountcy would lapse and the rulers of princely states were given the option of joining one of the two new countries (termed "accession") or staying independent. The Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir chose to stay independent, given the mixed ethnic and religious composition of the state's population. Following an uprising in the western districts of the state and an armed invasion by Pashtun tribes from Pakistan, the Maharaja acceded to India on 26 October 1947.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 47 | Background
It raised questions over the manner in which the special status of Jammu and Kashmir was abrogated. The body said in a joint statement that neither peace can be established nor loyalty can be bought by disregarding basic principles of the Constitution which are principles of equality, justice and human rights.
Jamaat-e-Ahle Sunnat Karnataka | Stand on the revocation of Article 370 from Jammu and Kashmir
Impact of the Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir encompasses a year without high-speed internet, changes in the politics and bureaucracy of the region, priority of counter-insurgency operations, new domicile rules, talks of restoration of statehood, judicial lethargy, decline in stone-pelting among other things.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Impact
There are historic reasons which necessitate such constitutional safeguards as for centuries past, the people of the State have been victims of exploitation at the hands of their well-to-do neighbours." Article 35 A protects the demographic status of the Jammu and Kashmir state in its prescribed constitutional form. Scholar Srinath Raghavan states, Kashmiris are apprehensive that any move to abrogate Article 35A would open the gates for a demographic transformation of the valley, an objective advanced by the Sangh Parivar groups as an ideal solution to the Kashmir issue. He further says that the state's autonomy has been gradually eroded by various governments of Delhi through misuse of the provisions of Article 370, and remarks: "Kashmiris have come to regard the rights of permanent settlement as the only remaining piece of any meaningful autonomy." Former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, while speaking about the issue of West Pakistani refugees, has said, "before we do anything on this, we need to allay genuine fears that there is an attempt to change the demographics of the state.” Noorani also points to the observations made by the High Court of Jammu & Kashmir in this regard, while delivering a judgement on 16 July 2015: "The Parliament has no power to legislate law about the subject's administration of justice, the land & the other immovable properties.
Article 35A of the Constitution of India | Support
Pro-India and anti-India protesters faced off each other in Melbourne, Australia. Kashmiri Pandit groups welcomed India's decision, but the Pakistani community in Australia expressed "deep concern" regarding the situation in Kashmir. Indian groups in Australia said that this is something India has done internally and Pakistan has no right to interfere in India's internal matters.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Australia
In opposition to this decision, he entered Kashmir on 11 May 1953. Thereafter, he was arrested and jailed in a dilapidated house. Syama Prasad had suffered from dry pleurisy and coronary troubles, and was taken to hospital one and a half months after his arrest due to complications arising from the same. He was administered penicillin despite having informed the doctor-in-charge of his allergy to penicillin, and he died on 23 June 1953. Mookherjee's death later compelled Nehru to remove Permit system, post of "Sadar-e-Riayasat" and of Prime Minister of Jammu & Kashmir.
Hindu nationalism | Mookerjee
The governor is an appointee of the Central government. Therefore, the Indian Parliament now functions for the state legislative assembly.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal path taken by the government
Victory over Pakistan in 1971 consolidated Indian power in Kashmir. Gandhi indicated that she would make no major concessions on Kashmir. The most prominent of the Kashmiri separatists, Sheikh Abdullah, had to recognise India's control over Kashmir in light of the new order in South Asia. The situation was normalised in the years following the war after Abdullah agreed to an accord with Gandhi, by giving up the demand for a plebiscite in return for a special autonomous status for Kashmir. In 1975, Gandhi declared the state of Jammu and Kashmir as a constituent unit of India. The Kashmir conflict remained largely peaceful if frozen under Gandhi's premiership.
Indira Gandhi | Administration
The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir acceded to the Union of India on 26 October 1947. Shortly afterwards, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir appointed Sheikh Abdullah as the Head of Emergency Administration, who ran the affairs in the Kashmir Valley during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947. Following the cease-fire achieved on 1 January 1948, Sheikh Abdullah was appointed as the Prime Minister of the state on 5 March 1948. He chose an eight-member Cabinet, with the other members being: The Jammu & Kashmir National Conference, the party of Sheikh Abdullah, announced on 27 October 1950 its decision to convene a Constituent Assembly for the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
1951 Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly election | Background
Kashmir's native Hindu Pandits dominated the revenue department which collected taxes from Muslim cultivators. Due to their dominance in the revenue department, the Pandit community came to hold large landholdings. Despite being a small percentage of the Valley's population, the Pandit community possessed 30 percent of land in the Valley. Their authority increased under Maharajah Ranbir Singh, who introduced the chakdari system in 1862 under which there were very easy conditions to grant allotments of uncultivated land.
Political movements in Jammu and Kashmir (princely state) | Pre-1931 developments
The effect of the Presidential orders issued since 1954 had been to extend 94 of the 97 subjects in the Union List (the powers of the Central Government) to the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and 260 of the 395 Articles of the Constitution of India. All of these orders had been issued as amendments to the Presidential Order of 1954, rather than as replacements to it, presumably because their constitutionality was in doubt, according to Cottrell. This process has been termed the 'erosion' of the Article 370. Home minister Gulzarilal Nanda (1963–1966) opined that the terms for the "special status" granted to Jammu and Kashmir in this Article included a "very simple" process to amend, by an Executive Order of the President of India, whereas the powers of all other states could only be amended by the "normal process of (constitutional) amendment [...] subject to stringent conditions".
Article 370 of the Constitution of India | Further presidential orders (1955–2018)
On 9 August, according to a Reuters report, over 10,000 people protested in Srinagar against the Indian government's decision to revoke Article 370, with some protesters pelting stones at government security personnel. In response, Indian police used tear gas and pellets against the protesters to disperse them. According to Al Jazeera, it has been receiving information from Srinagar residents via satellite phones and Wi-Fi available in the Kashmir region. They have reported protests on Friday. Clashes were occurring between the protesters and Indian forces, accompanied with pellet gun attack and the firing of tear gas shells by the Indian Forces.Some report that the pellet gun attacks have severely wounded and lacerated civilians.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Kashmir Valley
During the cataclysmic events of 1947 the Maharaja fled from Kashmir. and the State of Jammu and Kashmir was divided into Indian and Pakistan administered regions. While the National Conference was wiped out in Pakistan administered areas of Jammu and Kashmir State it has remained an important player in the politics of Indian administered area of the State. Sheikh Abdullah as the leader of the National Conference remained in power for a brief period as Prime Minister till his arrest in 1953 under orders of the "Sadr e Riyasat (Head of State in lieu of Governor as specified under Article 370 conferring special status on Kashmir) Karan Singh following instructions from Nehru the Prime Minister of India.
Naya Kashmir | Naya Kashmir and the National Conference
Article 370 was drafted in the Indian constitution granting special autonomous status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, as per Instrument of Accession. This article specifies that the State must concur in the application of laws by Indian parliament, except those that pertain to Communications, Defence and Foreign Affairs. Central Government could not exercise its power to interfere in any other areas of governance of the state. In a broadcast on 2 November 1947, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru announced that the fate of Kashmir would ultimately be decided by the people, once law and order was established, through a referendum "held under international auspices like the United Nations." A similar pledge was made by the Government of India when the Kashmir dispute was referred to the UN Security Council on 1 January 1948.
Kashmir conflict | Autonomy and plebiscite (1947–1953)
On 9 August 2019, Pakistan formally suspended most of its trade relations with India. On 11 August 2019, prime minister Imran Khan compared the Indian government to "Nazis", warning that global inaction over Kashmir would be same as "appeasing Hitler". He accused that India was attempting to change the demography of the Muslim majority Kashmir through ethnic cleansing. Pakistan's foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi issued a statement on Tuesday 13 August 2019 that he had written a letter to the president of the United Nations Security Council with a request to convene an emergency meeting of the council to discuss India's "illegal actions that violate UN resolutions on Kashmir".
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Pakistan's response
The BJS was ideologically close to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and widely considered the political arm of Hindu Nationalism. It was opposed to appeasement of India's Muslims. The BJS also favored a uniform civil code governing personal law matters for both Hindus and Muslims, wanted to ban cow slaughter and end the special status given to the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir. The BJS founded the Hindutva agenda which became the wider political expression of India's Hindu majority. Mookerjee opposed the Indian National Congress's decision to grant Kashmir a special status with its own flag and Prime Minister. According to Congress's decision, no one, including the President of India could enter into Kashmir without the permission of Kashmir's Prime Minister.
Hindu nationalism | Mookerjee
The Vice President of the Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Majeed Mir, claims almost 500,000 jobs have been lost since the blockade, stating that "irreversible damage has been caused to the economy".
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Restoration of services
Victory over Pakistan in 1971 consolidated Indian power in Kashmir. Gandhi indicated that she would make no major concessions on Kashmir. The most prominent of the Kashmiri separatists, Sheikh Abdullah, had to recognize India's control over Kashmir in light of the new order in South Asia. The situation was normalized in the years following the war after Abdullah agreed to an accord with Gandhi, by giving up the demand for a plebiscite in return for a special autonomous status for Kashmir. In 1975, Gandhi declared the state of Jammu and Kashmir as a constituent unit of India. The Kashmir conflict remained largely peaceful if frozen under Gandhi's premiership.
Domestic policy of the Indira Gandhi government | Administration
On 30 June 2014, Swami Swaroopanand said that Article 370 should be removed from Jammu and Kashmir. He said that the abrogation of the Article will be beneficial for the people in the valley and that a demographic balance is necessary to end recurring strife in J&K. "Tension does not erupt in places where there is a demographic balance of communities. Take Punjab for instance. Hindus and Sikhs are in equal number there. They need each other and so there is no room for a clash between them. The growing morale of anti-national elements in Kashmir is a result of the country's weak laws.
Swaroopanand Saraswati | On Jammu and Kashmir and Article 370
Activist Balraj Puri has disagreed with the sentiment. In his view, the democratic functioning was indeed a prerequisite to integration and national unity. As a result of the democratisation process, he has asserted that there were ten years of peace with 'no fundamentalism, no secessionism and no communalism'. JKLF's Amanullah Khan has also endorsed the assessment. The observers he sent to the Kashmir Valley during the early 1980s reported that the situation was not conducive to inciting a rebellion. Journalist Tavleen Singh who covered the subsequent Assembly election in 1983 asked people wherever she went whether they regarded the plebiscite as an issue.
1977 Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election | Commentary
It would do better to brush up her knowledge of history and know that the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir had acceded to the Union of India after its erstwhile ruler Maharaja Hari Singh duly signed the Instrument of Accession on 26 October 1947. And the state, consequently has become as much an integral part of India as all the other erstwhile princely states have. She was charged with sedition along with separatist Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani and others by Delhi Police for their "anti-India" speech at a 2010 convention on Kashmir: "Azadi: The Only Way".
Arundhati Roy | Support for Kashmiri separatism
In the elections held in September 1951, National Conference won all 75 seats of the Constituent assembly of Jammu and Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah remained the Prime Minister until his dismissal in August 1953 on the grounds of conspiracy against the state of India. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad became the Prime minister of the state and Sheikh Abdullah was arrested on 9 August 1953. In 1965 the National Conference merged with the Indian National Congress (INC) and became the Jammu and Kashmir branch of the Indian National Congress. Sheikh Abdullah was again arrested in 1965 until 1968 for conspiracy against the state.
Jammu &amp; Kashmir National Conference | The post-independence period
Ansari is a West Asia scholar and has written on the Palestinian issue and taken positions inconvenient to the Indian official line on Iraq and Iran. He questioned India's vote in the International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran's nuclear programme where India voted against Iran. He said that though the Indian Government claimed to have acted on "its own judgement," this was not borne out by facts. He was the chairman of a working group on "Confidence building measures across segments of society in the State," established by the Second Round Table Conference of the Prime Minister on Jammu and Kashmir in 2006.
Mohammad Hamid Ansari | Views
These statements of the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir as well as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru also have a bearing on the territorial extent of Kanjut as well as the rest of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir at the time of her accession "in its entirety to the new Dominion of India" on 26 October and Section (4) of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir which pertains to the territorial extent of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir also unequivocally states that "The territory of the State shall comprise all the territories which on the fifteenth day of August, 1947, were under the sovereignty or suzerainty of the Ruler of the State".
Hunza (princely state) | Relationship with Jammu and Kashmir
On 5 August 2019, the Home Minister Amit Shah introduced the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 in the Rajya Sabha to convert Jammu and Kashmir's status of a state to two separate union territories, namely Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir and Union Territory of Ladakh. The union territory of Jammu and Kashmir was proposed to have a legislature under the bill whereas the union territory of Ladakh is proposed to not have one. By the end of the day, the bill was passed by Rajya Sabha with 125 votes in its favour and 61 against (67%). The next day, the bill was passed by the Lok Sabha with 370 votes in its favour and 70 against it (84%).
Article 370 of the Constitution of India | Change of status of Jammu and Kashmir
Just a day before Bastille Day on the 13th of July 1931 the people of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir were involved in a mass protest against autocratic rule outside the main prison of the city of Srinagar the summer capital of the Jammu and Kashmir State. The troops of the Maharaja opened fire on the demonstrators resulting in the death of dozens of protestors. This resulted in a huge public upheaval in Kashmir.. The demand for democratic rights was led by the Muslim Conference of which Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah soon assumed leadership. Sheikh Abdullah developed strong links with leaders from Jammu like Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas and those from Muzaffarabad and Poonch making the Muslim Conference a powerful party of the whole of Jammu and Kashmir State and not restricted to Kashmir valley alone He also became an important player in Indian politics and developed close links with leaders of the Indian freedom movement including Nehru and Gandhi.
Naya Kashmir | "Raison d'etre" of Naya Kashmir
6 August onward, Pakistan responded in numerous ways. The Foreign Office issued a statement stating India's revocation was an illegal "unilateral step". Pakistan's army chief said that the Pakistan Army would "go to any extent" to support the people of Kashmir. On 7 August, an emergency joint parliamentary sitting passed a resolution to condemn India's move. A meeting of the National Security Committee decided to downgrade Pakistan's diplomatic relations with India. The Samjhauta Express train service and the Thar Express were suspended. All cultural exchanges with India were suspended, including banning the screening of Indian films and dramas inside Pakistan.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Pakistan's response
On 5 August 2019, the Union Government revocated the special status granted to Jammu and Kashmir under the Article 370 through a Presidential Order, and made the entire Constitution of India applicable to the state. This implied that the Article 35A stood abolished. Further, the Union Parliament passed legistation reorganising the state into two union territories, one being Jammu and Kashmir, the other Ladakh. The union territory of Jammu and Kashmir continued under the old laws until 31 March 2020, while being under President's Rule. On 31 March, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (Department of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh Affairs) passed the "Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Adaptation of State Laws) Order, 2020", repealing 29 state laws and amending 109 laws of Jammu and Kashmir.
Article 35A of the Constitution of India | Revocation of special status and domicile law
The National Conference retained its popularity in the Kashmir Valley and coordinated its struggle closely with that of the Indian National Congress. Sheikh Abdullah struggled against the authority of the Dogra rule be ended, demanding the cancellation of the Treaty of Amritsar. Sheikh Abdullah related Kashmir's struggle as a "logical extension" of the Indian independence movement. In 1944 the National Conference adopted a New Kashmir manifesto whereby it extended its demands from Muslim welfare to political and economic restructuring of the state. In the National Conference's annual session in 1945 it espoused a resolution embracing Indian unity, Indian independence and self-determination for India's cultural nationalities.
Political movements in Jammu and Kashmir (princely state) | Struggle of National Conference
The report of the working group was adopted by the Third Round Table in April 2007. Among other things, the report advocates recognizing the right of Kashmiri Pandits to return to "places of their original residence". This right, it argued, should be recognized without any ambiguity and made a part of state policy.
Mohammad Hamid Ansari | Views
The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 1954 was issued by President Rajendra Prasad under Article 370, with the advice of the Union Government headed by Jawaharlal Nehru. It was enacted as a subsequent to the '1952 Delhi agreement', reached between Nehru and the then Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir Sheikh Abdullah, which dealt with the extension of Indian citizenship to the Jammu and Kashmir "state subjects". The state is empowered, both in the Instrument of Accession and the Article 370, to decree exceptions to any extension of the Indian Constitution to the state, other than in the matter of ceded subjects.
Article 35A of the Constitution of India | Enactment
Under Part XXI of the Constitution of India, which deals with "Temporary, Transitional and Special provisions", the State of Jammu and Kashmir was accorded special status under Article 370. Even though included in 1st Schedule as 15th state, all the provisions of the Constitution which are applicable to other states were not applicable to Jammu and Kashmir. Government of India can declare emergency in Jammu and Kashmir and impose Governor's rule in certain conditions. Matters related to Defense, Foreign relations, Communication and Finance of Jammu and Kashmir is under jurisdiction of Constitution of India. Union Legislature had very limited jurisdiction over Jammu and Kashmir in comparison with other states.
Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir | Jurisdiction of Parliament
The main parties on the state were divided on the question of the state's future after the independence of India and Pakistan. The National Conference mused on the question of joining either of the two countries or seeking independence. Its priority, however, was ending the Maharajah's rule and replacing it with self-government. 17 days before the Maharaja finally acceded to India, Sheikh Abdullah said"Our prime concern at this stage is the emancipation of the four million people living in this State. We can consider the question of joining one or the other Dominion only when we have attained our objective." However, neither Abdullah nor the Maharaja wanted to join Pakistan which would weaken them.
Political movements in Jammu and Kashmir (princely state) | Developments in 1947
The state of Jammu and Kashmir had (until it was abolished by Union Government on 5 August 2019) a separate set of applicable laws under Article 370, read with Application to Jammu and Kashmir Order, 1954 (Appendix I and II) of the Constitution of India. Only matters related to defense, foreign relations, and communications of Jammu and Kashmir were under the jurisdiction of Union government. Laws enacted by the Parliament of India (including amendments to the constitution) applicable to rest of India were not valid in Jammu and Kashmir unless ratified by its state assembly. The Government of India could declare a state of emergency in Jammu and Kashmir and impose Governor's rule in certain conditions.
Federalism in India | Aberrations
India's Foreign minister S Jaishankar defended the clampdown saying that this was done to prevent an outbreak of violence and civilian casualties, citing the unrest caused after the death of militant Burhan Wani in 2016. He said that it was not possible to stop communication among militants without putting the entire region under a blackout. The Government of Jammu and Kashmir stated that the restrictions on Internet access, among other restrictions, were imposed to preempt the disruption of public order by various “anti-national” elements. It said that the misuse of data services and internet by “terrorists” to conduct terrorism and to incite people by spreading fake news necessitated such restrictions, which will be gradually reduced.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Government's rationale
In an August 2008 interview with "The Times of India", Roy expressed her support for the independence of Kashmir from India after the massive demonstrations in 2008 in favour of independence took place—some 500,000 separatists rallied in Srinagar in the Kashmir part of Jammu and Kashmir state of India for independence on 18 August 2008, following the Amarnath land transfer controversy. According to her, the rallies were a sign that Kashmiris desired secession from India, and not union with India. She was criticised by the Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party for her remarks. All India Congress Committee member and senior Congress party leader Satya Prakash Malaviya asked Roy to withdraw her "irresponsible" statement, saying it was "contrary to historical facts".
Arundhati Roy | Support for Kashmiri separatism
Also, unlike other states, residual powers were vested with the state government. Because of these constitutional provisions, the State of Jammu and Kashmir enjoyed a special but temporary autonomous status as mentioned in Part XXI of the Constitution of India. Among notable and visible differences with other states, till 1965, the head of state in Jammu and Kashmir was called Sadr-i-Riyasat (Head of State) whereas in other state, the title was Governor, and the head of government was called Prime Minister in place of Chief Minister in other states. On 5 August 2019, the President of India issued a presidential order, namely, The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 2019 (C.O.
Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir | Introduction
He strongly opposed the accord between unionist Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah and Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1974, as being aimed at strengthening Indian occupation of Jammu and Kashmir.
Ayub Thakur | Political activities
Syama Prasad Mukherjee (6 July 1901 – 23 June 1953) was an Indian politician, barrister and academician, who served as the Minister for Industry and Supply in Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's cabinet. After falling out with Nehru, protesting against the Nehru-Liaquat Pact, Mukherjee resigned from Nehru's cabinet. With the help of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, he founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the predecessor to the Bharatiya Janata Party, in 1951. He was also the president of Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha from 1943 to 1946.. He died in the custody of Jammu and Kashmir Police in 1953. He was provisionally diagnosed of a heart attack and shifted to a hospital but died a day later.
Syama Prasad Mukherjee | Introduction
At a time when the entire subcontinent was in the throes of Partition Holocaust, complete amity amongst the people had reigned in Srinagar. He recalled the slogan he had heard at that time, 'HamalewarHoshiyar, Hum Kashmiri Hindu, Muslim, Sikh Taiyar', as also Mahatma Gandhi’s acknowledgement of the solace the Valley provided at a time when communal frenzy had taken over much of India. He realised that the three-prong strategy of unity of command, economic development and psychological initiatives that had worked so well in Assam, could also succeed in Jammu and Kashmir with suitable modifications. The Army had a large presence in the state and they were naturally very cooperative with him.
Srinivas Kumar Sinha | Governor of Jammu and Kashmir
The Union government should revoke article 370 in Kashmir which will permit influx of people from outside the state into the state's population and end its strife-torn atmosphere. The return of Kashmiri Pandits to their home state alone can counter the growing morale of anti-national elements in the state."
Swaroopanand Saraswati | On Jammu and Kashmir and Article 370
In his statement to the Lok Sabha on the Delhi agreement, Nehru has said:The question of citizenship arose obviously. Full citizenship applies there. But our friends from Kashmir were very apprehensive about one or two matters. For a long time past, in the Maharaja's time, there had been laws there preventing any outsider, that is, any person from outside Kashmir, from acquiring or holding land in Kashmir. If I mention it, in the old days the Maharaja was very much afraid of a large number of Englishmen coming and settling down there, because the climate is delectable, and acquiring property.
Article 35A of the Constitution of India | Background
He expressed complete solidarity with the depressed people of the held valley and said that the sun of freedom of Kashmir will rise soon and people of Occupied Jammu and Kashmir will soon get freedom from Indian yoke. To a question, Turabi also asked the world to ensure Scotland-like plebiscite in Occupied Kashmir. He said that durable peace could never be established in Asia without the early solution to Kashmir Issue. He said that the Kashmir dispute had now become a flash point between the two nuclear neighbours. Later, addressing a meeting of the party workers, he claimed that Kashmir was running into the blood of the Pakistani nation.
Abdur Rasheed Turabi | Efforts for solution of Kashmir dispute
Haque felt that Indians will "strongly resist" any attempt of the government to drop the Article 370 which bestows a special status on the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Citing the fact that the Bharatiya Janata Party had secured 31% of the votes in the 2014 general election (which means 69% people voted for other parties), Haque claimed the party had no right to modify the constitution. About BJP, Haque has written that if even though the party had promised to create more employment after coming to power, it had failed to do so. He also criticised the central government for attempting to create a cashless economy.
Mohammad Asrarul Haque | Right wing politics
At the time of the transfer of power, the state of Jammu and Kashmir (widely called "Kashmir") was ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh, a Hindu, although the state itself had a Muslim majority. Hari Singh was equally hesitant about acceding to either India or Pakistan, as either would have provoked adverse reactions in parts of his kingdom. He signed a Standstill Agreement with Pakistan and proposed one with India as well, but announced that Kashmir intended to remain independent. However, his rule was opposed by Sheikh Abdullah, the popular leader of Kashmir's largest political party, the National Conference, who demanded his abdication.
Political integration of India | Jammu and Kashmir
Hasnain Masoodi is a former judge of the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir and a politician of the Jammu & Kashmir National Conference. As a High Court judge, Masoodi ruled in October 2015 that the Article 370 of the Constitution of India that gives special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir is permanent. In 2019, he was elected to Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament, from the Anantnag constituency. He defeated the former chief minister Mehbooba Mufti in the election by nearly 10,000 votes.
Hasnain Masoodi | Introduction
Although the Naya Kashmir proposal was submitted to Maharaja Hari Singh in 1944 when the Republics of India and Pakistan had not yet come into existence and although it proposed that the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir be made an independent democratic constitutional monarchy yet it is interesting that many important Indian Prime Ministers have expressed support for "Naya Kashmir" and promised to help realize that dream. They include Jawahar Lal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in the past and just a few years back Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who in his Convocation Speech at the University of Jammu on 15 July 2007 said: "My vision, I have stated many times before, is to build a Naya Jammu and Kashmir which is symbolized by peace, prosperity and people’s power.
Naya Kashmir | Indian Leaders and Naya Kashmir
Article 370 of the Constitution of India was a 'temporary provision' inserted on 17 October 1949 which gave special powers to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, lawfully authorising it to have its own constitution. Accordingly, the provisions of only Article 1 and Article 370 of the Indian Constitution applied to the state. So, for the Central government to extent the coverage of a central law to the state on subjects included in the Instrument of Accession (IoA), it needed "consultation" while for extending the coverage of laws on other subjects, it needed "concurrence" of the state government. Similarly, Article 35A of the Constitution of India, introduced through a constitutional order in 1954, authorised the state legislature to define 'permanent residents'.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Legal aspects
In response, Sheikh Abdullah started questioning the value of Kashmir's accession to India, leading to a loss of support among his Cabinet members. On 8 August 1953, Sheikh Abdullah was dismissed from the post of prime minister by the "Sadar-i-Riyasat" Karan Singh and his erstwhile deputy Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was appointed in his place. Abdullah and several of his colleagues were arrested and put in prison.
Article 370 of the Constitution of India | Presidential order of 1954
There are zones set up with offices for relief. Many Orders, Circulars and recommendations have been issued for relief of Kashmiri Pandits. The Jammu And Kashmir Migrant Immovable Property (Preservation, Protection And Restraint on Distress Sales) Act, 1997, provides that "Any person who is an unauthorised occupant or recipient of any usufruct of any immovable property of the migrant shall pay to the migrant such compensation for the period of unauthorised occupation and in such a manner as may be determined by the District Magistrate."
Kashmiri Pandit | PRC and the JKMIP Acts
It implemented land reforms in the state, ensured the state's autonomy under the Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, and formulated a separate Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir in 1957. Sheikh Abdullah's son Farooq Abdullah (1981–2002, 2009–present) and grandson Omar Abdullah (2002–2009) have led the party after Sheikh Abdullah's death.
Jammu &amp; Kashmir National Conference | Introduction
As per the Treaty of Amritsar, there was no provision for the appointment of a Resident in the state. With the appointment of an Officer-on-Special-Duty in 1851, the idea of appointing a Resident started dominating amongst the British government. In 1873, The Lord Northbrook, the then Governor-General of India wrote to Ranbir Singh about a proposal to appoint a British Resident in Kashmir. However, Singh rejected such a proposal. He submitted a memorandum and reminded the services of Gulab Singh to the British. He also reminded the British that unlike most of the monarchs of princely states, he refused to take any "jagir" as a gift in lieu of his services during the Sepoy Mutiny.
Ranbir Singh of Jammu and Kashmir | Opposition to a Resident
The JKWP advocates for the safe rehabilitation of Kashmiri Hindus into the Kashmir Valley, as well as other steps such as the protection of properties belonging to Kashmiri Hindus. On the 1989-1990 Exodus of Kashmiri Hindus, party president Mir Junaid asks in an opinion piece that, ""In view of the above historical facts, the question that need be asked is: Was it a political conspiracy (with the consent of all political parties and state machinery) to ensure permanent exit of the Pandits from Kashmir?"" He goes on to state that, ""The establishment of Islamic state was initiated by the Kashmiri Muslim leadership only to be given the stamp of approval by the Indian political leadership!"" The JKWP takes a hardline stance against terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir, condemning Pakistani sponsored terrorism and shelling by Pakistani troops.
Jammu and Kashmir Workers Party | Ideology and policy positions
The predominant political movement in the Kashmir Valley, the National Conference led by Sheikh Abdullah, believed in secular politics. It was allied with the Indian National Congress and was believed to favour joining India. On the other hand, the Muslims of the Jammu province supported the Muslim Conference, which was allied to the All-India Muslim League and favoured joining Pakistan. The Hindus of the Jammu province favoured an outright merger with India. In the midst of all the diverging views, the Maharaja's decision to remain independent was apparently a judicious one.
Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–1948 | Developments in Jammu and Kashmir (August–October 1947)
In return Giuda accused India of committing "atrocities" amounting to "the worst kind of genocide". He demanded that in the future the Tahir delegation be allowed to visit the part of Kashmir controlled by India, "I would very much like Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and the Indian government to prove me wrong by letting us visit Indian-held Kashmir."
Saggy Tahir | Kashmir delegation
In 1990, an Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of India, which gave special powers to the Indian security forces, including the detaining of individuals for up to two years without presenting charges, was enforced in Jammu and Kashmir, a decision which drew criticism from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International for violating human rights. Security forces claimed that many missing people were not detained, but had crossed into Pakistan-administered Kashmir to engage in militancy.
Jammu and Kashmir (state) | Central provisions
Soon after the accession of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947, Nehru appointed Ayyangar as a cabinet minister without portfolio and asked him to look after Kashmir affairs, while Nehru himself held the overall charge for Kashmir. The move caused frictions with the home minister Vallabhbhai Patel, who should have normally been responsible for Kashmir along with all other princely states. Ayyangar led the delegation representing India in the United Nations over the Kashmir dispute in 1948. In 1952, Prime Minister Nehru appointed him as India's representative in the ongoing negotiations and discussions about Kashmir at the Geneva talks. Ayyangar was the chief drafter of Article 370 which granted local autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar | Kashmir affairs
In response to the unrest in Kashmir, Kashmiri Pandits met with Indian finance minister Pranab Mukherjee and asked that there be no dilution of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act that applies to Kashmir. Their leader Ramesh Manvati, belonging to Panun Kashmir, stated: "The security forces must be provided the constitutional protection as they are playing crucial role in preservation of the country's sovereignty." the Kashmiri Pandits also staged a dharna in Jammu stating that no solution of the problem was possible without including them in the dialogue. Indian Home minister P. Chidambaram hinted at Pakistan's involvement in the unrest saying that "It is possible that they believe that relying upon civilian unrest will pay them better dividends.
2010 Kashmir unrest | Criticism of the protests
In South Korea, a group of protesters in Seoul who waved Pakistani flags and shouted anti-India slogans—along with abuses towards Modi—were confronted by an Indian delegation including Indian activist Shazia Ilmi. The Indian delegation started to counter the protesters, following which the local police intervened and escorted Shazia Ilmi and her associates from the location.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | South Korea
After reaching the 1974 Indira-Sheikh accord, Sheikh Abdullah was elected as the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir by the ruling Indian National Congress party in the state legislature (which had in fact been the original National Conference founded by Abdullah in 1930s but merged into Congress prior to the 1967 elections). Abdullah remained in power during the National Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi in 1975. After the Emergency was lifted, the Janata Party came to power in the Centre in the 1977 general election. Elections were called for the state Legislative Assembly in June 1977. Sheikh Abdullah now revived the National Conference from the erstwhile Plebiscite Front.
1977 Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election | Background
Concrete barricades blocked roads every few hundred meters. Shops and clinics were closed, as were all educational institutions and a red alert was sounded across Jammu and Kashmir. The government lifted Section 144 curfew and reopened schools in some Jammu region districts effective 10 August 2019.
Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir | Government clampdown
Mukherjee was firmly against their joint pact to establish minority commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries as he thought it left Hindus in East Bengal to the mercy of Pakistan. While addressing a rally in Calcutta on 21 May, he stated that an exchange of population and property at governmental level on regional basis between East Bengal and the states of Tripura, Assam, West Bengal and Bihar was the only option in the current situation. Mukherjee founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh on 21 October 1951 in Delhi, becoming its first president. In the 1952 elections, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) won three seats in the Parliament of India, including Mukherjee's.
Syama Prasad Mukherjee | Political career after independence
He regarded the detention of Kashmiri political leaders as "a classical colonial excuse" to prevent backlash against the Indian government's decision and called for a democratic solution that would involve Kashmiri people.
Amartya Sen | Political views
By some accounts Mountbatten had an understanding with Nehru that a referendum on the region's future would be held later. Sheikh Abdullah took oath as Prime Minister of the state on 17 March 1948. In 1949, the Indian government obliged Hari Singh to leave Jammu and Kashmir and yield the government to Sheikh Abdullah. Karan Singh, the son of the erstwhile Maharajah Hari Singh was made the "Sadr-i-Riyasat" (Constitutional Head of State) and the Governor of the state.
Kashmir conflict | Autonomy and plebiscite (1947–1953)
Sheikh assumed the position of Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir again after 11 years. Later in 1977, the Central Government and the ruling Congress Party withdrew its support so that the State Assembly had to be dissolved and mid term elections called. Sheikh's party National Conference won a majority (47 out of 74 seats) in the subsequent elections, on the pledge to restore Jammu and Kashmir's autonomy, and Sheikh Abdullah was re-elected as Chief Minister. The 1977 Assembly election is regarded as the first "free and fair" election in the Jammu and Kashmir state. He remained as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir until his death in 1982.
Kashmir conflict | Revival of National Conference (1975–1983)